Tebu
Tebu (Toubou) (Tibbu) (Tubu) (Tibu). The Tebu, also referred to as Toubbou, Tibbu and Tubu, constitute a large ethnic group dispersed throughout the Saharan and Sahelian zones of Niger, Chad, Libya and Sudan. The actual composition of the Tebu is difficult to determine since the term does not refer to a political, social or geographical unit. Depending on the individual and the context, the name “Tebu” can be used to include different groups of people.
The name “Tebu” itself derives from two words: “Te” in the Tebu language is the name of the Tibesti massif on the Libyan-Chad border; “bu” is an archaic suffix still in use in the Kanuri area meaning “people of.” The Tebu are, therefore, the people of Tibesti. However, the Tibesti is occupied today by a people, most of whom call themselves Teda.
The Teda are 100 percent Muslim. Their Islamization dates very probably to early in the Arab conquest, although most education in the Qur’an and the intricacies of the legal system was a result of the establishment of Sanussi schools in Libya and Chad within the last 100 years. Although there are some traces of pre-Islamic belief, most of these have been incorporated into the Muslim system.
The Toubou (Old Tebu: "Rock People;" also written Tibu, Tibbu, Tebu, Tubu, Tebou, Umbararo) are an ethnic group that live mainly in northern Chad, but also in Libya, Niger and Sudan.
The majority of Toubou live in the north of Chad around the Tibesti mountains (Old Tebu: "Rocky Mountains," whence the Toubou's own name). Numbering roughly 350,000, they are Muslim. Most Toubou are herders and nomads, though many are now semi-nomadic. Their society is clan-based, with each clan having certain oases, pastures and wells. They are divided into two closely-associated people, the Teda and the Daza.
Many of Chad's leaders have been Toubou, including Presidents Goukouni Oueddei, Hissène Habré and Idriss Deby.
Toubou life centers on their livestock (their major source of wealth and sustenance) and on the scattered oases where they or their herders cultivate dates and grain. In a few places, the Toubou (or more often members of the Haddad group who work for them) also mine salt and natron, a salt like substance used for medicinal purposes and for livestock.
The Toubou family is made up of parents, children, and another relative or two. Although the husband or father is the head of the household, he rarely makes decisions without consulting his wife. When he is absent, his wife often takes complete charge, moving family tents, changing pastures, and buying and selling cattle. Although Toubou men may have several wives, few do. Families gather in larger camps during the months of transhumance. Camp membership is fluid, sometimes changing during the season and almost never remaining the same from one season to the next.
After the family, the clan is the most stable Toubou institution. Individuals identify with their clan, which has a reputed founder, a name, a symbol, and associated taboos. Clans enjoy collective priority use of certain palm groves, cultivable land, springs, and pastures. Outsiders may not use these resources without clan permission. Social relations are based on reciprocity, hospitality, and assistance. Theft and murder within the clan are forbidden, and stolen animals must be returned.
Within the overall context of clan identity, however, Toubou society is shaped by the individual. Three features of Toubou social structure make this process possible. The first is residence. In general, clan members are scattered throughout a region; therefore, an individual is likely to find hospitable clans people in most settlements or camps of any size. A second factor is the maintenance of ties with the maternal clan. Although the maternal clan does not occupy the central place of the potential clan, it provides another universe of potential ties.
Marriage creates a third set of individual options. Although relatives and the immediate family influence decisions about a marriage partner, individual preference is recognized as important. In addition, once a marriage is contracted between individuals of two clans, other clan members are forbidden to change it. The Toubou proscribe marriage with any blood relative less than four generations removed.
The ownership of land, animals, and resources takes several forms. Within an oasis or settled zone belonging to a particular clan, land, trees (usually date palms), and nearby wells may have different owners. Each family's rights to the use of particular plots of land are recognized by other clan members. Families also may have privileged access to certain wells and the right to a part of the harvest from the fields irrigated by their water. Within the clan and family contexts, individuals also may have personal claims to palm trees and animals. Toubou legal customs are based on restitution, indemnification, and revenge. Conflicts are resolved in several settings. Murder, for example, is settled directly between the families of the victim and the murderer. Toubou honor requires that someone from the victim's family try to kill the murderer or a relative. Such efforts eventually end with negotiations to settle the matter. Reconciliation follows the payment of the goroga, or blood price, usually in the form of camels.
Despite shared linguistic heritage, few institutions among the Toubou generate a broader sense of identity than the clan. Regional divisions do exist, however. During the colonial period (and since independence in 1960), Chadian administrations have conferred legality and legitimacy on these regional groupings by dividing the Toubou and Daza regions into corresponding territorial units called cantons and appointing chiefs to administer them.
Only among the Teda of the Tibesti region have institutions evolved somewhat differently. Since the end of the 16th century, the derde (spiritual head) of the Tomagra clan has exercised authority over part of the massif and the other clans who live there. He is selected by a group of electors according to strict rules. The derde exercises judicial rather than executive power, arbitrating conflict and levying sanctions based on a code of compensations.
During the civil conflict in Chad (1966–1993), the derde came to occupy a more important position. In 1965, the Chadian government assumed direct authority over the Tibesti Mountains, sending a military garrison and administrators to Bardaï, the capital of Tibesti Subprefecture. Within a year, abuses of authority had roused considerable opposition among the Toubou. The derde, Oueddei Kichidemi, recognized but little respected up to that time, protested the excesses, went into exile in Libya, and, with the support of Toubou students at the Islamic University of Al Bayda, became a symbol of opposition to the Chadian government. This role enhanced the position of the derde among the Toubou. After 1967 the derde hoped to rally the Toubou to the National Liberation Front of Chad (FROLINAT). Moral authority became military authority shortly thereafter when his son, Goukouni Oueddei, became one of the leaders of the Second Liberation Army of FROLINAT. Goukouni was to become a national figure. He played an important role in the battles of N'Djamena in 1979 and 1980 and served as head of state for a time. Another northerner, Hissène Habré of the Daza Anakaza, replaced Goukouni in 1982, and eventually lost power to Idriss Dédy, a Zaghawa.
The Toubou are subdivided into two separate people, the Teda and Daza. They are believed to share a common origin, but speak now two distinct if clearly associated languages, Tedaga (Téda Toubou) and Dazaga (Daza Toubou). Of the two, the Daza are the more numerous.
Among the Teda, there are four regional subgroups, the Teda of Tibesti Subprefecture being the largest. There are more than a dozen subgroups of Daza: the Kreda of Bahr el Ghazal are the largest; next in importance are the Daza of Kanem Prefecture.
Tibbu see Tebu
Toubou see Tebu
Tubu see Tebu
Tibu see Tebu
Umbararo see Tebu
Rock People see Tebu
Tebu (Toubou) (Tibbu) (Tubu) (Tibu). The Tebu, also referred to as Toubbou, Tibbu and Tubu, constitute a large ethnic group dispersed throughout the Saharan and Sahelian zones of Niger, Chad, Libya and Sudan. The actual composition of the Tebu is difficult to determine since the term does not refer to a political, social or geographical unit. Depending on the individual and the context, the name “Tebu” can be used to include different groups of people.
The name “Tebu” itself derives from two words: “Te” in the Tebu language is the name of the Tibesti massif on the Libyan-Chad border; “bu” is an archaic suffix still in use in the Kanuri area meaning “people of.” The Tebu are, therefore, the people of Tibesti. However, the Tibesti is occupied today by a people, most of whom call themselves Teda.
The Teda are 100 percent Muslim. Their Islamization dates very probably to early in the Arab conquest, although most education in the Qur’an and the intricacies of the legal system was a result of the establishment of Sanussi schools in Libya and Chad within the last 100 years. Although there are some traces of pre-Islamic belief, most of these have been incorporated into the Muslim system.
The Toubou (Old Tebu: "Rock People;" also written Tibu, Tibbu, Tebu, Tubu, Tebou, Umbararo) are an ethnic group that live mainly in northern Chad, but also in Libya, Niger and Sudan.
The majority of Toubou live in the north of Chad around the Tibesti mountains (Old Tebu: "Rocky Mountains," whence the Toubou's own name). Numbering roughly 350,000, they are Muslim. Most Toubou are herders and nomads, though many are now semi-nomadic. Their society is clan-based, with each clan having certain oases, pastures and wells. They are divided into two closely-associated people, the Teda and the Daza.
Many of Chad's leaders have been Toubou, including Presidents Goukouni Oueddei, Hissène Habré and Idriss Deby.
Toubou life centers on their livestock (their major source of wealth and sustenance) and on the scattered oases where they or their herders cultivate dates and grain. In a few places, the Toubou (or more often members of the Haddad group who work for them) also mine salt and natron, a salt like substance used for medicinal purposes and for livestock.
The Toubou family is made up of parents, children, and another relative or two. Although the husband or father is the head of the household, he rarely makes decisions without consulting his wife. When he is absent, his wife often takes complete charge, moving family tents, changing pastures, and buying and selling cattle. Although Toubou men may have several wives, few do. Families gather in larger camps during the months of transhumance. Camp membership is fluid, sometimes changing during the season and almost never remaining the same from one season to the next.
After the family, the clan is the most stable Toubou institution. Individuals identify with their clan, which has a reputed founder, a name, a symbol, and associated taboos. Clans enjoy collective priority use of certain palm groves, cultivable land, springs, and pastures. Outsiders may not use these resources without clan permission. Social relations are based on reciprocity, hospitality, and assistance. Theft and murder within the clan are forbidden, and stolen animals must be returned.
Within the overall context of clan identity, however, Toubou society is shaped by the individual. Three features of Toubou social structure make this process possible. The first is residence. In general, clan members are scattered throughout a region; therefore, an individual is likely to find hospitable clans people in most settlements or camps of any size. A second factor is the maintenance of ties with the maternal clan. Although the maternal clan does not occupy the central place of the potential clan, it provides another universe of potential ties.
Marriage creates a third set of individual options. Although relatives and the immediate family influence decisions about a marriage partner, individual preference is recognized as important. In addition, once a marriage is contracted between individuals of two clans, other clan members are forbidden to change it. The Toubou proscribe marriage with any blood relative less than four generations removed.
The ownership of land, animals, and resources takes several forms. Within an oasis or settled zone belonging to a particular clan, land, trees (usually date palms), and nearby wells may have different owners. Each family's rights to the use of particular plots of land are recognized by other clan members. Families also may have privileged access to certain wells and the right to a part of the harvest from the fields irrigated by their water. Within the clan and family contexts, individuals also may have personal claims to palm trees and animals. Toubou legal customs are based on restitution, indemnification, and revenge. Conflicts are resolved in several settings. Murder, for example, is settled directly between the families of the victim and the murderer. Toubou honor requires that someone from the victim's family try to kill the murderer or a relative. Such efforts eventually end with negotiations to settle the matter. Reconciliation follows the payment of the goroga, or blood price, usually in the form of camels.
Despite shared linguistic heritage, few institutions among the Toubou generate a broader sense of identity than the clan. Regional divisions do exist, however. During the colonial period (and since independence in 1960), Chadian administrations have conferred legality and legitimacy on these regional groupings by dividing the Toubou and Daza regions into corresponding territorial units called cantons and appointing chiefs to administer them.
Only among the Teda of the Tibesti region have institutions evolved somewhat differently. Since the end of the 16th century, the derde (spiritual head) of the Tomagra clan has exercised authority over part of the massif and the other clans who live there. He is selected by a group of electors according to strict rules. The derde exercises judicial rather than executive power, arbitrating conflict and levying sanctions based on a code of compensations.
During the civil conflict in Chad (1966–1993), the derde came to occupy a more important position. In 1965, the Chadian government assumed direct authority over the Tibesti Mountains, sending a military garrison and administrators to Bardaï, the capital of Tibesti Subprefecture. Within a year, abuses of authority had roused considerable opposition among the Toubou. The derde, Oueddei Kichidemi, recognized but little respected up to that time, protested the excesses, went into exile in Libya, and, with the support of Toubou students at the Islamic University of Al Bayda, became a symbol of opposition to the Chadian government. This role enhanced the position of the derde among the Toubou. After 1967 the derde hoped to rally the Toubou to the National Liberation Front of Chad (FROLINAT). Moral authority became military authority shortly thereafter when his son, Goukouni Oueddei, became one of the leaders of the Second Liberation Army of FROLINAT. Goukouni was to become a national figure. He played an important role in the battles of N'Djamena in 1979 and 1980 and served as head of state for a time. Another northerner, Hissène Habré of the Daza Anakaza, replaced Goukouni in 1982, and eventually lost power to Idriss Dédy, a Zaghawa.
The Toubou are subdivided into two separate people, the Teda and Daza. They are believed to share a common origin, but speak now two distinct if clearly associated languages, Tedaga (Téda Toubou) and Dazaga (Daza Toubou). Of the two, the Daza are the more numerous.
Among the Teda, there are four regional subgroups, the Teda of Tibesti Subprefecture being the largest. There are more than a dozen subgroups of Daza: the Kreda of Bahr el Ghazal are the largest; next in importance are the Daza of Kanem Prefecture.
Tibbu see Tebu
Toubou see Tebu
Tubu see Tebu
Tibu see Tebu
Umbararo see Tebu
Rock People see Tebu
Teke-oghlu
Teke-oghlu. Turkmen dynasty in south Anatolia, ruling over Teke-eli in the fourteenth century. In 1392, the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid I incorporated the principality in the Ottoman empire. The last known ruler, ‘Othman Celebi, was defeated and killed in 1424.
Teke-oghlu. Turkmen dynasty in south Anatolia, ruling over Teke-eli in the fourteenth century. In 1392, the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid I incorporated the principality in the Ottoman empire. The last known ruler, ‘Othman Celebi, was defeated and killed in 1424.
Tekish
Tekish (Takash) (‘Ala’ al-Din ibn Il-Arslan) (‘Ala’ al-Din Tekish ibn Il-Arslan) (Ala ad-Din Tekish) (d. 1200). Khwarazm Shah (r.1172-1200). In 1187, he took Nishapur, the capital of Khurasan, and in 1194 destroyed the Saljuq rule in Iraq and western Persia by defeating the Great Saljuq Rukn al-Din Tughril III. Rayy and Hamadhan passed into his hands, and in 1196 he defeated an army of the ‘Abbasid Caliph al-Nasir li-Din Allah. Fighting against the Karakhitai, he took Bukhara but nevertheless remained their vassal.
Ala ad-Din Tekish was Khwarazm Shah from 1172 until his death. He was the son of Il-Arslan. His rule was contested by his brother, Sultan Shah, who held a principality in Khorasan. Tekish inherited Sultan Shah's state after he died in 1193.
Tekish conquered the Seljuks of Hamadan in 1194, in an alliance with Caliph An-Nasir. After the war, he broke with the Caliphate and was on the brink of a war with it until the Caliph accepted him as Sultan of Iraq, Khorasan, and Turkestan in 1198.
He died of a peritonsillar abscess in 1200 and was succeeded by his son, Ala ad-Din Muhammad.
Takash see Tekish
'Ala' al-Din ibn Il-Arslan see Tekish
'Ala' al-Din Tekish ibn Il-Arslan see Tekish
Ala ad-Din Tekish see Tekish
Tekish (Takash) (‘Ala’ al-Din ibn Il-Arslan) (‘Ala’ al-Din Tekish ibn Il-Arslan) (Ala ad-Din Tekish) (d. 1200). Khwarazm Shah (r.1172-1200). In 1187, he took Nishapur, the capital of Khurasan, and in 1194 destroyed the Saljuq rule in Iraq and western Persia by defeating the Great Saljuq Rukn al-Din Tughril III. Rayy and Hamadhan passed into his hands, and in 1196 he defeated an army of the ‘Abbasid Caliph al-Nasir li-Din Allah. Fighting against the Karakhitai, he took Bukhara but nevertheless remained their vassal.
Ala ad-Din Tekish was Khwarazm Shah from 1172 until his death. He was the son of Il-Arslan. His rule was contested by his brother, Sultan Shah, who held a principality in Khorasan. Tekish inherited Sultan Shah's state after he died in 1193.
Tekish conquered the Seljuks of Hamadan in 1194, in an alliance with Caliph An-Nasir. After the war, he broke with the Caliphate and was on the brink of a war with it until the Caliph accepted him as Sultan of Iraq, Khorasan, and Turkestan in 1198.
He died of a peritonsillar abscess in 1200 and was succeeded by his son, Ala ad-Din Muhammad.
Takash see Tekish
'Ala' al-Din ibn Il-Arslan see Tekish
'Ala' al-Din Tekish ibn Il-Arslan see Tekish
Ala ad-Din Tekish see Tekish
Tekuder
Tekuder (Tagudar) (Ahmad Tagudar) (Ahmad Tekuder) (Ahmed Tekuder). Il-Khan ruler of Persia (r.1282-1284). He is said to have been baptised in his youth, but immediately after his accession he was converted to Islam. His approach to the Bahri Mameluke Qalawun al-Alfi did not prevent the Egyptians from occupying two Il-Khanid fortresses.
Ahmed Tekuder, also known as Sultan Ahmad (r. 1282–1284), was the sultan of the Ulus of Ilkhan, the son of Hulegu and the brother of Abaqa. He was eventually succeeded by Arghun Khan. Tekuder was born Nicholas Tekuder Khan as a Nestorian Christian, however Tekuder later embraced Islam and changed his name to Ahmed Tekuder.
When Tekuder assumed the throne in 1282, he turned the Ilkhan empire into a sultanate. Tekudar zealously propagated his new faith and sternly required his ranking offices to do the same. However, his nephew Arghun, the governor of Khorasan, was a Buddhist; and asked Kublai Khan, the Great Khan of the Mongol Empire and the emperor of the Yuan Dynasty, for help. Although, Kublai was angry with the situation, Arghun had to overthrow Tekuder himself.
Tekuder sent a friendly letter to the Mameluke sultan and wished for peace. His conversion to Islam and good ties with the Mamelukes was not well received by Mongol nobles.
When Arghun received no reply, he declared war against Tekuder. Tekuder requested help from the Mameluke Sultan but the Mamelukes did not fully co-operate with Tekuder. Having only a small army, Tekuder was defeated by Arghun's larger army, and he was eventually executed on August 10, 1284.
Tagudar see Tekuder
Ahmad Tagudar see Tekuder
Nicholas Tekuder Khan see Tekuder
Ahmad Tekuder see Tekuder
Sultan Ahmad see Tekuder
Ahmed Tekuder see Tekuder
Tekuder (Tagudar) (Ahmad Tagudar) (Ahmad Tekuder) (Ahmed Tekuder). Il-Khan ruler of Persia (r.1282-1284). He is said to have been baptised in his youth, but immediately after his accession he was converted to Islam. His approach to the Bahri Mameluke Qalawun al-Alfi did not prevent the Egyptians from occupying two Il-Khanid fortresses.
Ahmed Tekuder, also known as Sultan Ahmad (r. 1282–1284), was the sultan of the Ulus of Ilkhan, the son of Hulegu and the brother of Abaqa. He was eventually succeeded by Arghun Khan. Tekuder was born Nicholas Tekuder Khan as a Nestorian Christian, however Tekuder later embraced Islam and changed his name to Ahmed Tekuder.
When Tekuder assumed the throne in 1282, he turned the Ilkhan empire into a sultanate. Tekudar zealously propagated his new faith and sternly required his ranking offices to do the same. However, his nephew Arghun, the governor of Khorasan, was a Buddhist; and asked Kublai Khan, the Great Khan of the Mongol Empire and the emperor of the Yuan Dynasty, for help. Although, Kublai was angry with the situation, Arghun had to overthrow Tekuder himself.
Tekuder sent a friendly letter to the Mameluke sultan and wished for peace. His conversion to Islam and good ties with the Mamelukes was not well received by Mongol nobles.
When Arghun received no reply, he declared war against Tekuder. Tekuder requested help from the Mameluke Sultan but the Mamelukes did not fully co-operate with Tekuder. Having only a small army, Tekuder was defeated by Arghun's larger army, and he was eventually executed on August 10, 1284.
Tagudar see Tekuder
Ahmad Tagudar see Tekuder
Nicholas Tekuder Khan see Tekuder
Ahmad Tekuder see Tekuder
Sultan Ahmad see Tekuder
Ahmed Tekuder see Tekuder
Temne
Temne (Temen) (Timni). More than one-third of Sierra Leone’s people are Temne, of whom approximately ten percent are Muslim. The Temne are the country’s largest ethnic group and occupy about one-third of the land area of Sierra Leone.
Islam reached the Temne in the seventeenth century, brought by occasional itinerant Muslims. The Sierra Leone area generally escaped the devastating wars of militant Islam in the Sudan, but the victory of Muslim Fulani (Fulbe) in Futa Jalon late in the eighteenth century did affect the Temne, albeit indirectly. Fulani and various Manding-speaking Muslim traders also penetrated the Temne area at a coastal-oriented trade became established. Muslim traders settled along the developing trade routes, married locally and, on a limited basis, proselytized. The early Muslim centers in the Temne area from Maban to Forodugu and from Chinti to the Yoni chiefdoms, began in these ways. During the twentieth century, Islam expanded and continues to expand at the expense of both Christianity and traditional belief systems. Non-Temne Muslims who have settled among the Temne practiced the normative Maliki Islam of western Sudan but seem to have made few Temne converts.
In 1949, the Temne were grouped into 44 chiefdoms, each with a paramount chief and several subchiefs. Subsequent amalgamations have reduced the number of chiefdoms. In the Sierra Leone, administrative system chiefdoms are grouped into districts; those districts containing Temne chiefdoms make up the Northern Province. Since independence in 1961 individual Temne have been active participants in the national government of the Sierra Leone Peoples Party (SLPP) and, after, the All Peoples Conference (APC).
As of 2010, the Temne formed a group of some 1.6 million people of central and northwestern Sierra Leone who speak a language (also called Temne) of the Atlantic branch of the Niger-Congo family. The Temne are mainly farmers whose staple crop is rice, supplemented by peanuts (groundnuts), cotton, cassava, and millet. Cash crops are palm kernels and kola nuts. Rice, cattle, and goats are also important. The household consists of a husband and his wife or wives, their children, and other dependents. A Temne settlement contains a central meetinghouse surrounded by circles of mud-and-wattle houses with thatched roofs. Inheritance and succession are governed by patri-lineal descent.
The Temne are divided into numerous independent chiefdoms, each governed by a paramount chief. Chiefdoms are divided into sections governed by sub-chiefs and containing one or more villages or hamlets. The village in turn is under the authority of a headman, formerly a descendant of the village founder but now an elected official.
The chief’s office is partly religious, and he is sometimes a member of the ragbenle and poro male secret societies. The ragbenle is responsible for curing certain diseases and performing ceremonies to promote the growth of crops. The women’s bundu society mainly prepares girls for marriage. Traditional religious beliefs in a supreme god and in nature and ancestral spirits are declining, being replaced by Christianity and Islam.
The Temne people are one of the two largest and most dominant ethnic group in Sierra Leone, along with their major rival the Mende. They are predominantly found in the Northern Province and the Western Area of Sierra Leone and they make up 30 to 40% of Sierra Leone's total population.
The Temne are rice farmers, fishermen, and traders. Temne culture revolves around the paramount chiefs, and the secret societies, especially the men's Poro society and the women's Bondo society. The most important Temne rituals focus on the coronation and funerals of paramount chiefs and the initiation of new secret society members. During the 16th, 17th and 18th century hundreds of thousands of Temne were shipped to the Americas as slaves.
Today the Temnes are mostly Muslims (about 90%) who interweave Islamic beliefs with traditional African practices. About 10% of Temne are followers of Christianity.
Before British domination, the Temne were ruled by a king called the Bai or Obai. In 1898, the Temne fought in one of the most brutal rebellions in the history of West Africa against British rule known today as the Hut Tax War of 1898. . The war was initiated by Temne chief Bai Bureh against British colonialists. The cause of the war was the perceived overtaxation of the Temne people by British tax-collectors.
The English word "cola" (as in Coca-Cola, which originally contained extracts of the kola nut), is said to derive from the Temne word aŋ-kola (kola nut). The Temne speak a language in the Atlantic sub-family language called Temne. The Temne language along with the Krio language serve as the major trading language in northern Sierra Leone. It is spoken both by the Temne people and by other Sierra Leonean ethnic groups as a regional lingua franca in Northern Sierra Leone. Their language is spoken by around 40% of Sierra Leone's population.
Sierra Leone's national politics centers on the competition between the north, dominated by the Temne and their neighbor and allies, the Limba; and the south-east dominated by the Mende.
The history of the Temnes' migration toward present day Sierra Leone was dated as far back as the 11th and 12th centuries, mainly due to the fall of the Jalunkandu Empire in what latter become Fouta Jallon, in the High Lands of present day Republic of Guinea. In fact most Temnes up till now acknowledged their ancestral home as Fouta. Like other minorities ethnic groups in Fouta such as the Yalunka, the Susu, the Kurankohs, the Temnes started to migrate from the Fouta into what is now Sierra Leone to secure a settlement along the salt trade route from the coast to the north and north east. On their way downwards, the Temnes fought and forced the Limbas northeast and the Bulloms southwards to secure the new trade route from Bakeh towards the northern part of the Pamoronkoh River which is today known as the Rokel River. They followed the Rokel River from its upper reaches to the Sierra Leone River, the giant estuary of the Rokel River and Port Loko Creek which forms the largest natural harbor on the African continent. Historians believe the Temnes were involved in the long-distance kola nut trade during the period of the Mali and Songhai Empires when West African trade was directed north across the Sahara Desert, and that they used their commercial expertise gained during that earlier period into the new coastal trade when the Europeans arrived
There were Temne speakers along the coast in what is now Sierra Leone when the first Portuguese ships arrived, in the 14th century. Temne were indicated on subsequent Portuguese maps, and references to them and brief vocabularies appear in the texts. Trade began, albeit on a small scale, in the fifteenth century with the Portuguese and expanded in the late sixteenth century with the arrival of British traders, and later traders of other nations. Slaves, gold, ivory and local foodstuffs were exchanged for European trade goods—mostly cloth, firearms, and hardware.
As Temne traders were in contact with the permanent European factories in the river mouths, so did they establish and maintain relations with the settlement at Freetown after its founding in the late eighteenth century. This settlement, inspired by philanthropic abolitionists, was regarded ambivalently by Temne traders, who had long been involved in the profitable export slave trade. In the nineteenth century, following abolition, Freetown became the primate trade entrepot, attracting trade caravans from Temne and beyond. Creoles from Freetown moved progressively up-county to trade in the second half of the nineteenth century, and relations with the Temne and other ethnic groups in the country were not always amicable. The British colonial government at Freetown followed a policy of "stipendiary bribery" punctuated by threats to use armed force in an attempt to prevent Temne and other chiefs from hindering trade from and with areas farther inland. When diplomacy failed, British expeditions invaded the Temne area of Yoni in 1889 and then at Tambi in 1891.
The Protectorate of Sierra Leone was proclaimed in 1896, and, subsequently, a colonial over-administration was instituted. The traditional Temne chiefdoms became units of local government, and a hut tax was levied to support the colonial administration. Armed rebellion broke out in 1898, when a Temne chief, Bai Bureh, led successful campaigns and became an instant hero.
The Hut Tax War of 1898 was a war initiated by Temne chief Bai Bureh against British colonialists. The cause of the war was the perceived over-taxation of the Temne by British tax-collectors.
Britain's imposition of a hut tax sparked off two rebellions in Sierra Leone in 1898, the most notable one lead by Temne chief Bai Bureh. To pay for the privilege of British administration, the military governor, Colonel Frederic Carthew, had decreed that the inhabitants of the new "protectorate" should be taxed on the size of their huts. The owner of a four-roomed hut would pay ten shillings a year, those with smaller huts would pay five shillings. Colonel Cardew was not an administrator, but a professional soldier who had spent years in India and South Africa. First imposed on January 1, 1898, the hut tax aroused immediate and intense opposition, led in the first instance by the sixty-year-old Temne war chief Bai Bureh who was the top warrior of Northern Sierra Leone. The operations against him, from February to November, involved some of the most stubborn fighting that had been seen in West Africa, that left several British troops dead. When the British Governor to Sierra Leone Sir Frederic Cardew offered the princely sum of 100 pounds as a reward for his capture, Bai Bureh reciprocated by offering the even more staggering sum of five hundred pounds for the capture of the Governor. Bai Bureh had the advantage over the vastly more powerful British for several months of the war. By February 19, Bai Bureh's Temne warrior fighters had completely severed the British line of communication between Freetown and Port Loko by blocking the road and the river from Freetown.
The Northern front of the Hut Tax War was led by Bai Bureh, a Temne chief who refused to recognize the British-imposed tax on "huts" (dwellings). The tax was generally regarded by the native chiefs as an attack on their sovereignty and the colonial government said that the Creoles had encouraged the natives not to pay taxes.
After the British issued a warrant to arrest Bai Bureh alleging that he had refused to pay taxes, Bai Bureh declared war on British in Northern Sierra Leone, with the full support of several prominent native chiefs, including the powerful Kissi chief Kai Londo and the Limba chief Almamy Suluku. Both chiefs sent warriors and weapons to aid Bai Bureh.
Bureh's fighters had the advantage over the vastly more powerful British for several months of the war. Hundreds of British troops and hundreds of Bureh's fighters were killed.[2] Some innocent European and African victims were killed and in one case, Johnny Taylor, a Creole trader was 'chopped' to pieces by Bai Bureh's warboys.
Bai Bureh was finally captured on November 11, 1898 and sent into exile in the Gold Coast (now Ghana), while 96 of his comrades were hanged by the British.
Temen see Temne
Timni see Temne
Temne (Temen) (Timni). More than one-third of Sierra Leone’s people are Temne, of whom approximately ten percent are Muslim. The Temne are the country’s largest ethnic group and occupy about one-third of the land area of Sierra Leone.
Islam reached the Temne in the seventeenth century, brought by occasional itinerant Muslims. The Sierra Leone area generally escaped the devastating wars of militant Islam in the Sudan, but the victory of Muslim Fulani (Fulbe) in Futa Jalon late in the eighteenth century did affect the Temne, albeit indirectly. Fulani and various Manding-speaking Muslim traders also penetrated the Temne area at a coastal-oriented trade became established. Muslim traders settled along the developing trade routes, married locally and, on a limited basis, proselytized. The early Muslim centers in the Temne area from Maban to Forodugu and from Chinti to the Yoni chiefdoms, began in these ways. During the twentieth century, Islam expanded and continues to expand at the expense of both Christianity and traditional belief systems. Non-Temne Muslims who have settled among the Temne practiced the normative Maliki Islam of western Sudan but seem to have made few Temne converts.
In 1949, the Temne were grouped into 44 chiefdoms, each with a paramount chief and several subchiefs. Subsequent amalgamations have reduced the number of chiefdoms. In the Sierra Leone, administrative system chiefdoms are grouped into districts; those districts containing Temne chiefdoms make up the Northern Province. Since independence in 1961 individual Temne have been active participants in the national government of the Sierra Leone Peoples Party (SLPP) and, after, the All Peoples Conference (APC).
As of 2010, the Temne formed a group of some 1.6 million people of central and northwestern Sierra Leone who speak a language (also called Temne) of the Atlantic branch of the Niger-Congo family. The Temne are mainly farmers whose staple crop is rice, supplemented by peanuts (groundnuts), cotton, cassava, and millet. Cash crops are palm kernels and kola nuts. Rice, cattle, and goats are also important. The household consists of a husband and his wife or wives, their children, and other dependents. A Temne settlement contains a central meetinghouse surrounded by circles of mud-and-wattle houses with thatched roofs. Inheritance and succession are governed by patri-lineal descent.
The Temne are divided into numerous independent chiefdoms, each governed by a paramount chief. Chiefdoms are divided into sections governed by sub-chiefs and containing one or more villages or hamlets. The village in turn is under the authority of a headman, formerly a descendant of the village founder but now an elected official.
The chief’s office is partly religious, and he is sometimes a member of the ragbenle and poro male secret societies. The ragbenle is responsible for curing certain diseases and performing ceremonies to promote the growth of crops. The women’s bundu society mainly prepares girls for marriage. Traditional religious beliefs in a supreme god and in nature and ancestral spirits are declining, being replaced by Christianity and Islam.
The Temne people are one of the two largest and most dominant ethnic group in Sierra Leone, along with their major rival the Mende. They are predominantly found in the Northern Province and the Western Area of Sierra Leone and they make up 30 to 40% of Sierra Leone's total population.
The Temne are rice farmers, fishermen, and traders. Temne culture revolves around the paramount chiefs, and the secret societies, especially the men's Poro society and the women's Bondo society. The most important Temne rituals focus on the coronation and funerals of paramount chiefs and the initiation of new secret society members. During the 16th, 17th and 18th century hundreds of thousands of Temne were shipped to the Americas as slaves.
Today the Temnes are mostly Muslims (about 90%) who interweave Islamic beliefs with traditional African practices. About 10% of Temne are followers of Christianity.
Before British domination, the Temne were ruled by a king called the Bai or Obai. In 1898, the Temne fought in one of the most brutal rebellions in the history of West Africa against British rule known today as the Hut Tax War of 1898. . The war was initiated by Temne chief Bai Bureh against British colonialists. The cause of the war was the perceived overtaxation of the Temne people by British tax-collectors.
The English word "cola" (as in Coca-Cola, which originally contained extracts of the kola nut), is said to derive from the Temne word aŋ-kola (kola nut). The Temne speak a language in the Atlantic sub-family language called Temne. The Temne language along with the Krio language serve as the major trading language in northern Sierra Leone. It is spoken both by the Temne people and by other Sierra Leonean ethnic groups as a regional lingua franca in Northern Sierra Leone. Their language is spoken by around 40% of Sierra Leone's population.
Sierra Leone's national politics centers on the competition between the north, dominated by the Temne and their neighbor and allies, the Limba; and the south-east dominated by the Mende.
The history of the Temnes' migration toward present day Sierra Leone was dated as far back as the 11th and 12th centuries, mainly due to the fall of the Jalunkandu Empire in what latter become Fouta Jallon, in the High Lands of present day Republic of Guinea. In fact most Temnes up till now acknowledged their ancestral home as Fouta. Like other minorities ethnic groups in Fouta such as the Yalunka, the Susu, the Kurankohs, the Temnes started to migrate from the Fouta into what is now Sierra Leone to secure a settlement along the salt trade route from the coast to the north and north east. On their way downwards, the Temnes fought and forced the Limbas northeast and the Bulloms southwards to secure the new trade route from Bakeh towards the northern part of the Pamoronkoh River which is today known as the Rokel River. They followed the Rokel River from its upper reaches to the Sierra Leone River, the giant estuary of the Rokel River and Port Loko Creek which forms the largest natural harbor on the African continent. Historians believe the Temnes were involved in the long-distance kola nut trade during the period of the Mali and Songhai Empires when West African trade was directed north across the Sahara Desert, and that they used their commercial expertise gained during that earlier period into the new coastal trade when the Europeans arrived
There were Temne speakers along the coast in what is now Sierra Leone when the first Portuguese ships arrived, in the 14th century. Temne were indicated on subsequent Portuguese maps, and references to them and brief vocabularies appear in the texts. Trade began, albeit on a small scale, in the fifteenth century with the Portuguese and expanded in the late sixteenth century with the arrival of British traders, and later traders of other nations. Slaves, gold, ivory and local foodstuffs were exchanged for European trade goods—mostly cloth, firearms, and hardware.
As Temne traders were in contact with the permanent European factories in the river mouths, so did they establish and maintain relations with the settlement at Freetown after its founding in the late eighteenth century. This settlement, inspired by philanthropic abolitionists, was regarded ambivalently by Temne traders, who had long been involved in the profitable export slave trade. In the nineteenth century, following abolition, Freetown became the primate trade entrepot, attracting trade caravans from Temne and beyond. Creoles from Freetown moved progressively up-county to trade in the second half of the nineteenth century, and relations with the Temne and other ethnic groups in the country were not always amicable. The British colonial government at Freetown followed a policy of "stipendiary bribery" punctuated by threats to use armed force in an attempt to prevent Temne and other chiefs from hindering trade from and with areas farther inland. When diplomacy failed, British expeditions invaded the Temne area of Yoni in 1889 and then at Tambi in 1891.
The Protectorate of Sierra Leone was proclaimed in 1896, and, subsequently, a colonial over-administration was instituted. The traditional Temne chiefdoms became units of local government, and a hut tax was levied to support the colonial administration. Armed rebellion broke out in 1898, when a Temne chief, Bai Bureh, led successful campaigns and became an instant hero.
The Hut Tax War of 1898 was a war initiated by Temne chief Bai Bureh against British colonialists. The cause of the war was the perceived over-taxation of the Temne by British tax-collectors.
Britain's imposition of a hut tax sparked off two rebellions in Sierra Leone in 1898, the most notable one lead by Temne chief Bai Bureh. To pay for the privilege of British administration, the military governor, Colonel Frederic Carthew, had decreed that the inhabitants of the new "protectorate" should be taxed on the size of their huts. The owner of a four-roomed hut would pay ten shillings a year, those with smaller huts would pay five shillings. Colonel Cardew was not an administrator, but a professional soldier who had spent years in India and South Africa. First imposed on January 1, 1898, the hut tax aroused immediate and intense opposition, led in the first instance by the sixty-year-old Temne war chief Bai Bureh who was the top warrior of Northern Sierra Leone. The operations against him, from February to November, involved some of the most stubborn fighting that had been seen in West Africa, that left several British troops dead. When the British Governor to Sierra Leone Sir Frederic Cardew offered the princely sum of 100 pounds as a reward for his capture, Bai Bureh reciprocated by offering the even more staggering sum of five hundred pounds for the capture of the Governor. Bai Bureh had the advantage over the vastly more powerful British for several months of the war. By February 19, Bai Bureh's Temne warrior fighters had completely severed the British line of communication between Freetown and Port Loko by blocking the road and the river from Freetown.
The Northern front of the Hut Tax War was led by Bai Bureh, a Temne chief who refused to recognize the British-imposed tax on "huts" (dwellings). The tax was generally regarded by the native chiefs as an attack on their sovereignty and the colonial government said that the Creoles had encouraged the natives not to pay taxes.
After the British issued a warrant to arrest Bai Bureh alleging that he had refused to pay taxes, Bai Bureh declared war on British in Northern Sierra Leone, with the full support of several prominent native chiefs, including the powerful Kissi chief Kai Londo and the Limba chief Almamy Suluku. Both chiefs sent warriors and weapons to aid Bai Bureh.
Bureh's fighters had the advantage over the vastly more powerful British for several months of the war. Hundreds of British troops and hundreds of Bureh's fighters were killed.[2] Some innocent European and African victims were killed and in one case, Johnny Taylor, a Creole trader was 'chopped' to pieces by Bai Bureh's warboys.
Bai Bureh was finally captured on November 11, 1898 and sent into exile in the Gold Coast (now Ghana), while 96 of his comrades were hanged by the British.
Temen see Temne
Timni see Temne
Tengri
Tengri. Turkish and Mongol god of the blue sky.
Tengri, literally "sky" or "heaven", is one of the names for the primary one god in the old Turkic (Xiongnu, Hunnic, Bulgar) and Mongolic (Xianbei) religion named Tengriism. It is analogous with the early Chinese concept of Tianli in Western Zhou Dynasty (11th century B.C.T. to 8th century B.C.T.), and later Daoist coinage of (with "blue" and "qi", i.e., "blue heaven") and derived Confucian concept of Tianli. The four direction symbols of Blue Dragon (East), White Tiger (West), Red Phoenix (South), Black Snake-Turtle (North) in Chinese cosmology is also analogous with the four direction symbols used in Tengriism.
There are no official symbols of Tengriism, however the symbol of the World Tree and the four directions symbol are common. It is often confused with a sun-worshipping religion, but the sun is merely a symbol of Tengri. A dramatic pyramidal mountain peak, between Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, is called "Khan Tengri".
Sky see Tengri.
Heaven see Tengri.
Tengri. Turkish and Mongol god of the blue sky.
Tengri, literally "sky" or "heaven", is one of the names for the primary one god in the old Turkic (Xiongnu, Hunnic, Bulgar) and Mongolic (Xianbei) religion named Tengriism. It is analogous with the early Chinese concept of Tianli in Western Zhou Dynasty (11th century B.C.T. to 8th century B.C.T.), and later Daoist coinage of (with "blue" and "qi", i.e., "blue heaven") and derived Confucian concept of Tianli. The four direction symbols of Blue Dragon (East), White Tiger (West), Red Phoenix (South), Black Snake-Turtle (North) in Chinese cosmology is also analogous with the four direction symbols used in Tengriism.
There are no official symbols of Tengriism, however the symbol of the World Tree and the four directions symbol are common. It is often confused with a sun-worshipping religion, but the sun is merely a symbol of Tengri. A dramatic pyramidal mountain peak, between Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, is called "Khan Tengri".
Sky see Tengri.
Heaven see Tengri.
Ternatan-Tidorese
Ternatan-Tidorese. The Indonesian province of Maluku (the Moluccas) includes dozens of islands between Sulawesi and Timor on the one hand and Irian Jaya on the other. Two of the most historically important are Ternate and Tidore off the west coast of Halmahera. The former is an active volcano rimmed by a road 25 miles long. Tidore, slightly larger, is made up of an extinct volcano. Both host Muslim populations who speak closely related languages and share a common heritage.
The area of Halmahera and adjacent islands is the homeland of cloves, and until the sixteenth century the cultivation of cloves remained confined to this area. At the time the Portuguese arrived in the Moluccas, in 1512, this area numbered four sultanates: Ternate, Tidore, Bacan and Jailolo. Together these four easternmost sultanates of the world of Islam controlled the total world production of cloves. The sultanate of Jailolo had its capital of the same name on the west coast of Central Halmahera, but this sultanate came to an end as an independent realm in the middle of the sixteenth century, after it was conquered by the Ternatan and the Portuguese. The sultanate of Bacon covered the extensive but sparsely populated islands off the southwest coast of Halmahera, and this sultanate has always been of minor importance. The two most important and always competing realms came into being, but it is an established fact that their power and prestige were based on the control of the sale of cloves to foreign traders and on the allied political and cultural contacts with Javanese, Malays and later on Europeans. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Ternate and Tidore succeeded in extending their military power and political and cultural influence over the surrounding islands. Ternate directed its expansion mainly on Moti, Makian, North Halmahera, the Sula islands, Buru, Ambon and adjacent islands and the east coast of Sulawesi. Tidore directed its expansion to South Halmahera, the Raja Ampat islands and adjacent coast of Irian Jaya and on East Ceram. Bacan in vain attempted to obtain dependencies at North Ceram.
In the sixteenth century, the Portuguese without success attempted to establish a monopoly of purchase on cloves, but later on in the seventeenth century the Dutch succeeded in this objective. The Dutch restricted the cultivation of cloves to Ambon and a few adjacent islands, producing only enough to supply the world market. For any other island in the Moluccas, including Halmahera and adjacent islands, the cultivation of cloves became strictly forbidden. This interdiction was maintained into the nineteenth century. In compensation for the loss of revenues from clove production and allied trade, the sultan of Ternate, Tidore and Bacan and their principal officials were provided with an annual allowance by the Dutch. Nevertheless, the interdiction of clove production and allied trade resulted in a drastic economic decline for the sultanates, and at the same time in an absolute dependency on the Dutch, in cultural isolation and in an internal social and political ossification. The abolition of the interdiction of clove production in the nineteenth century brought no change whatsoever because the price of cloves had fallen to a level that made the cultivation of cloves unattractive, and the system of annual allowance was maintained. Under Dutch protection Ternate, Tidore and Bacan remained semi-autonomous states until Indonesia’s independence in 1949.
The Indonesian government pursued a policy of total segregation of the sultanates into the modern state. The autonomous sultanates gradually have been abolished by integrating the internal administration within the provincial administration of the Moluccas. On the death of the last sultan appointed by the Dutch, no successors will be appointed. The sultanates have ceased to exist now, and institutions of the former sultanates survive only in folklore, not as politically significant elements.
The most lasting influence of the Moluccan sultanates is the spread of Islam. The Islamization of Ternate, Tidore, Bacan and Jailolo began in the fifteenth century as a result of contacts with Javanese and Malays, and in the sixteenth century the process became intensified as a result of the political competition between the Portuguese and the Moluccan sultans, both parties using religion as a political device. The Portuguese were finally defeated by the Moluccans and made no lasting significant results in propagating Christianity.
From Ternate and Tidore, Islam spread to the islands off the west coast of Halmahera, to the coastal areas of Halmahera and of the Sula islands Buru and Ceram, to the Raja Ampat islands and to the east coast of Sulawesi. In this way, the foundation was laid for a certain amount of cultural homogeneity over a vast area of Ternate and Tidore as the main political and cultural centers.
In 1999 and 2000, Ternate suffered from the same religious violence between Muslims and Christians that wracked many parts of Maluku, particularly Ambon and Halmahera.
Ternatan-Tidorese. The Indonesian province of Maluku (the Moluccas) includes dozens of islands between Sulawesi and Timor on the one hand and Irian Jaya on the other. Two of the most historically important are Ternate and Tidore off the west coast of Halmahera. The former is an active volcano rimmed by a road 25 miles long. Tidore, slightly larger, is made up of an extinct volcano. Both host Muslim populations who speak closely related languages and share a common heritage.
The area of Halmahera and adjacent islands is the homeland of cloves, and until the sixteenth century the cultivation of cloves remained confined to this area. At the time the Portuguese arrived in the Moluccas, in 1512, this area numbered four sultanates: Ternate, Tidore, Bacan and Jailolo. Together these four easternmost sultanates of the world of Islam controlled the total world production of cloves. The sultanate of Jailolo had its capital of the same name on the west coast of Central Halmahera, but this sultanate came to an end as an independent realm in the middle of the sixteenth century, after it was conquered by the Ternatan and the Portuguese. The sultanate of Bacon covered the extensive but sparsely populated islands off the southwest coast of Halmahera, and this sultanate has always been of minor importance. The two most important and always competing realms came into being, but it is an established fact that their power and prestige were based on the control of the sale of cloves to foreign traders and on the allied political and cultural contacts with Javanese, Malays and later on Europeans. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Ternate and Tidore succeeded in extending their military power and political and cultural influence over the surrounding islands. Ternate directed its expansion mainly on Moti, Makian, North Halmahera, the Sula islands, Buru, Ambon and adjacent islands and the east coast of Sulawesi. Tidore directed its expansion to South Halmahera, the Raja Ampat islands and adjacent coast of Irian Jaya and on East Ceram. Bacan in vain attempted to obtain dependencies at North Ceram.
In the sixteenth century, the Portuguese without success attempted to establish a monopoly of purchase on cloves, but later on in the seventeenth century the Dutch succeeded in this objective. The Dutch restricted the cultivation of cloves to Ambon and a few adjacent islands, producing only enough to supply the world market. For any other island in the Moluccas, including Halmahera and adjacent islands, the cultivation of cloves became strictly forbidden. This interdiction was maintained into the nineteenth century. In compensation for the loss of revenues from clove production and allied trade, the sultan of Ternate, Tidore and Bacan and their principal officials were provided with an annual allowance by the Dutch. Nevertheless, the interdiction of clove production and allied trade resulted in a drastic economic decline for the sultanates, and at the same time in an absolute dependency on the Dutch, in cultural isolation and in an internal social and political ossification. The abolition of the interdiction of clove production in the nineteenth century brought no change whatsoever because the price of cloves had fallen to a level that made the cultivation of cloves unattractive, and the system of annual allowance was maintained. Under Dutch protection Ternate, Tidore and Bacan remained semi-autonomous states until Indonesia’s independence in 1949.
The Indonesian government pursued a policy of total segregation of the sultanates into the modern state. The autonomous sultanates gradually have been abolished by integrating the internal administration within the provincial administration of the Moluccas. On the death of the last sultan appointed by the Dutch, no successors will be appointed. The sultanates have ceased to exist now, and institutions of the former sultanates survive only in folklore, not as politically significant elements.
The most lasting influence of the Moluccan sultanates is the spread of Islam. The Islamization of Ternate, Tidore, Bacan and Jailolo began in the fifteenth century as a result of contacts with Javanese and Malays, and in the sixteenth century the process became intensified as a result of the political competition between the Portuguese and the Moluccan sultans, both parties using religion as a political device. The Portuguese were finally defeated by the Moluccans and made no lasting significant results in propagating Christianity.
From Ternate and Tidore, Islam spread to the islands off the west coast of Halmahera, to the coastal areas of Halmahera and of the Sula islands Buru and Ceram, to the Raja Ampat islands and to the east coast of Sulawesi. In this way, the foundation was laid for a certain amount of cultural homogeneity over a vast area of Ternate and Tidore as the main political and cultural centers.
In 1999 and 2000, Ternate suffered from the same religious violence between Muslims and Christians that wracked many parts of Maluku, particularly Ambon and Halmahera.
Tewfiq Fikret
Tewfiq Fikret (Mehmed Tewfiq) (Tewfiq Nazmi) (Tevfik Fikret) (December 26, 1867-August 19, 1915). Ottoman Turkish poet and metricist. In 1896, he published his principal work The Broken Lute, followed by Mist, a vigorous poem directed against the despotic rule of Sultan Abdulhamid II. He created a new language of poetry.
Tevfik Fikret was the pseudonym of Turkish poet Mehmed Tevfik. Mehmed Tevfik was born in Istanbul, Ottoman Empire. His father (Hüseyin Efendi), originally from Çankırı in Anatolia, was mostly absent, as he was exiled for being a political foe of the ruling regime; while his mother (Hatice Refia Hanım), a Greek Muslim convert from the Ottoman island of Sakız (Chios), died when he was very young.
Mehmed received his education at the prestigious Galatasaray Lisesi and graduated in 1888 as the valedictorian. He later became the school's principal. In 1890 he married his cousin Nazime, and the couple had a son named Haluk in 1895. He left Galatasaray in 1894 and started teaching at another prestigious institution on the Bosphorus, Robert College, in 1896, where he kept working until his death. In 1906, he built a house inside the Robert College campus for his wife and son. Named Aşiyan, the house is now a museum.
Mehmed was investigated by the Ottoman police numerous times because of his political views and writings, and his association with known political opponents of Sultan Abdülhamid II.
Fikret's works were deeply influenced by the French Symbolists, many of whose works he translated into Turkish. Possessor of a bold, innovative style, his frequent use of arcane words contributed to the difficulty of his works.
In 1894, Fikret published the literary magazine Malûmat. In 1896 he became the chief editor of the famous Servet-i Fünun magazine where he worked with other Ottoman literary luminaries such as Halit Ziya Uşaklıgil, İsmail Safa, Mehmet Rauf, Samipaşazade Sezai and Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın. In 1908, after the Young Turk Revolution, he began publishing the newspaper Tanin, which became a strong supporter of the ruling party, the Committee of Union and Progress (Ittihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti). He was eventually disappointed with their politics too, and returned to Galatasaray Lisesi as the principal. During the 31 March Incident (31 Mart Vakası) of 1909, he chained himself to the school gates as a protest and resigned the same day.
Fikret had projects for a new school and magazines. However, due to complications from diabetes he refused to treat, he died in 1915 and was buried in the family plot at Eyüp.
Along with many of his avant-garde contemporaries, he contributed to the literary magazine Servet-i Fünun ("The Wealth of Knowledge") until it was censored by the Ottoman government in 1901. Fikret's volumes of verse include Rubab-ı Şikeste ("The Broken Lute") from 1900, and Haluk'un Defteri ("Haluk's Notebook") from 1911. Because of his very fiery writings and poetry in which he criticized the despotic Ottoman regime of Abdülhamid II, he was immortalized as the "freedom poet".
Fikret's works include:
* "Rubab-ı Şikeste" (1900)
* "Tarih-i Kadim" (1905)
* "Haluk'un Defteri" (1911)
* "Rubabın Cevabı" (1911)
* "Şermin" (1914)
* "Son Şiirler" (1952)
Fikret, Tewfiq see Tewfiq Fikret
Mehmed Tewfiq see Tewfiq Fikret
Tewfiq Nazmi see Tewfiq Fikret
Tevfiq Fikret see Tewfiq Fikret
Mehmed Tevfik see Tewfiq Fikret
Tewfiq Fikret (Mehmed Tewfiq) (Tewfiq Nazmi) (Tevfik Fikret) (December 26, 1867-August 19, 1915). Ottoman Turkish poet and metricist. In 1896, he published his principal work The Broken Lute, followed by Mist, a vigorous poem directed against the despotic rule of Sultan Abdulhamid II. He created a new language of poetry.
Tevfik Fikret was the pseudonym of Turkish poet Mehmed Tevfik. Mehmed Tevfik was born in Istanbul, Ottoman Empire. His father (Hüseyin Efendi), originally from Çankırı in Anatolia, was mostly absent, as he was exiled for being a political foe of the ruling regime; while his mother (Hatice Refia Hanım), a Greek Muslim convert from the Ottoman island of Sakız (Chios), died when he was very young.
Mehmed received his education at the prestigious Galatasaray Lisesi and graduated in 1888 as the valedictorian. He later became the school's principal. In 1890 he married his cousin Nazime, and the couple had a son named Haluk in 1895. He left Galatasaray in 1894 and started teaching at another prestigious institution on the Bosphorus, Robert College, in 1896, where he kept working until his death. In 1906, he built a house inside the Robert College campus for his wife and son. Named Aşiyan, the house is now a museum.
Mehmed was investigated by the Ottoman police numerous times because of his political views and writings, and his association with known political opponents of Sultan Abdülhamid II.
Fikret's works were deeply influenced by the French Symbolists, many of whose works he translated into Turkish. Possessor of a bold, innovative style, his frequent use of arcane words contributed to the difficulty of his works.
In 1894, Fikret published the literary magazine Malûmat. In 1896 he became the chief editor of the famous Servet-i Fünun magazine where he worked with other Ottoman literary luminaries such as Halit Ziya Uşaklıgil, İsmail Safa, Mehmet Rauf, Samipaşazade Sezai and Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın. In 1908, after the Young Turk Revolution, he began publishing the newspaper Tanin, which became a strong supporter of the ruling party, the Committee of Union and Progress (Ittihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti). He was eventually disappointed with their politics too, and returned to Galatasaray Lisesi as the principal. During the 31 March Incident (31 Mart Vakası) of 1909, he chained himself to the school gates as a protest and resigned the same day.
Fikret had projects for a new school and magazines. However, due to complications from diabetes he refused to treat, he died in 1915 and was buried in the family plot at Eyüp.
Along with many of his avant-garde contemporaries, he contributed to the literary magazine Servet-i Fünun ("The Wealth of Knowledge") until it was censored by the Ottoman government in 1901. Fikret's volumes of verse include Rubab-ı Şikeste ("The Broken Lute") from 1900, and Haluk'un Defteri ("Haluk's Notebook") from 1911. Because of his very fiery writings and poetry in which he criticized the despotic Ottoman regime of Abdülhamid II, he was immortalized as the "freedom poet".
Fikret's works include:
* "Rubab-ı Şikeste" (1900)
* "Tarih-i Kadim" (1905)
* "Haluk'un Defteri" (1911)
* "Rubabın Cevabı" (1911)
* "Şermin" (1914)
* "Son Şiirler" (1952)
Fikret, Tewfiq see Tewfiq Fikret
Mehmed Tewfiq see Tewfiq Fikret
Tewfiq Nazmi see Tewfiq Fikret
Tevfiq Fikret see Tewfiq Fikret
Mehmed Tevfik see Tewfiq Fikret
Tewfiq Mehmed
Tewfiq Mehmed (Tewfiq Nazmi) (1843-1893). Ottoman Turkish author. He owes his reputation to his literary activities in the field of anecdote.
Mehmed, Tewfiq see Tewfiq Mehmed
Tewfiq Nazmi see Tewfiq Mehmed
Nazmi, Tewfiq see Tewfiq Mehmed
Tex, Joe
Tewfiq Mehmed (Tewfiq Nazmi) (1843-1893). Ottoman Turkish author. He owes his reputation to his literary activities in the field of anecdote.
Mehmed, Tewfiq see Tewfiq Mehmed
Tewfiq Nazmi see Tewfiq Mehmed
Nazmi, Tewfiq see Tewfiq Mehmed
Tex, Joe
Joe Tex (b. Joseph Arrington, Jr., August 8, 1933, Rogers, Texas – d. August 13, 1982, Navasota, Texas) was a musician who gained success in the 1960s and 1970s with his brand of Southern soul, which mixed the styles of country, gospel and rhythm and blues.
The career of Joe Tex started after he was signed to King Records in 1955 following four wins at the Apollo Theater. Between 1955 and 1964, he struggled to find hits and by the time he finally recorded his first hit, "Hold On To What You've Got", in 1964, he had recorded thirty prior singles that were deemed failures on the charts. He went on to have four million-selling hits, "Hold What You've Got" (1965), "Skinny Legs and All" (1967), "I Gotcha" (1972), and "Ain't Gonna Bump No More (With No Big Fat Woman)" (1977).
Joe Tex was born Joseph Arrington Jr. in Rogers, Texas to Joseph Arrington and Cherie Sue (Jackson) Arrington. He and his sister Mary Sue were initially raised by their grandmother, Mary Richardson. After their parents divorced, Cheri Arrington moved to Baytown, Texas. Tex played baritone saxophone in the high school band and sang in a local Pentecostal church choir. He entered several talent shows, and after an important win in Houston, he won $300 and a trip to New York City. Joe Tex took part in the amateur portion of the Apollo Theater, winning first place four times, which led to his discovery by Henry Glover, who offered him a contract with King Records. However, his mother's wish was that he graduate from high school first, so Glover agreed to wait a year before signing him at age 19.
Tex recorded for King Records between 1955 and 1957 with little success. In 1958, he signed with Ace and continued to have relative failures, but he was starting to build a unique stage reputation, opening up for artists like Jackie Wilson, James Brown, and Little Richard. He perfected the microphone tricks and dance moves that would define the rest of his career.
In 1960, Tex left Ace and briefly recorded for Detroit's Anna Records label, where he scored a Bubbling Under Billboard hit with his cover version of Etta James' "All I Could Do Was Cry". By then, Tex's use of rapping over his music was starting to become commonplace.
In 1961, he recorded his composition "Baby You're Right" for Anna. Later that year, James Brown recorded a cover version, though with different lyrics and a different musical composition, gaining songwriting credit, making it a hit in 1962, and reaching No. 2 on the R&B chart. It was during this time that Tex first began working with Buddy Killen, who formed the Dial Records label behind Tex. After a number of songs failed to chart, Killen decided to have Atlantic Records distribute his recordings with Dial in 1964. By the time he signed with Atlantic, Tex had recorded 30 songs, all of which had failed to make an impact on the charts.
Tex recorded his first hit, "Hold On To What You've Got", in November 1964 at FAME Studios in Muscel Shoals, Alabama. He was unconvinced the song would be a hit and advised Killen not to release it. However, Killen felt otherwise and released the song in early 1965. By the time Tex got wind of its release, the song had already sold 200,000 copies. The song eventually peaked at No. 5 on the Billboard Hot 100 and became Tex's first No. 1 hit on the R&B charts, staying on the charts for 11 weeks and selling more than a million copies by 1966.
Tex would place six top 40 charted singles on the R&B charts in 1965 alone, including two more No. 1 hits "I Want To (Do Everything For You)" and "A Sweet Woman Like You". He followed that with two successive albums, Hold On To What You've Got and The New Boss. He placed more R&B hits than any artist, including his rival James Brown. In 1966, five more singles entered the top 40 on the R&B charts, including "The Love You Save" and "S.Y.S.L.J.F.M." or "The Letter Song", which was an answer song to Wilson Pickett's "634-5789".
His 1967 hits included "Show Me", which became an often-covered tune for British rock artists and later some country and pop artists, and his second million-selling hit, "Skinny Legs and All". The latter song, released off Tex's pseudo-live album, Live and Lively, stayed on the charts for 15 weeks and was awarded a gold disc by the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) in January 1968. After leaving Atlantic for Mercury, Tex had several more R&B hits including "Buying a Book" in 1970 and "Give the Baby Anything the Baby Wants" in 1971.
Tex recorded his next big hit, "I Gotcha", in December 1971. The song was released in January 1972 and stayed on the charts for 20 weeks, staying at No. 2 on the Hot 100 for two weeks and sold more than 2 million copies, becoming his biggest-selling hit. Tex was earned a gold disc of the song on March 22, 1972. The parent album reached No. 17 on the pop albums chart. Following this and another album, Tex announced his retirement from show business in September 1972 to pursue life as a minister for Islam. Tex returned to his music career following the death of Elijah Muhammad in 1975, releasing the top 40 R&B hit, "Under Your Powerful Love". His last hit, "Ain't Gonna Bump No More (With No Big Fat Woman)", was released in 1977 and peaked at No. 12 on the Hot 100 and No. 2 in the United Kingdom.
His last public appearances were as part of a revised 1980s version of the Soul Clan in 1981. After that, Tex withdrew from public life, settling at his ranch in Navasota, Texas.
A convert to Islam in 1966, Tex changed his name to Yusuf Hazziez, and toured as a spiritual lecturer. He had a daughter, Eartha Doucet, and four sons, Joseph Arrington III, Ramadan Hazziez, Jwaade Hazziez and Joseph Hazziez.
On August 13, 1982, Joe Tex died at his home in Navasota, Texas, following a heart attack, five days after his 49th birthday.
Tha‘alibi, ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad al-Ja‘fari al-
Tha‘alibi, ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad al-Ja‘fari al- (‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad al-Ja‘fari al-Tha‘alibi) (1386-1468). Theologian from Algiers. His principal work is a commentary on the Qur’an.
'Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad al-Ja'fari al-Tha'alibi see Tha‘alibi, ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad al-Ja‘fari al-
Tha‘alibi, ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad al-Ja‘fari al- (‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad al-Ja‘fari al-Tha‘alibi) (1386-1468). Theologian from Algiers. His principal work is a commentary on the Qur’an.
'Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad al-Ja'fari al-Tha'alibi see Tha‘alibi, ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad al-Ja‘fari al-
Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur ‘Abd al-Husayn al-Marghani al-
Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur ‘Abd al-Husayn al-Marghani al- (Abu Mansur ‘Abd al-Husayn al-Marghani al-Tha‘alibi) (Abu Manşūr 'Abd ul-Malik ibn Mahommed ibn Isma'īl uth-Tha'ālibī) (961-1038). Compiler in the fields of poetry, lexicography and rhetoric. His most famous and, for posterity, most important work is an anthology of the poets of his own and the preceding generation, arranged under countries. Another part of his compilations deals with entertaining literature and proverbs. Finally there are his philological works, the most famous of them being a work on Arabic synonyms.
Tha'ālibī was born in Nishapur, and is said to have been at one time a furrier. Although he wrote prose and verse of his own, he was most famous for his anthologies and collections of epigrams. Like many other Arabian writers, he does not always distinguish between his own and other people's work. Of the twenty-nine works known to have been written by him, the most famous is his Kitāb Yatīmat ud-Dahr, on the poets of his own and earlier times, arranged according to the countries of the poets, and containing valuable extracts. Another of his works, the Kitāb Fiqh ul-Lugha, is lexicographical, the words being arranged in classes.
Abu Mansur 'Abd al-Husayn al-Marghani al-Tha'alibi see Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur ‘Abd al-Husayn al-Marghani al-
Abu Manşūr 'Abd ul-Malik ibn Mahommed ibn Isma'īl uth-Tha'ālibī see Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur ‘Abd al-Husayn al-Marghani al-
Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur ‘Abd al-Husayn al-Marghani al- (Abu Mansur ‘Abd al-Husayn al-Marghani al-Tha‘alibi) (Abu Manşūr 'Abd ul-Malik ibn Mahommed ibn Isma'īl uth-Tha'ālibī) (961-1038). Compiler in the fields of poetry, lexicography and rhetoric. His most famous and, for posterity, most important work is an anthology of the poets of his own and the preceding generation, arranged under countries. Another part of his compilations deals with entertaining literature and proverbs. Finally there are his philological works, the most famous of them being a work on Arabic synonyms.
Tha'ālibī was born in Nishapur, and is said to have been at one time a furrier. Although he wrote prose and verse of his own, he was most famous for his anthologies and collections of epigrams. Like many other Arabian writers, he does not always distinguish between his own and other people's work. Of the twenty-nine works known to have been written by him, the most famous is his Kitāb Yatīmat ud-Dahr, on the poets of his own and earlier times, arranged according to the countries of the poets, and containing valuable extracts. Another of his works, the Kitāb Fiqh ul-Lugha, is lexicographical, the words being arranged in classes.
Abu Mansur 'Abd al-Husayn al-Marghani al-Tha'alibi see Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur ‘Abd al-Husayn al-Marghani al-
Abu Manşūr 'Abd ul-Malik ibn Mahommed ibn Isma'īl uth-Tha'ālibī see Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur ‘Abd al-Husayn al-Marghani al-
Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur al-Husayn al-Marghani al-
Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur al-Husayn al-Marghani al- (Abu Mansur al-Husayn al-Marghani al-Tha'alibi). Arab historian of the eleventh century. He wrote a history of mankind from Adam down to the period of the Ghaznavid Mahmud ibn Sebuktigin. In the introduction, he gives the sources used by Firdawsi for his Shah-name.
Abu Mansur al-Husayn Tha'alibi see Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur al-Husayn al-Marghani al-
Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur al-Husayn al-Marghani al- (Abu Mansur al-Husayn al-Marghani al-Tha'alibi). Arab historian of the eleventh century. He wrote a history of mankind from Adam down to the period of the Ghaznavid Mahmud ibn Sebuktigin. In the introduction, he gives the sources used by Firdawsi for his Shah-name.
Abu Mansur al-Husayn Tha'alibi see Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur al-Husayn al-Marghani al-
Thabit
Thabit (‘Ala’ al-Din Thabit) (c.1650-1712). Ottoman poet from Bosnia. His Turkish vocabulary is very rich, especially for idioms.
'Ala' al-Din Thabit see Thabit
Thabit (‘Ala’ al-Din Thabit) (c.1650-1712). Ottoman poet from Bosnia. His Turkish vocabulary is very rich, especially for idioms.
'Ala' al-Din Thabit see Thabit
Thabit ibn Qurrah
Thabit ibn Qurrah (Thebit) (Al-Ṣābiʾ Thābit ibn Qurra al-Ḥarrānī) (836 – February 18, 901). Mathematician, physician and philosopher from Harran. The ‘Abbasid Caliph al-Mu‘tadid bi-‘llah appointed him as one of his astronomers at Baghdad. The greater part of his life was spent in translating and expounding Greek mathematicians, in composing his own mathematical works, in philosophical studies and in the practice of medicine. He wrote in Syriac on the doctrine and worship of the Sabaeans, his co-religionists of Harran.
Thabit ibn Qurrah is known for his work on mechanics, astronomy, pure mathematics and geometry. Thabit ibn Qurrah ibn Marwan al-Harrani was born in 836 at Harran (in what is today Turkey) and died in Baghdad in 901. He joined the scientific team of the great Muslim mathematician Muhammad ibn Musa ibn Shakir at Baghdad, which was established by the Abbasid Caliphs.
Thabit was a pioneer in extending the concept of traditional geometry to geometrical algebra and proposed theories that led to the development of non-Euclidean geometry, spherical trigonometry, integral calculus and real numbers. He used arithmetic terminology to study several aspects of conic sections (parabola and ellipse). His algorithm for computing the surface area and volume of solids is in fact what we came to know later as the integral calculus.
Thabit’s original work on mechanics and physics involves examining conditions of equilibrium of bodies, beams and levers. Some historians have recognized him as the Founder of Statics. He was among the early critics of Ptolemaic views on astronomy. He also criticized several theorems of Euclid’s elements and proposed important improvements. Thabit added the ninth sphere to Ptolemaic astronomy. Some early investigators criticized his work on Trepidation of Equinoxes and several centuries later Tycho Brahe (1546-1601) improved upon his work.
Thabit analyzed several problems on the movements of sun and moon and wrote treatises on sundials. Indeed, in tribute to Thabit’s work on the moon, Beer and Madler in their famous work Der Mond (1837) named a surface feature of the moon after Thabit (Thebit). It is a prominent circular plain thirty miles in diameter. The intrusion of a small cirular plain has disfigured its circular wall. A small crater has thrust itself in on the eastern side of this plain.
Thabit’s books on mathematics, astronomy and medicine have survived. He translated many Greek and Syrian works on science into Arabic while in the service of Khalifah al-Mu‘tadid. Among his translations into Arabic are the Ptolemy’s Almagest, Euclid’s Elements of Geometry, Apollonius’s book on conic sections, and some of Archimedes’ works. In the Middle Ages, Gerard of Cremona translated some of his books into Latin.
Thabit left his legacy with sons (Ibrahim and Sinan), grandsons (Thabit and Ibrahim) and a great grandson (Abu al-Faraj) who also contributed substantially to our knowledge of geometry, astronomy and medicine. His son Sinan conducted regular examination (certification) of medical practitioners beginning in 931 and awarded eight hundred certificates to medical doctors. Sinan also instituted traveling hospitals and inspected prisons to assure adequate health care.
Thābit ibn Qurra was born in Harran (known as Carrhae in antiquity) in Mesopotamia (in modern day Iraq). At the invitation of Muhammad bin Musa bin Shakir, one of the Banu Musa brothers, Thabit went to study in Baghdad at the House of Wisdom. He belonged to the Sabians of the Harran sect, a sect of Hermeticists. Sources credit him to be a Mandaean. In either case, both sects had a great interest in astronomy, astrology, and mathematics (especially in the case of the Mandaeans). This sect lived in the vicinity of the main center of the Caliphate until 1258, when the Mongols destroyed their last shrine. During Muslim rule, they were a protected minority, and around the time of al-Mutawakkil's reign their town became a center for philosophical, esoteric, and medical learning. They may have been joined by the descendants of pagan Greek scholars who, not tolerated in the Byzantine Empire, settled in lands that became part of the Abbasid caliphate. After 750, some Muslim rulers and scholars became interested in Greek culture and science, collecting and having translated many ancient Greek works in the fields of philosophy and mathematics. Although they later became Arabic speakers, in pre-Islamic times, it was common for Sabians to speak Greek.
Thabit and his pupils lived in the midst of the most intellectually vibrant, and probably the largest, city of the time, Baghdad. He occupied himself with mathematics, astronomy, astrology, magic, mechanics, medicine, and philosophy. His native language was Syriac, which was the eastern Aramaic dialect from Edessa, and he knew Greek well too. He translated from Greek Apollonius, Archimedes, Euclid and Ptolemy. Thabit had revised the translation of Euclid's Elements of Hunayn ibn Ishaq. He also rewrote Hunayn's translation of Ptolemy's Almagest and translated Ptolemy's Geography. Thabit's translation of a work by Archimedes which gave a construction of a regular heptagon was discovered in the 20th century, the original having been lost.
Later in his life, Thabit's patron was the Abbasid Caliph al-Mu'tadid (reigned 892–902). Thabit became the Caliph's personal friend and courtier.
Thabit died in Baghdad. After him the greatest Sabean name was Abu Abdallah Mohammad ibn Jabir Al-Battani. Thabit and his grandson Ibrahim ibn Sinan ibn Thabit studied the curves needed for making sundials. Thabit's son Sinan ibn Thabit was a distinguished physician who was responsible for supervising all the public hospitals of Baghdad. He was a member of the Sabian sect.
Only a few of Thabit's works are preserved in their original form.
The medieval astronomical theory of the trepidation of the equinoxes is often attributed to Thabit. But it had already been described by Theon of Alexandria in his comments of the Handy Tables of Ptolemy. According to Copernicus Thabit determined the length of the sidereal year as 365 days, 6 hours, 9 minutes and 12 seconds (an error of 2 seconds). Copernicus based his claim on the Latin text attributed to Thabit. Thabit published his observations of the Sun.
In mathematics, Thabit discovered an equation for determining the amicable numbers. He also wrote on the theory of numbers, and extended their use to describe the ratios between geometrical quantities, a step which the Greeks never took. Another important contribution Thabit made to geometry was his generalization of the Pythagorean theorem, which he extended from special right triangles to all triangles in general, along with a general proof.
In physics, Thabit rejected the Peripatetic and Aristotelian notions of a "natural place" for each element. He instead proposed a theory of motion in which both the upward and downward motions are caused by weight, and that the order of the universe is a result of two competing attractions (jadhb): one of these being "between the sublunar and celestial elements", and the other being "between all parts of each element separately".
Al-Ṣābiʾ Thābit ibn Qurra al-Ḥarrānī (836 – February 18, 901) see Thabit ibn Qurrah
Thebit see Thabit ibn Qurrah
Thabit ibn Qurrah (Thebit) (Al-Ṣābiʾ Thābit ibn Qurra al-Ḥarrānī) (836 – February 18, 901). Mathematician, physician and philosopher from Harran. The ‘Abbasid Caliph al-Mu‘tadid bi-‘llah appointed him as one of his astronomers at Baghdad. The greater part of his life was spent in translating and expounding Greek mathematicians, in composing his own mathematical works, in philosophical studies and in the practice of medicine. He wrote in Syriac on the doctrine and worship of the Sabaeans, his co-religionists of Harran.
Thabit ibn Qurrah is known for his work on mechanics, astronomy, pure mathematics and geometry. Thabit ibn Qurrah ibn Marwan al-Harrani was born in 836 at Harran (in what is today Turkey) and died in Baghdad in 901. He joined the scientific team of the great Muslim mathematician Muhammad ibn Musa ibn Shakir at Baghdad, which was established by the Abbasid Caliphs.
Thabit was a pioneer in extending the concept of traditional geometry to geometrical algebra and proposed theories that led to the development of non-Euclidean geometry, spherical trigonometry, integral calculus and real numbers. He used arithmetic terminology to study several aspects of conic sections (parabola and ellipse). His algorithm for computing the surface area and volume of solids is in fact what we came to know later as the integral calculus.
Thabit’s original work on mechanics and physics involves examining conditions of equilibrium of bodies, beams and levers. Some historians have recognized him as the Founder of Statics. He was among the early critics of Ptolemaic views on astronomy. He also criticized several theorems of Euclid’s elements and proposed important improvements. Thabit added the ninth sphere to Ptolemaic astronomy. Some early investigators criticized his work on Trepidation of Equinoxes and several centuries later Tycho Brahe (1546-1601) improved upon his work.
Thabit analyzed several problems on the movements of sun and moon and wrote treatises on sundials. Indeed, in tribute to Thabit’s work on the moon, Beer and Madler in their famous work Der Mond (1837) named a surface feature of the moon after Thabit (Thebit). It is a prominent circular plain thirty miles in diameter. The intrusion of a small cirular plain has disfigured its circular wall. A small crater has thrust itself in on the eastern side of this plain.
Thabit’s books on mathematics, astronomy and medicine have survived. He translated many Greek and Syrian works on science into Arabic while in the service of Khalifah al-Mu‘tadid. Among his translations into Arabic are the Ptolemy’s Almagest, Euclid’s Elements of Geometry, Apollonius’s book on conic sections, and some of Archimedes’ works. In the Middle Ages, Gerard of Cremona translated some of his books into Latin.
Thabit left his legacy with sons (Ibrahim and Sinan), grandsons (Thabit and Ibrahim) and a great grandson (Abu al-Faraj) who also contributed substantially to our knowledge of geometry, astronomy and medicine. His son Sinan conducted regular examination (certification) of medical practitioners beginning in 931 and awarded eight hundred certificates to medical doctors. Sinan also instituted traveling hospitals and inspected prisons to assure adequate health care.
Thābit ibn Qurra was born in Harran (known as Carrhae in antiquity) in Mesopotamia (in modern day Iraq). At the invitation of Muhammad bin Musa bin Shakir, one of the Banu Musa brothers, Thabit went to study in Baghdad at the House of Wisdom. He belonged to the Sabians of the Harran sect, a sect of Hermeticists. Sources credit him to be a Mandaean. In either case, both sects had a great interest in astronomy, astrology, and mathematics (especially in the case of the Mandaeans). This sect lived in the vicinity of the main center of the Caliphate until 1258, when the Mongols destroyed their last shrine. During Muslim rule, they were a protected minority, and around the time of al-Mutawakkil's reign their town became a center for philosophical, esoteric, and medical learning. They may have been joined by the descendants of pagan Greek scholars who, not tolerated in the Byzantine Empire, settled in lands that became part of the Abbasid caliphate. After 750, some Muslim rulers and scholars became interested in Greek culture and science, collecting and having translated many ancient Greek works in the fields of philosophy and mathematics. Although they later became Arabic speakers, in pre-Islamic times, it was common for Sabians to speak Greek.
Thabit and his pupils lived in the midst of the most intellectually vibrant, and probably the largest, city of the time, Baghdad. He occupied himself with mathematics, astronomy, astrology, magic, mechanics, medicine, and philosophy. His native language was Syriac, which was the eastern Aramaic dialect from Edessa, and he knew Greek well too. He translated from Greek Apollonius, Archimedes, Euclid and Ptolemy. Thabit had revised the translation of Euclid's Elements of Hunayn ibn Ishaq. He also rewrote Hunayn's translation of Ptolemy's Almagest and translated Ptolemy's Geography. Thabit's translation of a work by Archimedes which gave a construction of a regular heptagon was discovered in the 20th century, the original having been lost.
Later in his life, Thabit's patron was the Abbasid Caliph al-Mu'tadid (reigned 892–902). Thabit became the Caliph's personal friend and courtier.
Thabit died in Baghdad. After him the greatest Sabean name was Abu Abdallah Mohammad ibn Jabir Al-Battani. Thabit and his grandson Ibrahim ibn Sinan ibn Thabit studied the curves needed for making sundials. Thabit's son Sinan ibn Thabit was a distinguished physician who was responsible for supervising all the public hospitals of Baghdad. He was a member of the Sabian sect.
Only a few of Thabit's works are preserved in their original form.
The medieval astronomical theory of the trepidation of the equinoxes is often attributed to Thabit. But it had already been described by Theon of Alexandria in his comments of the Handy Tables of Ptolemy. According to Copernicus Thabit determined the length of the sidereal year as 365 days, 6 hours, 9 minutes and 12 seconds (an error of 2 seconds). Copernicus based his claim on the Latin text attributed to Thabit. Thabit published his observations of the Sun.
In mathematics, Thabit discovered an equation for determining the amicable numbers. He also wrote on the theory of numbers, and extended their use to describe the ratios between geometrical quantities, a step which the Greeks never took. Another important contribution Thabit made to geometry was his generalization of the Pythagorean theorem, which he extended from special right triangles to all triangles in general, along with a general proof.
In physics, Thabit rejected the Peripatetic and Aristotelian notions of a "natural place" for each element. He instead proposed a theory of motion in which both the upward and downward motions are caused by weight, and that the order of the universe is a result of two competing attractions (jadhb): one of these being "between the sublunar and celestial elements", and the other being "between all parts of each element separately".
Al-Ṣābiʾ Thābit ibn Qurra al-Ḥarrānī (836 – February 18, 901) see Thabit ibn Qurrah
Thebit see Thabit ibn Qurrah
Thags
Thags (Thuggees) (Thugs). Practitioners of the thagi. Thagi is an alternate word for the term thugee and referes to the practice of killing travelers by groups known as Thags or Thugs (literally, “deceivers”). Thagi was probably an ancient institution in India and was allegedly based on the worship of the Hindu gosddess Kali. Thugs followed strict rituals and were distinct from the Pindaris or dacoits, who were essentially bandits. They used a rumal, a white or yellow handkerchief weighted on one end with a silver rupee, to strangle the victim and employed a pickaxe, said to symbolize Kali’s tooth, to facilitate burial.
Virtually unknown except by villagers and local magnates who gave them protection, the Thugs were first seriously studied by William Sleeman (1788-1856) in the 1820s and 1830s. Sleeman found that Thug groups included both Hindus and Muslims, and were governed by their own moral code and complex internal organization. Despite their remarkable qualities of solidarity and leadership, by the late 1830s Sleeman, with government help, had virtually ended thagi.
Thags (Thugs) were members of a well-organized confederacy of professional assassins who traveled in gangs throughout India for several hundred years. (The earliest authenticated mention of the thugs is found in Ẓiyāʾ-ud-Dīn Baranī, History of Fīrūz Shāh, dated about 1356.) The thugs would insinuate themselves into the confidence of wayfarers and, when a favorable opportunity presented itself, strangle them by throwing a handkerchief or noose around their necks. They then plundered and buried them. All this was done according to certain ancient and rigidly prescribed forms and after the performance of special religious rites, in which the consecration of the pickax and the sacrifice of sugar formed a prominent part. Although the thugs traced their origin to seven Muslim tribes, Hindus appear to have been associated with them at an early period. At any rate, their religious creed and practices as worshipers of Kālī, the Hindu goddess of destruction, showed no influence of Islām. The fraternity possessed a jargon of its own (Ramasi) and signs by which its members recognized each other.
Though sporadic efforts were made toward the extinction of the gangs, it was not until Lord William Bentinck (British governor-general of India, 1833–35) took vigorous steps that the system was seriously attacked. His chief agent, Captain William Sleeman, with the cooperation of the authorities in a number of princely states, succeeded so well in eliminating the evil that from 1831 to 1837 no fewer than 3,266 thugs were captured, of whom 412 were hanged, 483 gave evidence for the state, and the remainder were transported or imprisoned for life. The fraternity presumably thereafter became extinct.
The two most popular depictions of the cult in film are the 1939 film, Gunga Din, and the 1984 film, Indiana Jones and the Temple of Doom. The Indiana Jones movie is notable for Amrish Puri's villain, who is shown chanting lines such as "maaro maaro sooar ko, chamdi nocho pee lo khoon" - literally "Kill, Kill the pig, flay his skin, drink his blood". Temple of Doom was temporarily banned in India for an allegedly racist portrayal of Indians. Both films have the heroes fighting secret revivals of the cult to prevent them from resuming their reigns of terror, although Temple of Doom included features that were never part of the Thuggee rituals, such as cardiectomy.
Thuggees see Thags
Thugs see Thags
Thags (Thuggees) (Thugs). Practitioners of the thagi. Thagi is an alternate word for the term thugee and referes to the practice of killing travelers by groups known as Thags or Thugs (literally, “deceivers”). Thagi was probably an ancient institution in India and was allegedly based on the worship of the Hindu gosddess Kali. Thugs followed strict rituals and were distinct from the Pindaris or dacoits, who were essentially bandits. They used a rumal, a white or yellow handkerchief weighted on one end with a silver rupee, to strangle the victim and employed a pickaxe, said to symbolize Kali’s tooth, to facilitate burial.
Virtually unknown except by villagers and local magnates who gave them protection, the Thugs were first seriously studied by William Sleeman (1788-1856) in the 1820s and 1830s. Sleeman found that Thug groups included both Hindus and Muslims, and were governed by their own moral code and complex internal organization. Despite their remarkable qualities of solidarity and leadership, by the late 1830s Sleeman, with government help, had virtually ended thagi.
Thags (Thugs) were members of a well-organized confederacy of professional assassins who traveled in gangs throughout India for several hundred years. (The earliest authenticated mention of the thugs is found in Ẓiyāʾ-ud-Dīn Baranī, History of Fīrūz Shāh, dated about 1356.) The thugs would insinuate themselves into the confidence of wayfarers and, when a favorable opportunity presented itself, strangle them by throwing a handkerchief or noose around their necks. They then plundered and buried them. All this was done according to certain ancient and rigidly prescribed forms and after the performance of special religious rites, in which the consecration of the pickax and the sacrifice of sugar formed a prominent part. Although the thugs traced their origin to seven Muslim tribes, Hindus appear to have been associated with them at an early period. At any rate, their religious creed and practices as worshipers of Kālī, the Hindu goddess of destruction, showed no influence of Islām. The fraternity possessed a jargon of its own (Ramasi) and signs by which its members recognized each other.
Though sporadic efforts were made toward the extinction of the gangs, it was not until Lord William Bentinck (British governor-general of India, 1833–35) took vigorous steps that the system was seriously attacked. His chief agent, Captain William Sleeman, with the cooperation of the authorities in a number of princely states, succeeded so well in eliminating the evil that from 1831 to 1837 no fewer than 3,266 thugs were captured, of whom 412 were hanged, 483 gave evidence for the state, and the remainder were transported or imprisoned for life. The fraternity presumably thereafter became extinct.
The two most popular depictions of the cult in film are the 1939 film, Gunga Din, and the 1984 film, Indiana Jones and the Temple of Doom. The Indiana Jones movie is notable for Amrish Puri's villain, who is shown chanting lines such as "maaro maaro sooar ko, chamdi nocho pee lo khoon" - literally "Kill, Kill the pig, flay his skin, drink his blood". Temple of Doom was temporarily banned in India for an allegedly racist portrayal of Indians. Both films have the heroes fighting secret revivals of the cult to prevent them from resuming their reigns of terror, although Temple of Doom included features that were never part of the Thuggee rituals, such as cardiectomy.
Thuggees see Thags
Thugs see Thags
Thais
Thais. Throughout the major regions of Buddhist Thailand, the silhouettes of the minaret against the skyline attest to the existence there of over two million Muslims. They constitute the largest religious minority, about four percent of the population.
Nearly all Muslims of Thailand are either indigenous Malays or descendants of immigrants of refugees of other ethnic groups. Some have been settled so long among the Theravada Buddhists of the northern and central provinces that they have assimilated into the general culture of Thai society. These Muslims are considered, and consider themselves, as “Thai.”
During the seventeenth century, small migrant populations of Iranian, Cham and Indian Muslims came to the ancient capital of Ayudhya in central Thailand. Later in the nineteenth century Indian, Indonesian, Cham and Chinese (Hui) Muslims settled in central and northern Thailand. But the largest segment of Thai Muslims settled in these Buddhist areas were Malays focibly relocated from the deep southernmost provinces of Thailand. Today, they speak Thai as their native language and have become socialized into the dominant culture of their Thai Buddhist neighbors.
With the exception of the descendants of Iranians and a few Indian Muslims who are Shi’a, Thai Muslims are Sunni Muslims.
Thais. Throughout the major regions of Buddhist Thailand, the silhouettes of the minaret against the skyline attest to the existence there of over two million Muslims. They constitute the largest religious minority, about four percent of the population.
Nearly all Muslims of Thailand are either indigenous Malays or descendants of immigrants of refugees of other ethnic groups. Some have been settled so long among the Theravada Buddhists of the northern and central provinces that they have assimilated into the general culture of Thai society. These Muslims are considered, and consider themselves, as “Thai.”
During the seventeenth century, small migrant populations of Iranian, Cham and Indian Muslims came to the ancient capital of Ayudhya in central Thailand. Later in the nineteenth century Indian, Indonesian, Cham and Chinese (Hui) Muslims settled in central and northern Thailand. But the largest segment of Thai Muslims settled in these Buddhist areas were Malays focibly relocated from the deep southernmost provinces of Thailand. Today, they speak Thai as their native language and have become socialized into the dominant culture of their Thai Buddhist neighbors.
With the exception of the descendants of Iranians and a few Indian Muslims who are Shi’a, Thai Muslims are Sunni Muslims.
Tha‘labi, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al-
Tha‘labi, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al- (Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al-Tha‘labi) (Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Tha'labi) (Abu Ishaq Ahmad Ibn Muhammed Ibn Ibrahim Al-Thalabi) (d.1035/1036). Eleventh century theologian and Qur’an exegist. His commentary on the Qur’an was once widely used. His History of the Prophets is quite popular.
The works of Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Tha'labi include:
* Tafsir al-Thalabi
* Lives of the Prophets (Arabic: "Arais Al-Majalis Fi Qisas Al-Anbiya")
Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al-Tha'labi see Tha‘labi, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al-
Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Tha'labi see Tha‘labi, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al-
Abu Ishaq Ahmad Ibn Muhammed Ibn Ibrahim Al-Thalabi see Tha‘labi, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al-
Tha‘labi, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al- (Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al-Tha‘labi) (Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Tha'labi) (Abu Ishaq Ahmad Ibn Muhammed Ibn Ibrahim Al-Thalabi) (d.1035/1036). Eleventh century theologian and Qur’an exegist. His commentary on the Qur’an was once widely used. His History of the Prophets is quite popular.
The works of Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Tha'labi include:
* Tafsir al-Thalabi
* Lives of the Prophets (Arabic: "Arais Al-Majalis Fi Qisas Al-Anbiya")
Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al-Tha'labi see Tha‘labi, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al-
Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Tha'labi see Tha‘labi, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al-
Abu Ishaq Ahmad Ibn Muhammed Ibn Ibrahim Al-Thalabi see Tha‘labi, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al-
Thamud, Banu
Thamud, Banu (Banu Thamud) (Thamud). Old Arab people who had disappeared some time before the coming of the Prophet. Their fate is mentioned in the Qur’an as a warning.
The Thamūd were a people of ancient Arabia who were known from the 1st millennium B.C.T. to near the time of Muhammad. Although they are thought to have originated in southern Arabia, Arabic tradition has them moving north to settle on the slopes of Mount Athlab near Mada'in Saleh. According to the Qur'an, the Thamud were punished and destroyed by an earth tremor (rajfa).
Numerous Thamudic rock writings and pictures have been found on Mount Athlab and throughout central Arabia.
Banu Thamud see Thamud, Banu
Thamud see Thamud, Banu
Thamud, Banu (Banu Thamud) (Thamud). Old Arab people who had disappeared some time before the coming of the Prophet. Their fate is mentioned in the Qur’an as a warning.
The Thamūd were a people of ancient Arabia who were known from the 1st millennium B.C.T. to near the time of Muhammad. Although they are thought to have originated in southern Arabia, Arabic tradition has them moving north to settle on the slopes of Mount Athlab near Mada'in Saleh. According to the Qur'an, the Thamud were punished and destroyed by an earth tremor (rajfa).
Numerous Thamudic rock writings and pictures have been found on Mount Athlab and throughout central Arabia.
Banu Thamud see Thamud, Banu
Thamud see Thamud, Banu
Thani, Hamad ibn Khalifa al-
Hamad ibn Khalifa al-Thani (Hamadi ibn Khalifa th-Thani) (Hamadi ibn Khalifa th-Thani) (Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani) (b. January 1, 1952, Doha, Qatar). Emir of Qatar from 1995 to 2013. He was born in Doha, the son of Shaykh Khalifa ibn Hamad al-Thani.
Ḥamad ibn Khalīfah Āl Thānī took power from his father, Sheikh Khalifa ibn Hamad al-Thani, who had become Qatar’s leader just months after the country won independence from Great Britain in 1972. In 2013, Ḥamad abdicated in favor of his son Sheikh Tamim.
Ḥamad was born into a family that at the time had ruled the country for a century. He was educated in Qatar and in England at the Royal Military Academy at Sandhurst and became a lieutenant colonel in Qatar’s military after graduating in 1971. He was promoted in 1975 to major general and commander in chief of the armed forces, and in 1977 he became minister of defense as well as heir apparent to the throne. Following the Persian Gulf War (1990–91), Ḥamad was, for most purposes, leading the country, and in 1995 he staged a coup and ousted his father while the latter was traveling outside Qatar. Ḥamad himself survived a number of subsequent coup attempts and succeeded in returning to the government a portion of the estimated $3 billion–$7 billion in gas and oil profits his father had held in personal bank accounts.
By 2000, Ḥamad had instituted a number of policies that transformed the country. He moved to allow Qataris to participate more actively in the government and to promote greater equality for women. After becoming ruler he announced plans to establish an elected parliament, appointed a committee to draft a permanent constitution, largely abolished censorship of the press, and in 1999 held the country’s first open general elections for a municipal council. For the first time, women not only were allowed to vote but, even more revolutionary, were also allowed to run for office.
In June 2013, Ḥamad announced his abdication in favour of his 33-year-old son Tamim, the crown prince, citing the need to make way for a new generation of Qatari leaders. The transfer of power was seen as unusual for the Gulf Arab region, where rulers typically occupied their positions for life.
In 1971, Hamadi graduated from Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst, Great Britain. He then joined the Qatari military forces with the rank of major.
In 1975, Hamadi was appointed major-general and commander-in-chief of the armed forces.
In May of 1977, he was appointed crown prince, whereupon he became the minister of defense.
In 1991, under the control of Hamadi, Qatari forces participated in the United Nations led attack on Iraq. Hamadi obtained much control over the politics of Qatar, after that his father, Khalifa, left the daily governing to his sons.
In 1994, Hamadi reconciled with Iraq.
In June of 1995, while his father was staying in Geneva, Switzerland, Hamadi deposed his father in a bloodless coup.
Having a military background, much of Hamad’s attention in his politics has been military and security oriented. Under Hamadi, an old dispute over where the exact borders between Saudi Arabia and Qatar should run has been revived. Before becoming emir, he was active in modernizing both the military as well as the country’s infrastructure.
Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani rose to the position of Emir of the state of Qatar on June 26, 1995, after deposing his father, who was on vacation in Switzerland at the time.
Hamad had been acclaimed Crown Prince in 1977 and at the same time was appointed Minister of Defense. In the early 1980s, he led the Supreme Planning Council, which set Qatar's basic economic and social policies. After 1992, Sheikh Hamad has selected to Qatar's cabinet and was responsible for administering the country's day-to-day affairs. He also led the development of Qatar's oil and natural gas resources.
Hamad began his education in Qatar and later attended Sandhurst Military Academy in England. Upon his graduation in 1971, he was commissioned as a Lieutenant Colonel in the Qatari armed forces and commanded the 1st Mobile Battalion, which has since been designated the "Hamad Mobile Battalion" in his honor.
Hamad was later promoted to the rank of Major General and appointed Commander in Chief of the Qatari Armed Forces. He oversaw an extensive program to modernize Qatar's military, increasing manpower, creating new units, updating weaponry, and improving training. The effects of this program were evident during the Gulf War when Qatari forces helped liberate Kuwait.
During the first decade of the twenty-first century of the Christian calendar, Hamad represented Qatar on official state visits and at numerous Persian Gulf and international forums. His role as a leader and diplomat earned him worldwide honors: the Order of Oman from the Sultanate of Oman, the Order of the Nile from Egypt, the Order of King Abdul Aziz from Saudi Arabia, the Indonesian Order of Ibn 'Azeem, Nishan-e-Pakistan from Pakistan, the Order of Francisco de Miranda from Venezuela, the Order of St. Michael and St. George from Britain, the Order of Grand Officier of the Légion d'honneur from France, the Mohammedi Medal from Morocco and the Lebanese Ordre du Mérite. A keen sportsman and an accomplished diver, Hamad played an active role in promoting and developing athletics in Qatar. His activism enhanced the country's involvement and performance in a number of international competitions, including: winning an Olympic medal in track and field; hosting a wide variety of international sporting events such as the 15th Asian Games, Asian and World Youth soccer championships; and initiating the Qatar Open Tennis Championship which has grown to become one of two premier tennis competitions in the Middle East.
Hamad proved to be one of the most progressive Persian Gulf leaders in the realm of international relations. Despite the prevalence of anti-Israel sentiment within the Arab world, he met with Israeli minister Tzipi Livni in New York. This marked the first real attempt by any leader in the Persian Gulf to pursue dialogue with Israel.
Hamadi ibn Khalifa th-Thani see Thani, Hamadi ibn Khalifa th-
Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani see Thani, Hamadi ibn Khalifa th-
Hamad ibn Khalifa al-Thani (Hamadi ibn Khalifa th-Thani) (Hamadi ibn Khalifa th-Thani) (Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani) (b. January 1, 1952, Doha, Qatar). Emir of Qatar from 1995 to 2013. He was born in Doha, the son of Shaykh Khalifa ibn Hamad al-Thani.
Ḥamad ibn Khalīfah Āl Thānī took power from his father, Sheikh Khalifa ibn Hamad al-Thani, who had become Qatar’s leader just months after the country won independence from Great Britain in 1972. In 2013, Ḥamad abdicated in favor of his son Sheikh Tamim.
Ḥamad was born into a family that at the time had ruled the country for a century. He was educated in Qatar and in England at the Royal Military Academy at Sandhurst and became a lieutenant colonel in Qatar’s military after graduating in 1971. He was promoted in 1975 to major general and commander in chief of the armed forces, and in 1977 he became minister of defense as well as heir apparent to the throne. Following the Persian Gulf War (1990–91), Ḥamad was, for most purposes, leading the country, and in 1995 he staged a coup and ousted his father while the latter was traveling outside Qatar. Ḥamad himself survived a number of subsequent coup attempts and succeeded in returning to the government a portion of the estimated $3 billion–$7 billion in gas and oil profits his father had held in personal bank accounts.
By 2000, Ḥamad had instituted a number of policies that transformed the country. He moved to allow Qataris to participate more actively in the government and to promote greater equality for women. After becoming ruler he announced plans to establish an elected parliament, appointed a committee to draft a permanent constitution, largely abolished censorship of the press, and in 1999 held the country’s first open general elections for a municipal council. For the first time, women not only were allowed to vote but, even more revolutionary, were also allowed to run for office.
In June 2013, Ḥamad announced his abdication in favour of his 33-year-old son Tamim, the crown prince, citing the need to make way for a new generation of Qatari leaders. The transfer of power was seen as unusual for the Gulf Arab region, where rulers typically occupied their positions for life.
***
In 1971, Hamadi graduated from Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst, Great Britain. He then joined the Qatari military forces with the rank of major.
In 1975, Hamadi was appointed major-general and commander-in-chief of the armed forces.
In May of 1977, he was appointed crown prince, whereupon he became the minister of defense.
In 1991, under the control of Hamadi, Qatari forces participated in the United Nations led attack on Iraq. Hamadi obtained much control over the politics of Qatar, after that his father, Khalifa, left the daily governing to his sons.
In 1994, Hamadi reconciled with Iraq.
In June of 1995, while his father was staying in Geneva, Switzerland, Hamadi deposed his father in a bloodless coup.
Having a military background, much of Hamad’s attention in his politics has been military and security oriented. Under Hamadi, an old dispute over where the exact borders between Saudi Arabia and Qatar should run has been revived. Before becoming emir, he was active in modernizing both the military as well as the country’s infrastructure.
***
Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani rose to the position of Emir of the state of Qatar on June 26, 1995, after deposing his father, who was on vacation in Switzerland at the time.
Hamad had been acclaimed Crown Prince in 1977 and at the same time was appointed Minister of Defense. In the early 1980s, he led the Supreme Planning Council, which set Qatar's basic economic and social policies. After 1992, Sheikh Hamad has selected to Qatar's cabinet and was responsible for administering the country's day-to-day affairs. He also led the development of Qatar's oil and natural gas resources.
Hamad began his education in Qatar and later attended Sandhurst Military Academy in England. Upon his graduation in 1971, he was commissioned as a Lieutenant Colonel in the Qatari armed forces and commanded the 1st Mobile Battalion, which has since been designated the "Hamad Mobile Battalion" in his honor.
Hamad was later promoted to the rank of Major General and appointed Commander in Chief of the Qatari Armed Forces. He oversaw an extensive program to modernize Qatar's military, increasing manpower, creating new units, updating weaponry, and improving training. The effects of this program were evident during the Gulf War when Qatari forces helped liberate Kuwait.
During the first decade of the twenty-first century of the Christian calendar, Hamad represented Qatar on official state visits and at numerous Persian Gulf and international forums. His role as a leader and diplomat earned him worldwide honors: the Order of Oman from the Sultanate of Oman, the Order of the Nile from Egypt, the Order of King Abdul Aziz from Saudi Arabia, the Indonesian Order of Ibn 'Azeem, Nishan-e-Pakistan from Pakistan, the Order of Francisco de Miranda from Venezuela, the Order of St. Michael and St. George from Britain, the Order of Grand Officier of the Légion d'honneur from France, the Mohammedi Medal from Morocco and the Lebanese Ordre du Mérite. A keen sportsman and an accomplished diver, Hamad played an active role in promoting and developing athletics in Qatar. His activism enhanced the country's involvement and performance in a number of international competitions, including: winning an Olympic medal in track and field; hosting a wide variety of international sporting events such as the 15th Asian Games, Asian and World Youth soccer championships; and initiating the Qatar Open Tennis Championship which has grown to become one of two premier tennis competitions in the Middle East.
Hamad proved to be one of the most progressive Persian Gulf leaders in the realm of international relations. Despite the prevalence of anti-Israel sentiment within the Arab world, he met with Israeli minister Tzipi Livni in New York. This marked the first real attempt by any leader in the Persian Gulf to pursue dialogue with Israel.
Hamadi ibn Khalifa th-Thani see Thani, Hamadi ibn Khalifa th-
Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani see Thani, Hamadi ibn Khalifa th-
Thani, Khalifa ibn Hamad al-
Khalifa ibn Hamad al-Thani (Khalifa Hamadi th-Thani) (Khalifa Hamadi th-Thani) (Khalifa bin Hamad bin Abdullah bin Jassim bin Muhammed Al Thani) (Khalifa bin Hamad Al Thani) (b. September 17, 1932, Rayyan, Qatar - d. October 23, 2016, Doha, Qatar). Emir of Qatar (r.1972-1995).
Khalīfa ibn Hạmad al-Thāni was the amīr of Qatar from 1972 to 1995. He came to power five months after Qatar became a sovereign independent state (September 1971).
In the 1950s and 1960s, Sheikh Khalīfa held numerous governmental posts, including chief of security forces, director of education, and minister of finance and petroleum affairs. He became amīr in February 1972 by deposing his cousin Sheikh Aḥmad, whose profligate spending habits had aroused popular opposition. Khalīfa’s family, including his sons and brothers, virtually controlled the government, holding 10 of 15 ministries in 1975.
As amīr, Khalīfa tried to direct and control the process of modernization stimulated by the boom in oil production. His economic policy was to diversify the economy by vastly expanding the agricultural sector and by building fertilizer plants and other new industries. Although political parties and labor unions were banned in 1976, Khalīfa ruled by decree within the framework of a written constitution and Islāmic law (sharia).
Following the Persian Gulf War (1990–91), in which Qatari troops participated, Khalīfa left daily governing to his sons, one of whom, Sheikh Hạmad ibn Khalīfa al-Thāni, installed himself as amīr by staging a peaceful coup in June 1995, while Khalīfa was traveling abroad.
Khalifa lived in France until he returned to Qatar in 2004 and led a low profile life. He died on October 23, 2016, a week after entering the hospital.
Khalifa was born in Doha, Qatar. His father, Shaykh Hamad died before his birth.
In the 1960s Khalifa was appointed minister of finance and petroleum affairs.
In February 1972, Khalifa became emir by deposing Shaykh Ahmad in a palace coup. The coup was instigated by both Ahmad’s economical politics that had involved high personal spending with public protests as result, as well as a fear that Ahmad would appoint his son as heir to the throne.
In 1976, political parties and labor unions were banned.
In 1980, Khalifa backed Iraq in the war against Iran.
In 1991, Khalifa left the daily governance of Qatar to his sons.
In June of 1995, while staying in Geneva, Switzerland, Khalifa was deposed by his son, Shaykh Hamad in a bloodless coup.
Khalifa’s rule was marked by some reforms of the Qatari government, where he abolished the rule of giving twenty-five percent of state revenues to the ruler. He also installed an advisory council of twenty members, which could advise the government of Qatar on questions where the council was asked. However, at the same time, he also appointed ten of his closest relatives into the total of fifteen positions as ministers, thereby strengthening his political position. During most of his reign, he ruled by decree within the framework of a written constitution as well as the shari‘a.
His politics involved the modernization of the country, and the expansion of agriculture and establishment of new industries.
Khalifa bin Hamad Al Thani was the eighth Emir of Qatar from 1972 until he was deposed by his son Hamad bin Khalifa in 1995.
Khalifa was the son of Hamad bin Abdullah Al Thani, grandson of Abdullah bin Jassim Al Thani.
On February 22, 1972, Sheikh Khalifa Bin Hamad Bin Abdullah Al-Thani became the Emir of Qatar. Upon becoming the Emir of the State of Qatar, Sheikh Khalifa started the process of the reorganization of the government. The first task of Sheikh Khalifa was to appoint a Foreign Minister and an adviser to advise the Emir in the day-to-day affairs of the country.
On April 19, 1972, he amended the Constitution and enlarged the Cabinet by appointing more ministers. Diplomatic relations were also established with a number of the foreign countries at ambassadorial level.
On July 18, 1989, the Council of Ministers was reshuffled for the first time, replacing most of the previous ministers and consisting of 15 ministers. The Cabinet was again reshuffled under the Premiership of Sheikh Khalifa on September 1, 1992, enlarging it to 17 members.
The state revenue from the oil sector increased as the result of the rising of the number of production sharing agreements with foreign oil companies. Two production-sharing agreements were signed with the Standard Oil Company of Ohio in January 1985 and Amoco in February 1986. In January 1989, another production sharing agreement was signed between Qatar and the France State owned oil company Elf Aquitaine.
In the middle of 1991, production of gas in the Qatar North Field, the world’s largest single field of non-associated gas commenced, which has proven gas of reserves of around 250 trillion cubic feet and probable reserves of 500 trillion cubic feet. While the search for finding more oil deposits in Qatar continued, Qatar built an industrial base in order to reduce dependence on the oil sector.
While Khalifa bin Hamad Al Thani was staying in Geneva, Switzerland, in 1995 his son Hamad bin Khalifa deposed him in a bloodless coup d'état. He lived in exile in France from the day he was deposed and he returned to Qatar in 2004.
Khalifa was more conservative than his son, but in general he is thought to be the one who began the country's process of modernization.
Khalifa had five sons and ten daughters from four wives. They are as follows:
* First Lady Sheikha Amna Bint Hassan Bin Abdulla Al-Thani
o Abdelaziz Bin Khalifa, Petroleum and Finance Minister 1972-1991
o Princess Nora Bint Khalifa
* Second Lady from Al-Atiyyah family
o Hamad bin Khalifa, Emir of Qatar since 1995
o Princess Hissa Bint Khalifa
o Princess Amina Bint Khalifa
o Princess Jafla Bint Khalifa
o Princess Amal Bint Khalifa
* Third Lady Sheikha Rudha bint Jassim Bin Jabr Al-Thani
o Abdullah bin Khalifah Al Thani
o Muhammed Bin Khalifa
o Princess Aisha Bint Khalifa
o Princess Mouza Bint Khalifa
o Princess Maryam Bint Khalifa
* Fourth Lady Mouza Bint Ali Bin Saud Al-Thani
o Jassim Bin Khalifa
o Princess Al-Anud Bint Khalifa
o Princess Nuf Bint Khalifa
Khalifa Hamadi th-Thani see Thani, Khalifa Hamadi th-
Khalifa bin Hamad bin Abdullah bin Jassim bin Muhammed Al Thani see Thani, Khalifa Hamadi th-
Khalifa bin Hamad Al Thani see Thani, Khalifa Hamadi th-
Khalifa ibn Hamad al-Thani (Khalifa Hamadi th-Thani) (Khalifa Hamadi th-Thani) (Khalifa bin Hamad bin Abdullah bin Jassim bin Muhammed Al Thani) (Khalifa bin Hamad Al Thani) (b. September 17, 1932, Rayyan, Qatar - d. October 23, 2016, Doha, Qatar). Emir of Qatar (r.1972-1995).
Khalīfa ibn Hạmad al-Thāni was the amīr of Qatar from 1972 to 1995. He came to power five months after Qatar became a sovereign independent state (September 1971).
In the 1950s and 1960s, Sheikh Khalīfa held numerous governmental posts, including chief of security forces, director of education, and minister of finance and petroleum affairs. He became amīr in February 1972 by deposing his cousin Sheikh Aḥmad, whose profligate spending habits had aroused popular opposition. Khalīfa’s family, including his sons and brothers, virtually controlled the government, holding 10 of 15 ministries in 1975.
As amīr, Khalīfa tried to direct and control the process of modernization stimulated by the boom in oil production. His economic policy was to diversify the economy by vastly expanding the agricultural sector and by building fertilizer plants and other new industries. Although political parties and labor unions were banned in 1976, Khalīfa ruled by decree within the framework of a written constitution and Islāmic law (sharia).
Following the Persian Gulf War (1990–91), in which Qatari troops participated, Khalīfa left daily governing to his sons, one of whom, Sheikh Hạmad ibn Khalīfa al-Thāni, installed himself as amīr by staging a peaceful coup in June 1995, while Khalīfa was traveling abroad.
Khalifa lived in France until he returned to Qatar in 2004 and led a low profile life. He died on October 23, 2016, a week after entering the hospital.
***
Khalifa was born in Doha, Qatar. His father, Shaykh Hamad died before his birth.
In the 1960s Khalifa was appointed minister of finance and petroleum affairs.
In February 1972, Khalifa became emir by deposing Shaykh Ahmad in a palace coup. The coup was instigated by both Ahmad’s economical politics that had involved high personal spending with public protests as result, as well as a fear that Ahmad would appoint his son as heir to the throne.
In 1976, political parties and labor unions were banned.
In 1980, Khalifa backed Iraq in the war against Iran.
In 1991, Khalifa left the daily governance of Qatar to his sons.
In June of 1995, while staying in Geneva, Switzerland, Khalifa was deposed by his son, Shaykh Hamad in a bloodless coup.
Khalifa’s rule was marked by some reforms of the Qatari government, where he abolished the rule of giving twenty-five percent of state revenues to the ruler. He also installed an advisory council of twenty members, which could advise the government of Qatar on questions where the council was asked. However, at the same time, he also appointed ten of his closest relatives into the total of fifteen positions as ministers, thereby strengthening his political position. During most of his reign, he ruled by decree within the framework of a written constitution as well as the shari‘a.
His politics involved the modernization of the country, and the expansion of agriculture and establishment of new industries.
Khalifa bin Hamad Al Thani was the eighth Emir of Qatar from 1972 until he was deposed by his son Hamad bin Khalifa in 1995.
***
Khalifa was the son of Hamad bin Abdullah Al Thani, grandson of Abdullah bin Jassim Al Thani.
On February 22, 1972, Sheikh Khalifa Bin Hamad Bin Abdullah Al-Thani became the Emir of Qatar. Upon becoming the Emir of the State of Qatar, Sheikh Khalifa started the process of the reorganization of the government. The first task of Sheikh Khalifa was to appoint a Foreign Minister and an adviser to advise the Emir in the day-to-day affairs of the country.
On April 19, 1972, he amended the Constitution and enlarged the Cabinet by appointing more ministers. Diplomatic relations were also established with a number of the foreign countries at ambassadorial level.
On July 18, 1989, the Council of Ministers was reshuffled for the first time, replacing most of the previous ministers and consisting of 15 ministers. The Cabinet was again reshuffled under the Premiership of Sheikh Khalifa on September 1, 1992, enlarging it to 17 members.
The state revenue from the oil sector increased as the result of the rising of the number of production sharing agreements with foreign oil companies. Two production-sharing agreements were signed with the Standard Oil Company of Ohio in January 1985 and Amoco in February 1986. In January 1989, another production sharing agreement was signed between Qatar and the France State owned oil company Elf Aquitaine.
In the middle of 1991, production of gas in the Qatar North Field, the world’s largest single field of non-associated gas commenced, which has proven gas of reserves of around 250 trillion cubic feet and probable reserves of 500 trillion cubic feet. While the search for finding more oil deposits in Qatar continued, Qatar built an industrial base in order to reduce dependence on the oil sector.
While Khalifa bin Hamad Al Thani was staying in Geneva, Switzerland, in 1995 his son Hamad bin Khalifa deposed him in a bloodless coup d'état. He lived in exile in France from the day he was deposed and he returned to Qatar in 2004.
Khalifa was more conservative than his son, but in general he is thought to be the one who began the country's process of modernization.
Khalifa had five sons and ten daughters from four wives. They are as follows:
* First Lady Sheikha Amna Bint Hassan Bin Abdulla Al-Thani
o Abdelaziz Bin Khalifa, Petroleum and Finance Minister 1972-1991
o Princess Nora Bint Khalifa
* Second Lady from Al-Atiyyah family
o Hamad bin Khalifa, Emir of Qatar since 1995
o Princess Hissa Bint Khalifa
o Princess Amina Bint Khalifa
o Princess Jafla Bint Khalifa
o Princess Amal Bint Khalifa
* Third Lady Sheikha Rudha bint Jassim Bin Jabr Al-Thani
o Abdullah bin Khalifah Al Thani
o Muhammed Bin Khalifa
o Princess Aisha Bint Khalifa
o Princess Mouza Bint Khalifa
o Princess Maryam Bint Khalifa
* Fourth Lady Mouza Bint Ali Bin Saud Al-Thani
o Jassim Bin Khalifa
o Princess Al-Anud Bint Khalifa
o Princess Nuf Bint Khalifa
Khalifa Hamadi th-Thani see Thani, Khalifa Hamadi th-
Khalifa bin Hamad bin Abdullah bin Jassim bin Muhammed Al Thani see Thani, Khalifa Hamadi th-
Khalifa bin Hamad Al Thani see Thani, Khalifa Hamadi th-
Thanisari, Mawlana
Thanisari, Mawlana (Mawlana Thanisari) (Ahmad) (d.1417). Learned and pious Sufi from Delhi. He met Timur and wrote the so-called Qasida Daliyya which became very famous.
Mawlana Thanisari see Thanisari, Mawlana
Ahmad see Thanisari, Mawlana
Thanisari, Mawlana (Mawlana Thanisari) (Ahmad) (d.1417). Learned and pious Sufi from Delhi. He met Timur and wrote the so-called Qasida Daliyya which became very famous.
Mawlana Thanisari see Thanisari, Mawlana
Ahmad see Thanisari, Mawlana
Thaqif, Banu
Thaqif, Banu (Banu Thaqif) (Thaqif). Tribe in the district of Ta’if on the eve of the rising of Islam. The common ancestor is said to have been Qusayy, Thaqif being a surname. A malicious tradition identified him with Abu Righal, the traitor who guided Abraha’s Abyssinian army to Mecca, and whose tomb on the road from Ta‘if to Mecca used to be stoned.
The Thaqif was one of the tribes of Arabia during Muhammad's era. Thaqif was the main tribe of the town of Taif, in present-day Saudi Arabia, and descendants of the tribe (called Thagafis) still live in that city today.
The tribe lived in the city of Taif and worshiped the pre-Islamic Arabian goddess Allāt.
Muhammad went to the city named Ta'if and invited them to Islam, but they answered in a rude manner and started throwing stones against him, causing him to bleed heavily. The entire visit lasted one day.
Akhnas ibn Shariq al-Thaqifi and the Banu Zuhrah were with the Meccans as part of the escort that preceded the battle of Badr but since he believed the caravan to be safe, he did not join the Quraish on their way to a festival in Badr. He together with Banu Zuhrah returned, so this two clans were present in the battle.
Before the battle of Tabuk and after the battle of Hunayn, they were subjected to the Siege of Taif. However, they held their position and did not succumb to the siege. One of their chieftains, Urwah ibn Mas'ud, was absent in Yemen during that siege.
After Urwah returned from Yemen and learned of the battle that had taken place at Tabuk, he hastened to Medina. Urwah had met Muhammad before as an adversary, but he accepted Islam on this meeting. When he declared his intentions of returning to his city to preach, he was warned by Muhammad that they would fight him. Urwah, however, felt too sure of his position and influence with his people. He answered:
"O Prophet of God, my people love me more than they do their own eyes."
Upon his return, he was largely avoided by his tribesmen, apparently after concluding a consultation among themselves. The following morning, Urwah gave the call to prayer from his roof. He was then surrounded and shot to death by citizens who had gathered bows and arrows. As his relatives panicked around him, it is related according to Muslim sources that his last words were:
"This is indeed an honor granted to me by God, the honor to die as a martyr in His cause. For my case is identical to that of all the other martyrs who gave up their lives at the gates of this city, while the Prophet of God, may God's peace and blessings be upon him, was laying siege to it."
He then asked to be buried together with those martyrs who were buried in that area.
Eventually, most of the remaining chieftains went to Mecca to confront Muhammed, and became Muslims after some negotiation, resulting in the destruction of the religion of Allāt.
With the dismantling of the popular cult of Allāt and the subsequent conversion of Al'Taw, the conversion of the Hijaz was complete. Muhammad's power expanded from the frontiers of Byzantium in the north to al Yaman and Hadramawt in the south. The territories of Southern Arabia were all being encouraged or forced to join the new religion and integrate themselves into a unified system of defense. It subsequently follows that delegations from all around the region proceeded to Medina to declare allegiance to the new order and to convert to the new faith.
Banu Thaqif see Thaqif, Banu
Thaqif see Thaqif, Banu
Thaqif, Banu (Banu Thaqif) (Thaqif). Tribe in the district of Ta’if on the eve of the rising of Islam. The common ancestor is said to have been Qusayy, Thaqif being a surname. A malicious tradition identified him with Abu Righal, the traitor who guided Abraha’s Abyssinian army to Mecca, and whose tomb on the road from Ta‘if to Mecca used to be stoned.
The Thaqif was one of the tribes of Arabia during Muhammad's era. Thaqif was the main tribe of the town of Taif, in present-day Saudi Arabia, and descendants of the tribe (called Thagafis) still live in that city today.
The tribe lived in the city of Taif and worshiped the pre-Islamic Arabian goddess Allāt.
Muhammad went to the city named Ta'if and invited them to Islam, but they answered in a rude manner and started throwing stones against him, causing him to bleed heavily. The entire visit lasted one day.
Akhnas ibn Shariq al-Thaqifi and the Banu Zuhrah were with the Meccans as part of the escort that preceded the battle of Badr but since he believed the caravan to be safe, he did not join the Quraish on their way to a festival in Badr. He together with Banu Zuhrah returned, so this two clans were present in the battle.
Before the battle of Tabuk and after the battle of Hunayn, they were subjected to the Siege of Taif. However, they held their position and did not succumb to the siege. One of their chieftains, Urwah ibn Mas'ud, was absent in Yemen during that siege.
After Urwah returned from Yemen and learned of the battle that had taken place at Tabuk, he hastened to Medina. Urwah had met Muhammad before as an adversary, but he accepted Islam on this meeting. When he declared his intentions of returning to his city to preach, he was warned by Muhammad that they would fight him. Urwah, however, felt too sure of his position and influence with his people. He answered:
"O Prophet of God, my people love me more than they do their own eyes."
Upon his return, he was largely avoided by his tribesmen, apparently after concluding a consultation among themselves. The following morning, Urwah gave the call to prayer from his roof. He was then surrounded and shot to death by citizens who had gathered bows and arrows. As his relatives panicked around him, it is related according to Muslim sources that his last words were:
"This is indeed an honor granted to me by God, the honor to die as a martyr in His cause. For my case is identical to that of all the other martyrs who gave up their lives at the gates of this city, while the Prophet of God, may God's peace and blessings be upon him, was laying siege to it."
He then asked to be buried together with those martyrs who were buried in that area.
Eventually, most of the remaining chieftains went to Mecca to confront Muhammed, and became Muslims after some negotiation, resulting in the destruction of the religion of Allāt.
With the dismantling of the popular cult of Allāt and the subsequent conversion of Al'Taw, the conversion of the Hijaz was complete. Muhammad's power expanded from the frontiers of Byzantium in the north to al Yaman and Hadramawt in the south. The territories of Southern Arabia were all being encouraged or forced to join the new religion and integrate themselves into a unified system of defense. It subsequently follows that delegations from all around the region proceeded to Medina to declare allegiance to the new order and to convert to the new faith.
Banu Thaqif see Thaqif, Banu
Thaqif see Thaqif, Banu
Thomas, Helen
Helen Thomas, (b. August 4, 1920, Winchester, Kentucky, United States — d. July 20, 2013, Washington, D.C.), American journalist, known especially for her coverage of United States presidents, who broke through a number of barriers to women reporters and won great respect in her field.
Thomas was born to Lebanese immigrants, the seventh of nine children. When she was four years old, the family moved to Detroit. While attending high school, Thomas decided to become a journalist, finding the work to be a perfect outlet for her boundless curiosity. At Wayne State University, Detroit, she worked for the campus newspaper, and, after receiving a B.A. in 1942, she moved to Washington, D.C. The following year Thomas was hired by the United Press (later called United Press International [UPI]) to write local news for radio. She was given a regular beat at the United States Department of Justice in 1955, a job that would come to include coverage of Capitol Hill, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare.
Thomas’s first assignment that related to the presidency—covering a vacation of President-elect John F. Kennedy and his family—whetted her taste for presidential coverage, and from then on she attended presidential press conferences and briefings. She gained a reputation for asking blunt questions with an irreverent and populist flavor.
In 1970 Thomas was promoted to the position of White House correspondent, and two years later she became the only print journalist to accompany President Richard Nixon on his historic trip to China. Not long afterward the Watergate Scandal gripped the country, and Thomas distinguished herself through a number of exclusive stories.
In 1974 Thomas became UPI’s White House bureau chief, the first woman to hold such a position for a wire service. This was one of a number of firsts for Thomas as a woman reporter, starting in 1959 when she and some female colleagues forced the then all-male National Press Club to allow them to attend an address to the group by Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev. When the National Press Club finally opened its membership to women in 1971, Thomas became its first female officer. In 1975 the Gridiron Club, Washington’s most exclusive press organization, invited her to become its first female member, and she became its president in 1993. As the senior wire-service correspondent at the White House, Thomas was known to television viewers as the reporter whose dignified “Thank you, Mr. President” signaled the end of White House press conferences. She wrote two books of memoirs, Dateline: White House (1975) and Front Row at the White House: My Life and Times (1999).
Thomas abruptly resigned from UPI in 2000, after the news agency was acquired by News World Communications, Inc., a company founded by the Reverend Sun Myung Moon, the founder of the Unification Church. That same year she joined Hearst News Service as a columnist. In 2010 Thomas announced her immediate retirement following controversial remarks she made regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The following year she began writing a column for the Falls Church News-Press, a weekly newspaper in Virginia.
Among her other writings are Thanks for the Memories, Mr. President: Wit and Wisdom from the Front Row at the White House (2002), Watchdogs of Democracy?: The Waning Washington Press Corps and How It Has Failed the Public (2006), Listen Up, Mr. President: Everything You Always Wanted Your President to Know and Do (2009; with Craig Crawford), and a book for children, The Great White House Breakout (2008; with cartoonist Chip Bok). Thumama ibn Ashras
Thumama ibn Ashras (Abu Ma‘an al-Numayri). Ninth century Arab theologian. He was a representative of the liberal movement under the early ‘Abbasids and sharply criticized conservative views.
Abu Ma'an al-Numayri see Thumama ibn Ashras
Thumama ibn Ashras (Abu Ma‘an al-Numayri). Ninth century Arab theologian. He was a representative of the liberal movement under the early ‘Abbasids and sharply criticized conservative views.
Abu Ma'an al-Numayri see Thumama ibn Ashras
Thureyya, Mehmed
Thureyya, Mehmed (Mehmed Thureyya) (d.1909). Ottoman biographer. He earned fame as the compiler of an Ottoman Dictionary of National Biography.
Mehmed Thureyya see Thureyya, Mehmed
Thureyya, Mehmed (Mehmed Thureyya) (d.1909). Ottoman biographer. He earned fame as the compiler of an Ottoman Dictionary of National Biography.
Mehmed Thureyya see Thureyya, Mehmed
Tibrizi
Tibrizi (Shams-i Tibrizi) (Shams Tabrizi) (Shams-i-Tabrizi) (Shams al-Din Mohammad) (d. 1245/1248). Sufi from Tabriz. He was the spiritual guide of Jalal al-Din Rumi.
Shams-i-Tabrīzī was a Persian Sufi who is credited as the spiritual instructor of Mawlānā Jalāl ad-Dīn Muhammad Balkhi, also known as Rumi and is referenced with great reverence in Rumi’s poetic collection, in particular “Diwan-i Shams-i Tabrīzī” (The Works of Shams of Tabriz). Tradition holds that Shams taught Rumi in seclusion in Konya for a period of forty days, before fleeing for Damascus. The tomb of Shams-i Tabrīzī was nominated to be a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
According to Sipah Salar, a devotee and intimate friend of Rumi who spent forty years with him, Shams was the son of the Ismaili Imam Ala al-Din. In a work entitled Manāqib al-‘arifīn (Eulogies of the Gnostics), Aflaki names a certain ‘Ali as the father of Shams-i Tabrīzī and his grandfather as Malikdad. Apparently basing his calculations on Shams’ Maqālāt (Conversations), Aflaki suggests that Shams arrived in Konya at the age of sixty years. However, various scholars have questioned Aflaki’s reliability.
Shams received his education in Tabriz and was a disciple of Baba Kamal al-Din Jumdi. Before meeting Rumi, he apparently traveled from place to place weaving baskets and selling girdles for a living. Despite his occupation as a weaver, Shams received the epithet of “the embroiderer” (zarduz) in various biographical accounts including that of the Persian historian Dawlatshah. This, however, is not the occupation listed by Shams in the ”Maqālat” and was rather the epithet given to the Ismaili Imam Shams al-din Muhammad, who worked as an embroider while living in anonymity in Tabriz. The transference of the epithet to the biography of Rumi’s mentor suggests that this Imam’s biography must have been known to Shams-i Tabrīzī’s biographers. The specificities of how this transference occurred, however, are not known.
Verbal tradition records two versions of an encounter between Rumi and Shams. In the first version, Rumi was reading next to a large stack of books. Shams Tabriz, passing by, asked him, "What are you doing?" Rumi scoffingly replied, "Something you cannot understand." On hearing this, Shams threw the stack of books into a nearby pool of water. Rumi hastily rescued the books and to his surprise they were all dry. Rumi then asked Shams, "What is this?" To which Shams replied, "Mowlana, this is what you cannot understand."
A second version of the tale has Shams passing by Rumi who again is reading a book. Rumi regards him as an uneducated stranger. Shams asks Rumi what he is doing, to which Rumi replies, "Something that you do not understand!" At that moment, the books suddenly catch fire and Rumi asks Shams to explain what happened. His reply was, "Something you do not understand."
After several years with Rumi, Shams left and settled in Khoy. As the years passed, Rumi attributed more and more of his own poetry to Shams as a sign of love for his departed friend and master. In Rumi's poetry, Shams becomes a symbol of God's love for mankind; Shams was a sun ("Shams" means "Sun" in Arabic) shining the Light of God on Rumi.
Various historical and biographical accounts of the life of Shams-i Tabrīzī appear to conflate his identity with another Shams of Tabriz, namely the Ismaili Imam Shams al-din Muhammad, also known as Muhammad Zarduz, who was sent away to Tabriz for safekeeping, following the capitulation of the Alamut state. The first known conflation of these identities is by Dawlatshah, after which various orientalist scholars including E. G. Browne also conformed to this view. Providing another possible identification of Shams-i Tabrīzī Annemarie Schimmel points out the likelihood that Shams-i Tabrīzī may well have been identical to the Ismaili Pir Shams of Multan.
Shams Tabrizi died in Khoy and is buried there. His tomb has been nominated as a World Cultural Heritage Center by UNESCO. A saint by the name of Shams-i Tabrīzī is also buried at Multan, Pakistan. The tomb stone clearly indicates it is the same Shams-i Tabrīzī, who was the spiritual mentor of Rumi.
Shams-i Tibrizi see Tibrizi
Shams Tabrizi see Tibrizi
Shams-i-Tabrizi see Tibrizi
Shams al-Din Mohammad see Tibrizi
Tibrizi (Shams-i Tibrizi) (Shams Tabrizi) (Shams-i-Tabrizi) (Shams al-Din Mohammad) (d. 1245/1248). Sufi from Tabriz. He was the spiritual guide of Jalal al-Din Rumi.
Shams-i-Tabrīzī was a Persian Sufi who is credited as the spiritual instructor of Mawlānā Jalāl ad-Dīn Muhammad Balkhi, also known as Rumi and is referenced with great reverence in Rumi’s poetic collection, in particular “Diwan-i Shams-i Tabrīzī” (The Works of Shams of Tabriz). Tradition holds that Shams taught Rumi in seclusion in Konya for a period of forty days, before fleeing for Damascus. The tomb of Shams-i Tabrīzī was nominated to be a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
According to Sipah Salar, a devotee and intimate friend of Rumi who spent forty years with him, Shams was the son of the Ismaili Imam Ala al-Din. In a work entitled Manāqib al-‘arifīn (Eulogies of the Gnostics), Aflaki names a certain ‘Ali as the father of Shams-i Tabrīzī and his grandfather as Malikdad. Apparently basing his calculations on Shams’ Maqālāt (Conversations), Aflaki suggests that Shams arrived in Konya at the age of sixty years. However, various scholars have questioned Aflaki’s reliability.
Shams received his education in Tabriz and was a disciple of Baba Kamal al-Din Jumdi. Before meeting Rumi, he apparently traveled from place to place weaving baskets and selling girdles for a living. Despite his occupation as a weaver, Shams received the epithet of “the embroiderer” (zarduz) in various biographical accounts including that of the Persian historian Dawlatshah. This, however, is not the occupation listed by Shams in the ”Maqālat” and was rather the epithet given to the Ismaili Imam Shams al-din Muhammad, who worked as an embroider while living in anonymity in Tabriz. The transference of the epithet to the biography of Rumi’s mentor suggests that this Imam’s biography must have been known to Shams-i Tabrīzī’s biographers. The specificities of how this transference occurred, however, are not known.
Verbal tradition records two versions of an encounter between Rumi and Shams. In the first version, Rumi was reading next to a large stack of books. Shams Tabriz, passing by, asked him, "What are you doing?" Rumi scoffingly replied, "Something you cannot understand." On hearing this, Shams threw the stack of books into a nearby pool of water. Rumi hastily rescued the books and to his surprise they were all dry. Rumi then asked Shams, "What is this?" To which Shams replied, "Mowlana, this is what you cannot understand."
A second version of the tale has Shams passing by Rumi who again is reading a book. Rumi regards him as an uneducated stranger. Shams asks Rumi what he is doing, to which Rumi replies, "Something that you do not understand!" At that moment, the books suddenly catch fire and Rumi asks Shams to explain what happened. His reply was, "Something you do not understand."
After several years with Rumi, Shams left and settled in Khoy. As the years passed, Rumi attributed more and more of his own poetry to Shams as a sign of love for his departed friend and master. In Rumi's poetry, Shams becomes a symbol of God's love for mankind; Shams was a sun ("Shams" means "Sun" in Arabic) shining the Light of God on Rumi.
Various historical and biographical accounts of the life of Shams-i Tabrīzī appear to conflate his identity with another Shams of Tabriz, namely the Ismaili Imam Shams al-din Muhammad, also known as Muhammad Zarduz, who was sent away to Tabriz for safekeeping, following the capitulation of the Alamut state. The first known conflation of these identities is by Dawlatshah, after which various orientalist scholars including E. G. Browne also conformed to this view. Providing another possible identification of Shams-i Tabrīzī Annemarie Schimmel points out the likelihood that Shams-i Tabrīzī may well have been identical to the Ismaili Pir Shams of Multan.
Shams Tabrizi died in Khoy and is buried there. His tomb has been nominated as a World Cultural Heritage Center by UNESCO. A saint by the name of Shams-i Tabrīzī is also buried at Multan, Pakistan. The tomb stone clearly indicates it is the same Shams-i Tabrīzī, who was the spiritual mentor of Rumi.
Shams-i Tibrizi see Tibrizi
Shams Tabrizi see Tibrizi
Shams-i-Tabrizi see Tibrizi
Shams al-Din Mohammad see Tibrizi
Tibrizi, Abu Zakariya’ Yahya al-
Tibrizi, Abu Zakariya’ Yahya al- (Abu Zakariya’ Yahya al-Tibrizi) (1030-1109). Celebrated Arab philologist from Tabriz. He wrote commentaries on the Hamasa of Abu Tammam.
Abu Zakariya' Yahya al-Tibrizi see Tibrizi, Abu Zakariya’ Yahya al-
Tibrizi, Abu Zakariya’ Yahya al- (Abu Zakariya’ Yahya al-Tibrizi) (1030-1109). Celebrated Arab philologist from Tabriz. He wrote commentaries on the Hamasa of Abu Tammam.
Abu Zakariya' Yahya al-Tibrizi see Tibrizi, Abu Zakariya’ Yahya al-
Tifashi, Shihab al-Din al-
Tifashi, Shihab al-Din al- (Shihab al-Din al-Tifashi) (Ahmad al-Tifashi) (Ahmad ibn Yusuf al-Tifachi) (1184-1253, Cairo). Author of one of the best known works on jewels. He describes 25 kinds according to their origin, provenance, natural and magical properties, defects and merits, price and appreciation of particular varieties.
Ahmad al-Tifashi was born in Tiffech, a village near Souk Ahras in Algeria. He was an Arabic poet, writer, and anthologist.
Little is known of his life. He appears to have lived mostly in Tunis, Cairo, and Damascus, although he may even have been nomadic. He was highly educated and cultured. He compiled a 12-chapter anthology of Arabic poetry and jokes about erotic and sexual practices, that featured both heterosexual and homoerotic entries with a bias towards the latter.
A French translation, based on an Arabic copy held in Paris, was published as Les Delices des coeurs par Ahmad al-Tifachi (1971 and 1981).
A scholarly translation of the homoerotic sections was published in English as The Delight of Hearts "A Promenade of the Hearts", or What You Will Not Find In Any Book (1988).
Al-Tifashi also wrote several treatises concerned with sexual hygiene, one of which is preserved in a copy at The National Library of Medicine. He is, however, primarily known for his lapidary, which was the most famous and most comprehensive medieval Arabic treatise on the use of minerals. It covers 25 gems and minerals in great detail, giving medicine and magical uses for each as well as some Persian etymologies of the names. It is preserved in numerous manuscript copies and was used by many subsequent writers.
Shihab al-Din al-Tifashi see Tifashi, Shihab al-Din al-
Ahmad al-Tifashi see Tifashi, Shihab al-Din al-
Ahmad ibn Yusuf al-Tifachi see Tifashi, Shihab al-Din al-
Tifashi, Shihab al-Din al- (Shihab al-Din al-Tifashi) (Ahmad al-Tifashi) (Ahmad ibn Yusuf al-Tifachi) (1184-1253, Cairo). Author of one of the best known works on jewels. He describes 25 kinds according to their origin, provenance, natural and magical properties, defects and merits, price and appreciation of particular varieties.
Ahmad al-Tifashi was born in Tiffech, a village near Souk Ahras in Algeria. He was an Arabic poet, writer, and anthologist.
Little is known of his life. He appears to have lived mostly in Tunis, Cairo, and Damascus, although he may even have been nomadic. He was highly educated and cultured. He compiled a 12-chapter anthology of Arabic poetry and jokes about erotic and sexual practices, that featured both heterosexual and homoerotic entries with a bias towards the latter.
A French translation, based on an Arabic copy held in Paris, was published as Les Delices des coeurs par Ahmad al-Tifachi (1971 and 1981).
A scholarly translation of the homoerotic sections was published in English as The Delight of Hearts "A Promenade of the Hearts", or What You Will Not Find In Any Book (1988).
Al-Tifashi also wrote several treatises concerned with sexual hygiene, one of which is preserved in a copy at The National Library of Medicine. He is, however, primarily known for his lapidary, which was the most famous and most comprehensive medieval Arabic treatise on the use of minerals. It covers 25 gems and minerals in great detail, giving medicine and magical uses for each as well as some Persian etymologies of the names. It is preserved in numerous manuscript copies and was used by many subsequent writers.
Shihab al-Din al-Tifashi see Tifashi, Shihab al-Din al-
Ahmad al-Tifashi see Tifashi, Shihab al-Din al-
Ahmad ibn Yusuf al-Tifachi see Tifashi, Shihab al-Din al-
Tigre
Tigre (Tigray) (Tigrai). The nomadic Tigre practice pastoralism in the hills and lowlands of the northern and western parts of Ethiopia’s Eritrea and Tigre provinces. Tigre living on Red Sea islands were among the first converts to Islam as it began its expansion from Arabia in the seventh century. Most conversion of the Tigre, however, took place in the nineteenth century, when disciples of Sayyed Ahmad ibn Idriss left Arabia to found Sufi orders. One of his pupils, Sayyed Muhammad ‘Uthman al-Mirghani, was sent to Sudan and Eritrea to engage in missionary work. The Mirghani remains the dominant Muslim tariqa in eastern Sudan and Eritrea.
Eritrea was rent with violence for many years as the government of Ethiopia attempted to incorporate the province forcibly into the Ethiopian political and economic system. Many Tigre left the country to settle in Sudan. The future of those who remained will continue to be one of hardship, not only because of the fighting but because a new Marxist government in Addis Adaba is not sympathetic to those who lead a non-sedentary life-style, especially if they are Muslims.
The Tigre speak Tigré, a Semitic language related to ancient Geʿez and to modern Tigrinya, the language of the Tigray people.
The largest federation of Tigre is that of the Amer (Beni Amer), a branch of the historically important Beja peoples. These Muslims all recognize the religious supremacy of the Mirghanīyah family of eastern Sudan. Another group, the Bet-Asgade (Bet Asgede), converted from Ethiopic Christianity to Islam. The life of the nomadic herdsman, so characteristic of neighboring Sudan, is followed by most Tigre. The group accounted for nearly one-third of the population of Eritrea in the late 20th century.
Tigre (Tigray) (Tigrai). The nomadic Tigre practice pastoralism in the hills and lowlands of the northern and western parts of Ethiopia’s Eritrea and Tigre provinces. Tigre living on Red Sea islands were among the first converts to Islam as it began its expansion from Arabia in the seventh century. Most conversion of the Tigre, however, took place in the nineteenth century, when disciples of Sayyed Ahmad ibn Idriss left Arabia to found Sufi orders. One of his pupils, Sayyed Muhammad ‘Uthman al-Mirghani, was sent to Sudan and Eritrea to engage in missionary work. The Mirghani remains the dominant Muslim tariqa in eastern Sudan and Eritrea.
Eritrea was rent with violence for many years as the government of Ethiopia attempted to incorporate the province forcibly into the Ethiopian political and economic system. Many Tigre left the country to settle in Sudan. The future of those who remained will continue to be one of hardship, not only because of the fighting but because a new Marxist government in Addis Adaba is not sympathetic to those who lead a non-sedentary life-style, especially if they are Muslims.
The Tigre speak Tigré, a Semitic language related to ancient Geʿez and to modern Tigrinya, the language of the Tigray people.
The largest federation of Tigre is that of the Amer (Beni Amer), a branch of the historically important Beja peoples. These Muslims all recognize the religious supremacy of the Mirghanīyah family of eastern Sudan. Another group, the Bet-Asgade (Bet Asgede), converted from Ethiopic Christianity to Islam. The life of the nomadic herdsman, so characteristic of neighboring Sudan, is followed by most Tigre. The group accounted for nearly one-third of the population of Eritrea in the late 20th century.
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