Talabani, Jalal
Jalal Talabani (b. November 12, 1933, Kelkan, Iraq — d. October 3, 2017, Berlin, Germany) was an Iraqi Kurdish politician who served as President of Iraq from 2005 to 2014.
Talabani’s involvement in politics began at an early age. He joined the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) at age 14 and was elected to the KDP’s central committee at age 18. In 1956, he founded the Kurdistan Student Union, later becoming its secretary-general. After receiving a law degree from Baghdad University in 1959, Talabani served as the commander of a tank unit in the Iraqi army.
When the Kurds revolted against the government of 'Abd al-Karim Qasim in 1961, Talabani joined the resistance, leading a successful campaign to force the Iraqi army out of the district of Sharbazher. He subsequently undertook several diplomatic missions in Europe and the Middle East on behalf of the Kurdish leadership.
In 1975, Talabani and a group of Kurdish activists and intellectuals broke with the KDP and founded a new political party, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. During the late 1970s and early ’80s, Talabani helped to organize Kurdish resistance to the Ba'thist regime of Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein. Saddam’s successful military campaign against the Kurds (1987–88) forced Talabani to flee Iraq. Following the Persian Gulf War in 1991, Talabani returned to Iraq to help lead a Kurdish uprising against Saddam, which failed after United States led forces refused to intervene to support the rebels. Talabani subsequently worked with the United States, the United Kingdom, Turkey, and France to establish a “safe haven” for Kurds in Iraqi Kurdistan in the far north and northeast of the country.
After the overthrow of Saddam in the 2003 Iraq War, Talabani became a member of the Iraqi Governing Council, which developed Iraq’s interim constitution. In 2005, Talabani was elected interim president of Iraq by the National Assembly, and he was re-elected to a four-year term in 2006 and again in 2010. As president, Talabani worked to reduce sectarian violence and corruption within Iraq and to improve relations with Turkey, which had accused Iraq of allowing Kurdish rebels within Turkey to operate from bases in Iraqi Kurdistan. Talabani, suffering from poor health following a stroke in 2012, spent much of the last two years of his presidency receiving medical treatment in Germany. He was succeeded as president by another Kurdish politician, Fuad Masum.
Tala’i’ibn Ruzzik al-Malik al-Salih
Tala’i’ibn Ruzzik al-Malik al-Salih (1101-1161). Fatimid vizier. He was vizier to the child caliph al-Fa’iz and his successor al-‘Adid. He ransomed his predecessor ‘Abbas from the Crusaders in Palestine and had him killed.
Tala’i’ibn Ruzzik al-Malik al-Salih (1101-1161). Fatimid vizier. He was vizier to the child caliph al-Fa’iz and his successor al-‘Adid. He ransomed his predecessor ‘Abbas from the Crusaders in Palestine and had him killed.
Talal
Talal (Talal I bin Abdullah) (Ṭalāl ibn `Abd Allāh) (b. February 26, 1909, Mecca, Ottoman Empire - d. July 7, 1972, Istanbul, Turkey). King of Jordan (r. 1951-1952).
Talal was King of Jordan from July 20, 1951 until forced to abdicate due to health reasons (reported as schizophrenia) on August 11,1952.
Talal's family claims a direct line of descent from the Islamic prophet Muhammad.
Talal was born on the February 26, 1909, at Mecca in the Ottoman Empire to Abdullah and his first wife Musbah.
He was educated privately before attending the British Army's Royal Military Academy Sandhurst from which he graduated in 1929 when he was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the Cavalry Regiment of the Arab Legion. His regiment was attached to a British regiment in Jerusalem and also to the Royal Artillery in Baghdad.
Talal ascended the Jordanian throne after the assassination of his father, Abdullah I, in Jerusalem. His son, Hussein, who was accompanying his grandfather at Friday prayers was also a near victim. On July 20, 1951, Prince Hussein traveled to Jerusalem to perform Friday prayers at the Al-Aqsa Mosque with his grandfather, King Abdullah I. A Palestinian extremist, fearing the king might negotiate a peace with the newly created state of Israel, opened fire on Abdullah and his grandson. Abdullah was killed, but the 15-year-old Hussein survived.
During his short reign, Talal was responsible for the formation of a liberalized constitution for the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, which made the government collectively, and the ministers individually, responsible before the Jordanian Parliament. The constitution was ratified on January 1, 1952. Talal is also judged as having done much to smooth the previously strained relations between Jordan and the neighboring Arab states of Egypt and Saudi Arabia.
Talal died in the Turkish city of Istanbul on July 7, 1972, and was buried in the Royal Mausoleum at the Raghadan Palace in Amman.
In 1934, Talal married Queen Zein al-Sharaf Talal who bore him four sons and two daughters:
* King Hussein (November 14, 1935 – February 7, 1999)
* Princess Asma (died at birth in 1937)
* Prince Muhammad (born October 2, 1940)
* Prince El Hassan (born March 20, 1947)
* Prince Muhsin (deceased)
* Princess Basma (born May 11, 1955)
Talal I bin Abdullah see Talal
Ṭalāl ibn `Abd Allāh see Talal
Talal (Talal I bin Abdullah) (Ṭalāl ibn `Abd Allāh) (b. February 26, 1909, Mecca, Ottoman Empire - d. July 7, 1972, Istanbul, Turkey). King of Jordan (r. 1951-1952).
Talal was King of Jordan from July 20, 1951 until forced to abdicate due to health reasons (reported as schizophrenia) on August 11,1952.
Talal's family claims a direct line of descent from the Islamic prophet Muhammad.
Talal was born on the February 26, 1909, at Mecca in the Ottoman Empire to Abdullah and his first wife Musbah.
He was educated privately before attending the British Army's Royal Military Academy Sandhurst from which he graduated in 1929 when he was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the Cavalry Regiment of the Arab Legion. His regiment was attached to a British regiment in Jerusalem and also to the Royal Artillery in Baghdad.
Talal ascended the Jordanian throne after the assassination of his father, Abdullah I, in Jerusalem. His son, Hussein, who was accompanying his grandfather at Friday prayers was also a near victim. On July 20, 1951, Prince Hussein traveled to Jerusalem to perform Friday prayers at the Al-Aqsa Mosque with his grandfather, King Abdullah I. A Palestinian extremist, fearing the king might negotiate a peace with the newly created state of Israel, opened fire on Abdullah and his grandson. Abdullah was killed, but the 15-year-old Hussein survived.
During his short reign, Talal was responsible for the formation of a liberalized constitution for the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, which made the government collectively, and the ministers individually, responsible before the Jordanian Parliament. The constitution was ratified on January 1, 1952. Talal is also judged as having done much to smooth the previously strained relations between Jordan and the neighboring Arab states of Egypt and Saudi Arabia.
Talal died in the Turkish city of Istanbul on July 7, 1972, and was buried in the Royal Mausoleum at the Raghadan Palace in Amman.
In 1934, Talal married Queen Zein al-Sharaf Talal who bore him four sons and two daughters:
* King Hussein (November 14, 1935 – February 7, 1999)
* Princess Asma (died at birth in 1937)
* Prince Muhammad (born October 2, 1940)
* Prince El Hassan (born March 20, 1947)
* Prince Muhsin (deceased)
* Princess Basma (born May 11, 1955)
Talal I bin Abdullah see Talal
Ṭalāl ibn `Abd Allāh see Talal
Taleghani, Mahmud
Taleghani, Mahmud (Mahmud Taleghani) (1911-1979). Iranian religious scholar who devoted his life to struggle against the Pahlavi regime. He was born in the village of Gilird in the Talaqan (Taleghan) district of northern Iran to Abu al-Hasan Taleghani, himself a religious scholar and activist of note, but he grew up and received his early education in Tehran, where the elder Taleghani had settled in 1899. In the early 1930s, he went to Qom for his further religious education. There he studied under such luminaries as Shaikh Abd al-Karim Ha’eri and the ayatollahs Muhammad Taqi Khwansari, Hujjat Kuhkamari, and Muhammad Taqi Yazdi. But for all the erudition he acquired during his years in Qom, Taleghani never identified fully with the religious institution and its hierarchy (in marked contrast to, for example, Ayatollah Khomeini). It was rather in bringing the message of Islam to society at large and in collaborating with persons and parties outside the hierarchy that he acquired his great standing and influence.
Taleghani completed his training in Qom in 1939 and, returning to Tehran, he began teaching at the Sipahsalar madrasa. At the same time, he embarked on the teaching of Qur’anic exegesis to the secularly educated -- which was to remain a lifelong concern -- under the auspices of an organization he founded, the Kanun-i Islam. This led to a period of banishment from Tehran that ended in 1941. He then began to preach and lecture at the Hidayat Mosque in central Tehran, which soon became a gathering place for the religiously inclined youth of the capital and remained inseparably linked with him to the end of his life. In addition, he gave frequent lectured to the Islamic societies that were springing up at the time, both in the universities and among professionals.
Although Taleghani accompanied the government troops that entered Azerbaijan in 1946 to overthrow the remnants of a separatist regime in that province, his political activitiy in the 1940s and 1950s was more typically in collaboration with personalities opposed to the Pahlavis. Among these were Navvab Safavi, founder and leader of the Fida’iyan-i Islam, who took shelter in Taleghani’s house on more than one occasion when being hunted by the police; and Ayatollah Kashani, the celebrated religious scholar and militant who played a crucial role in organizing mass support for the nationalization of the Iranian oil industry. Taleghani also broadcast on behalf of Mohammed Mossadegh, the prime minister under whose auspices the nationalization was carried out, and he did his utmost to avert the split between Kashani and Mossadegh that came on the eve of the foreign sponsored royalist coup d’etat of August 1953 that restored the Pahlavis to power.
Four years after the coup, Taleghani organized the National Resistance Movement, the first broad based movement of opposition to the resurgent Pahlavi dictatorship. This earned him a period of imprisonment that lasted for more than a year. Undaunted, in 1960 he addressed a mass protest meeting at the Maidan-i Arg in Tehran and was accordingly rearrested. Released anew, he established the Iran Freedom Movement in collaboration with his lifelong colleague and friend, Mehdi Bazargan, a political organization that has survived into the postrevolutionary period. This led to a new spell in prison, which came to an end shortly before the uprising of June 1963. The speeches Taleghani delivered in support of this uprising caused him to be rearrested and, after a lengthy public trial in which he conducted himself with great dignity, to be condemned to ten years’ imprisonment. He was released after serving half of his sentence. In 1971, he helped to establish the Sazman-i Mujahidin-i Khalq (Organization of People’s Mujahidin), a guerrilla group initially of Islamic inspiration. As a consequence he was banished from Tehran for three years. When he returned he found the leadership of the group about to make an ideological transition to Marxism. Taleghani kept his links with the still-Islamic rump of the Mujahidin, and this earned him a new sentence of ten years’ imprisonment.
This final incarceration was brought to an end on October 30, 1978, when the Pahlavi state was crumbling under the onslaught of revolution. Released from prison, Taleghani immersed himself in the revolutionary movement, and it was he who marched at the head of the historic mass demonstration of December 10, 1978. He was appointed to the Council of the Islamic Revolution established by Ayatollah Khomeini, and after the triumph of the revolution he traveled in its service to Kurdistan and the Turkmen-inhabited areas of the northeast to negotiate with autonomist groups. In August 1979, Taleghani was elected to the Assembly of Experts, which was to elaborate a constitiution, with over two million votes, more than any other candidate, a clear measure of his wide popularity. Later the same month, Khomeini appointed him imam jum’a (Friday prayer leader) of Tehran, and his weekly sermons, delivered at Tehran University, drew millions.
A dominant concern of Taleghani in 1979 was maintaining the unity of the revolutionary and Islamic forces, and this led to a frequent misperception of him as “an ayatollah of the left.” Although willing to engage in ideological debate with the Marxists and, for a time, inclined to regard them as sincere, if misled, he was always firmly opposed to Marxism. In the last sermon of his life he bitterly denounced “those infantile communists” who were working against the Islamic Republic.
Ayatollah Taleghani died of a heart attack on September 10, 1979, and was buried in the Bihisht-i Zahra cemetery to the south of Tehran, next to the martyrs of the revolution whose advent he had done so much to foster.
Mahmud Taleghani see Taleghani, Mahmud
Taleghani, Mahmud (Mahmud Taleghani) (1911-1979). Iranian religious scholar who devoted his life to struggle against the Pahlavi regime. He was born in the village of Gilird in the Talaqan (Taleghan) district of northern Iran to Abu al-Hasan Taleghani, himself a religious scholar and activist of note, but he grew up and received his early education in Tehran, where the elder Taleghani had settled in 1899. In the early 1930s, he went to Qom for his further religious education. There he studied under such luminaries as Shaikh Abd al-Karim Ha’eri and the ayatollahs Muhammad Taqi Khwansari, Hujjat Kuhkamari, and Muhammad Taqi Yazdi. But for all the erudition he acquired during his years in Qom, Taleghani never identified fully with the religious institution and its hierarchy (in marked contrast to, for example, Ayatollah Khomeini). It was rather in bringing the message of Islam to society at large and in collaborating with persons and parties outside the hierarchy that he acquired his great standing and influence.
Taleghani completed his training in Qom in 1939 and, returning to Tehran, he began teaching at the Sipahsalar madrasa. At the same time, he embarked on the teaching of Qur’anic exegesis to the secularly educated -- which was to remain a lifelong concern -- under the auspices of an organization he founded, the Kanun-i Islam. This led to a period of banishment from Tehran that ended in 1941. He then began to preach and lecture at the Hidayat Mosque in central Tehran, which soon became a gathering place for the religiously inclined youth of the capital and remained inseparably linked with him to the end of his life. In addition, he gave frequent lectured to the Islamic societies that were springing up at the time, both in the universities and among professionals.
Although Taleghani accompanied the government troops that entered Azerbaijan in 1946 to overthrow the remnants of a separatist regime in that province, his political activitiy in the 1940s and 1950s was more typically in collaboration with personalities opposed to the Pahlavis. Among these were Navvab Safavi, founder and leader of the Fida’iyan-i Islam, who took shelter in Taleghani’s house on more than one occasion when being hunted by the police; and Ayatollah Kashani, the celebrated religious scholar and militant who played a crucial role in organizing mass support for the nationalization of the Iranian oil industry. Taleghani also broadcast on behalf of Mohammed Mossadegh, the prime minister under whose auspices the nationalization was carried out, and he did his utmost to avert the split between Kashani and Mossadegh that came on the eve of the foreign sponsored royalist coup d’etat of August 1953 that restored the Pahlavis to power.
Four years after the coup, Taleghani organized the National Resistance Movement, the first broad based movement of opposition to the resurgent Pahlavi dictatorship. This earned him a period of imprisonment that lasted for more than a year. Undaunted, in 1960 he addressed a mass protest meeting at the Maidan-i Arg in Tehran and was accordingly rearrested. Released anew, he established the Iran Freedom Movement in collaboration with his lifelong colleague and friend, Mehdi Bazargan, a political organization that has survived into the postrevolutionary period. This led to a new spell in prison, which came to an end shortly before the uprising of June 1963. The speeches Taleghani delivered in support of this uprising caused him to be rearrested and, after a lengthy public trial in which he conducted himself with great dignity, to be condemned to ten years’ imprisonment. He was released after serving half of his sentence. In 1971, he helped to establish the Sazman-i Mujahidin-i Khalq (Organization of People’s Mujahidin), a guerrilla group initially of Islamic inspiration. As a consequence he was banished from Tehran for three years. When he returned he found the leadership of the group about to make an ideological transition to Marxism. Taleghani kept his links with the still-Islamic rump of the Mujahidin, and this earned him a new sentence of ten years’ imprisonment.
This final incarceration was brought to an end on October 30, 1978, when the Pahlavi state was crumbling under the onslaught of revolution. Released from prison, Taleghani immersed himself in the revolutionary movement, and it was he who marched at the head of the historic mass demonstration of December 10, 1978. He was appointed to the Council of the Islamic Revolution established by Ayatollah Khomeini, and after the triumph of the revolution he traveled in its service to Kurdistan and the Turkmen-inhabited areas of the northeast to negotiate with autonomist groups. In August 1979, Taleghani was elected to the Assembly of Experts, which was to elaborate a constitiution, with over two million votes, more than any other candidate, a clear measure of his wide popularity. Later the same month, Khomeini appointed him imam jum’a (Friday prayer leader) of Tehran, and his weekly sermons, delivered at Tehran University, drew millions.
A dominant concern of Taleghani in 1979 was maintaining the unity of the revolutionary and Islamic forces, and this led to a frequent misperception of him as “an ayatollah of the left.” Although willing to engage in ideological debate with the Marxists and, for a time, inclined to regard them as sincere, if misled, he was always firmly opposed to Marxism. In the last sermon of his life he bitterly denounced “those infantile communists” who were working against the Islamic Republic.
Ayatollah Taleghani died of a heart attack on September 10, 1979, and was buried in the Bihisht-i Zahra cemetery to the south of Tehran, next to the martyrs of the revolution whose advent he had done so much to foster.
Mahmud Taleghani see Taleghani, Mahmud
Talha ibn ‘Ubayd Allah
Talha ibn ‘Ubayd Allah (Talhah) (Talha ibn Ubaydullah) (597-656). Companion of the Prophet. He was one of the earliest converts to Islam and one of the most intimate friends of the Prophet, whom he defended with his body as a shield at the battle of Uhud. He became immensely wealthy and was a candidate to the succession to the caliphate after the death of ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab in 644. Bitterly disappointed about ‘Uthman’s election in 644, he joined the party of ‘Ali and al-Zubayr ibn al-‘Awwam, and in 656 was near becoming caliph when ‘Ali was proclaimed. With al-Zubayr, he fled from Medina to Mecca where he joined the Prophet’s favorite wife ‘A’isha in her opposition to ‘Ali. The three allies went to Basra, but were defeated by ‘Ali in the Battle of the Camel, in which Talha and al-Zubayr lost their lives.
Talha ibn Ubayd-Allah was a companion of Muhammad, best known for his role in the Battle of Uhud and the Battle of the Camel.
Talha was a cousin of Abu Bakr. 'Amr bin Ka'b was the great grandfather of both of them. All of them were from the Banu Taym clan.
Among his wives was a Syrian Jew.
Talha was extremely rich. According to al-Masudi, he made 1,000 dinars a day from his business ventures in Iraq, and his income from the region of ash-Sharah was more than that. He also owned a great deal of land in Medina, and had many servants.
Talha became a Muslim when he was 18 years old and was one of the first Muslims. He was one of the very few residents of Mecca who could read and write at the advent of Islam.
Nawfal ibn Khuwaylid at one time bound Abu Bakr and Talha ibn Ubayd-Allah with a rope. Due to this, those two became known as the "Al-Qareenayn", "the two tied together".
Talha brought the family of Abu Bakr to Madina after Hijrah (Migration). In Madina, he stayed with As'ad bin Zurarah who was among the first batch of converts from Madinah.
Talha participated in all of the battles in which Muhammad participated personally with the exception of the battle of Badr. Muhammad had sent him and Sa'id ibn Zayd to get information on the movement of the Quraysh army. They missed the Quraysh army and by the time they returned, the battle had been won by the Muslims. However, both of them were given their share of the war trophies of the battle.
Talha fought in the Battle of Uhud.
Talha was appointed by the second caliph, Umar ibn al-Khattab, to the council electing his successor, which led to the election of Uthman ibn 'Affan in 644.
Talha was amongst the group that unsuccessfully fought the fourth caliph, Ali, in the Battle of the Camel in 656 to avenge the murder of the preceding caliph, Uthman. During the battle, his own commander Marwan ibn Al-Hakam ordered the death of Talha, who was shot with an arrow. He was taken aside and died later of his wound.
Talha had a son named Muhammad ibn Talha from a marriage with Hammanah bint Jahsh, the sister of Zaynab bint Jahsh. Muhammad also died at the battle of the Camel.
From his marriage to Umm Kulthum bint Abu Bakr, he had three children:
* Zakariyya ibn Talhah
* Yusuf ibn Talhah
* A'isha bint Talhah
He has also a daughter named Umm Ishaq bint Talha who married Hasan ibn Ali and had a son named Talha ibn Hasan.
After Hasan died, Umm Ishaq married Husayn ibn Ali and had a daughter named Fatimah bint Husayn.
Sunnis regard him as one of the ten who were promised paradise during their lifetimes by Muhammad.
Shi'a have ambivalent view of Talha. On one side, he was a great defender of early Islam, fighting side by side with Muhammad and Ali. On the other side, he contested Ali's leadership and then broke his oath of allegiance to Ali.
Talhah see Talha ibn ‘Ubayd Allah
Talha ibn Ubaydullah see Talha ibn ‘Ubayd Allah
Talha ibn ‘Ubayd Allah (Talhah) (Talha ibn Ubaydullah) (597-656). Companion of the Prophet. He was one of the earliest converts to Islam and one of the most intimate friends of the Prophet, whom he defended with his body as a shield at the battle of Uhud. He became immensely wealthy and was a candidate to the succession to the caliphate after the death of ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab in 644. Bitterly disappointed about ‘Uthman’s election in 644, he joined the party of ‘Ali and al-Zubayr ibn al-‘Awwam, and in 656 was near becoming caliph when ‘Ali was proclaimed. With al-Zubayr, he fled from Medina to Mecca where he joined the Prophet’s favorite wife ‘A’isha in her opposition to ‘Ali. The three allies went to Basra, but were defeated by ‘Ali in the Battle of the Camel, in which Talha and al-Zubayr lost their lives.
Talha ibn Ubayd-Allah was a companion of Muhammad, best known for his role in the Battle of Uhud and the Battle of the Camel.
Talha was a cousin of Abu Bakr. 'Amr bin Ka'b was the great grandfather of both of them. All of them were from the Banu Taym clan.
Among his wives was a Syrian Jew.
Talha was extremely rich. According to al-Masudi, he made 1,000 dinars a day from his business ventures in Iraq, and his income from the region of ash-Sharah was more than that. He also owned a great deal of land in Medina, and had many servants.
Talha became a Muslim when he was 18 years old and was one of the first Muslims. He was one of the very few residents of Mecca who could read and write at the advent of Islam.
Nawfal ibn Khuwaylid at one time bound Abu Bakr and Talha ibn Ubayd-Allah with a rope. Due to this, those two became known as the "Al-Qareenayn", "the two tied together".
Talha brought the family of Abu Bakr to Madina after Hijrah (Migration). In Madina, he stayed with As'ad bin Zurarah who was among the first batch of converts from Madinah.
Talha participated in all of the battles in which Muhammad participated personally with the exception of the battle of Badr. Muhammad had sent him and Sa'id ibn Zayd to get information on the movement of the Quraysh army. They missed the Quraysh army and by the time they returned, the battle had been won by the Muslims. However, both of them were given their share of the war trophies of the battle.
Talha fought in the Battle of Uhud.
Talha was appointed by the second caliph, Umar ibn al-Khattab, to the council electing his successor, which led to the election of Uthman ibn 'Affan in 644.
Talha was amongst the group that unsuccessfully fought the fourth caliph, Ali, in the Battle of the Camel in 656 to avenge the murder of the preceding caliph, Uthman. During the battle, his own commander Marwan ibn Al-Hakam ordered the death of Talha, who was shot with an arrow. He was taken aside and died later of his wound.
Talha had a son named Muhammad ibn Talha from a marriage with Hammanah bint Jahsh, the sister of Zaynab bint Jahsh. Muhammad also died at the battle of the Camel.
From his marriage to Umm Kulthum bint Abu Bakr, he had three children:
* Zakariyya ibn Talhah
* Yusuf ibn Talhah
* A'isha bint Talhah
He has also a daughter named Umm Ishaq bint Talha who married Hasan ibn Ali and had a son named Talha ibn Hasan.
After Hasan died, Umm Ishaq married Husayn ibn Ali and had a daughter named Fatimah bint Husayn.
Sunnis regard him as one of the ten who were promised paradise during their lifetimes by Muhammad.
Shi'a have ambivalent view of Talha. On one side, he was a great defender of early Islam, fighting side by side with Muhammad and Ali. On the other side, he contested Ali's leadership and then broke his oath of allegiance to Ali.
Talhah see Talha ibn ‘Ubayd Allah
Talha ibn Ubaydullah see Talha ibn ‘Ubayd Allah
Taluqdar
Taluqdar (Talukdar). Term derived from the Arabic ta’aluq (dependence upon or connection with a superior), the term taluqdar was applied in India from late Mughal times onward to landholders possessed of substantial estates for whose revenue they were responsible either to a superior landholder (in Bengal, the zamindar) or directly to the government. After the 1857 revolt, the British awarded the title as a specially privileged mark of membership in a landed elite, to some three hundred individuals in Awadh (Oudh).
A taluqdar or talukdar is a term used for Indian land holders in Mughal and British times, responsible for collecting taxes from a district. It may convey somewhat different meanings in different parts of India and Pakistan:
(1) A land holder (minor royalty) with administrative power over a district of 84 villages in Punjab, Rajasthan and rest of North India/United Provinces.
(2) An official in Hyderabad State during the British era, equivalent to a magistrate and a collector.
(3) A landholder with peculiar tenures in various parts of British India.
According to the Punjab settlement report of 1862, great land holders were appointed Taluqdars over a number of villages during the Mughal era. That Taluqa or district usually comprised over 84 villages and a central town. The Taluqdar was required to collect taxes, maintain law and order, and provide military supplies/manpower to the provincial government. In most cases, the Taluqdars were entitled to keep one tenth of the collected revenue. However, some privileged Taluqdars were entitled to one quarter and hence were called Chaudhry, which literally means owner of the fourth part.
In Rajastan and Bengal, a taluqdar was next only to a Raja in extent of land control and social status. However, in Punjab and Uttar Pradesh, taluqdars were much more powerful and were directly under the provincial governor. The late Mughal era saw the rise of powerful taluqdars in Oudh, northern India who seldom paid any collected revenue to the central government, and became virtual rulers of their districts. Similarly, in northern Punjab the taluqdars of Dhanni, Gheb and Kot Fateh Khan were extremely powerful.
Eighteenth century Bengal witnessed the rise of great territorial land holders at the expense of smaller landholders who were reduced to the status of dependent taluqdars, required to pay their revenue to the government through the intermediary of the great land lords called rajas and maharajas. However, many old taluqdars paid revenues to the government directly and were as powerful as the Rajas.
Talukdar see Taluqdar
Land Holders see Taluqdar
Taluqdar (Talukdar). Term derived from the Arabic ta’aluq (dependence upon or connection with a superior), the term taluqdar was applied in India from late Mughal times onward to landholders possessed of substantial estates for whose revenue they were responsible either to a superior landholder (in Bengal, the zamindar) or directly to the government. After the 1857 revolt, the British awarded the title as a specially privileged mark of membership in a landed elite, to some three hundred individuals in Awadh (Oudh).
A taluqdar or talukdar is a term used for Indian land holders in Mughal and British times, responsible for collecting taxes from a district. It may convey somewhat different meanings in different parts of India and Pakistan:
(1) A land holder (minor royalty) with administrative power over a district of 84 villages in Punjab, Rajasthan and rest of North India/United Provinces.
(2) An official in Hyderabad State during the British era, equivalent to a magistrate and a collector.
(3) A landholder with peculiar tenures in various parts of British India.
According to the Punjab settlement report of 1862, great land holders were appointed Taluqdars over a number of villages during the Mughal era. That Taluqa or district usually comprised over 84 villages and a central town. The Taluqdar was required to collect taxes, maintain law and order, and provide military supplies/manpower to the provincial government. In most cases, the Taluqdars were entitled to keep one tenth of the collected revenue. However, some privileged Taluqdars were entitled to one quarter and hence were called Chaudhry, which literally means owner of the fourth part.
In Rajastan and Bengal, a taluqdar was next only to a Raja in extent of land control and social status. However, in Punjab and Uttar Pradesh, taluqdars were much more powerful and were directly under the provincial governor. The late Mughal era saw the rise of powerful taluqdars in Oudh, northern India who seldom paid any collected revenue to the central government, and became virtual rulers of their districts. Similarly, in northern Punjab the taluqdars of Dhanni, Gheb and Kot Fateh Khan were extremely powerful.
Eighteenth century Bengal witnessed the rise of great territorial land holders at the expense of smaller landholders who were reduced to the status of dependent taluqdars, required to pay their revenue to the government through the intermediary of the great land lords called rajas and maharajas. However, many old taluqdars paid revenues to the government directly and were as powerful as the Rajas.
Talukdar see Taluqdar
Land Holders see Taluqdar
Taman Siswa
Taman Siswa. Nationalist education movement in the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia). The movement was founded at Yogyakarta in 1922 by Suwardi Suryaningrat (Ki Hadyar Dewantoro), a leading nationalist intellectual of the previous decade, upon his return from exile in the Netherlands. It aimed to establish an educational system synthesizing the best of Western and Indonesian culture. Many of the graduates of the more than two hundred Taman Siswa schools became leading nationalist politicians.
The Taman Siswa (literally "Garden of Students") was a Javanese educational movement in the Dutch East Indies, founded by Raden Mas Soewardi Soerjaningrat, a Javanese nobleman, also known as Ki Hadjar Dewantara (1889-1959), in July 1922.
Garden of Students see Taman Siswa.
Taman Siswa. Nationalist education movement in the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia). The movement was founded at Yogyakarta in 1922 by Suwardi Suryaningrat (Ki Hadyar Dewantoro), a leading nationalist intellectual of the previous decade, upon his return from exile in the Netherlands. It aimed to establish an educational system synthesizing the best of Western and Indonesian culture. Many of the graduates of the more than two hundred Taman Siswa schools became leading nationalist politicians.
The Taman Siswa (literally "Garden of Students") was a Javanese educational movement in the Dutch East Indies, founded by Raden Mas Soewardi Soerjaningrat, a Javanese nobleman, also known as Ki Hadjar Dewantara (1889-1959), in July 1922.
Garden of Students see Taman Siswa.
Tama-Speaking peoples
Tama-Speaking peoples. Seven populations with different names and separate but neighboring territories speak of have spoken the same language or dialect belonging to the Tama group of Nilo-Saharan (Eastern Sudanic). Geographically they constitute one body of people straddling the Chad-Sudan border.
The seven population groups may not necessarily have common ancestry and origins, and they appear never to have acted in common in case of warfare. The Mararit and Abu Sharib have always been part of the sultanate of Wadai (circa 1680-1912), while the Mileri, Erenga and probably also the Asungor became part of the Keiri sultanate of Darfur at an early stage of its existence (circa 1650-1874). Despite occupation by the respective hostile sultanates, this situation remained more or less intact until 1874, when the Darfur sultanate was conquered and became a province of Turko-Egyptian Sudan.
The Islamization of the region is associated with the collapse of Tunjur rule towards the middle of the seventeenth century in Darfur and a few decades later in Wadai. However, the process by which Islam became the religion of the subjects rather than the court and ruling classes was slow and gradual, especially on the fringes of the two empires. A more thorough Islamization of western Darfur began in the 1880s, when its peoples, including the Erenga, Asungor and Mileri, joined the Mahdiyya (1881-1898). The Mahdi, who led the holy war against the Turko-Egyptian conquerors of Sudan, did not distinguish between the religious and political dimension of his struggle. Propaganda for the Islamic faith and for the state which he founded went hand in hand. The peoples of western Darfur accepted and continued to believe in the religious message of the Mahdiyya, but they turned against the oppressive government of the Mahdi’s successor, the Khalifa Abdullahi, in what has been called “the revolt of Abu Jummayza.”
Abu Jummayza was a simple faqi (cleric), born in Dar Erenga of Tama parents. Yet, in 1888, he became the leader of a general revolt in western Darfur which failed. Of the seven Tama populations, only the Mararit and Abu Sharib appear not to have taken part in it. Despite a punitive expedition, the Mahdist state never succeeded in reasserting its authority in the area on a permanent basis, and as soon as the Mahdist threat subsided, the political leaders of the area became locked in a power struggle among themselves. The Masalit made themselves independent from their previous rulers and subjugated the Erenga, Mileri and perhaps also the Asungor.
These peoples have always resented their subjugation. When the Masalit became involved in a series of three wars with the ruler of the restored Darfur sultanate in the first decade of the twentieth century, they tried to shake off the Masalit by offering to make a separate peace. The same occurred in the period 1910-1912, when the Masalit fought the French conquerors of Wadai, and in 1918, when the British prepared to occupy Dar Masalit. All these attempts ended in failure. The Anglo-Egyptian colonial government ruled Dar Erenga and Dar Jebel as sections of the Masalit sultanate until its demise in 1956. The Asungor became part of French Equatorial Africa in 1923.
Tama-Speaking peoples. Seven populations with different names and separate but neighboring territories speak of have spoken the same language or dialect belonging to the Tama group of Nilo-Saharan (Eastern Sudanic). Geographically they constitute one body of people straddling the Chad-Sudan border.
The seven population groups may not necessarily have common ancestry and origins, and they appear never to have acted in common in case of warfare. The Mararit and Abu Sharib have always been part of the sultanate of Wadai (circa 1680-1912), while the Mileri, Erenga and probably also the Asungor became part of the Keiri sultanate of Darfur at an early stage of its existence (circa 1650-1874). Despite occupation by the respective hostile sultanates, this situation remained more or less intact until 1874, when the Darfur sultanate was conquered and became a province of Turko-Egyptian Sudan.
The Islamization of the region is associated with the collapse of Tunjur rule towards the middle of the seventeenth century in Darfur and a few decades later in Wadai. However, the process by which Islam became the religion of the subjects rather than the court and ruling classes was slow and gradual, especially on the fringes of the two empires. A more thorough Islamization of western Darfur began in the 1880s, when its peoples, including the Erenga, Asungor and Mileri, joined the Mahdiyya (1881-1898). The Mahdi, who led the holy war against the Turko-Egyptian conquerors of Sudan, did not distinguish between the religious and political dimension of his struggle. Propaganda for the Islamic faith and for the state which he founded went hand in hand. The peoples of western Darfur accepted and continued to believe in the religious message of the Mahdiyya, but they turned against the oppressive government of the Mahdi’s successor, the Khalifa Abdullahi, in what has been called “the revolt of Abu Jummayza.”
Abu Jummayza was a simple faqi (cleric), born in Dar Erenga of Tama parents. Yet, in 1888, he became the leader of a general revolt in western Darfur which failed. Of the seven Tama populations, only the Mararit and Abu Sharib appear not to have taken part in it. Despite a punitive expedition, the Mahdist state never succeeded in reasserting its authority in the area on a permanent basis, and as soon as the Mahdist threat subsided, the political leaders of the area became locked in a power struggle among themselves. The Masalit made themselves independent from their previous rulers and subjugated the Erenga, Mileri and perhaps also the Asungor.
These peoples have always resented their subjugation. When the Masalit became involved in a series of three wars with the ruler of the restored Darfur sultanate in the first decade of the twentieth century, they tried to shake off the Masalit by offering to make a separate peace. The same occurred in the period 1910-1912, when the Masalit fought the French conquerors of Wadai, and in 1918, when the British prepared to occupy Dar Masalit. All these attempts ended in failure. The Anglo-Egyptian colonial government ruled Dar Erenga and Dar Jebel as sections of the Masalit sultanate until its demise in 1956. The Asungor became part of French Equatorial Africa in 1923.
Tamgruti, Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al-
Tamgruti, Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al- (Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al-Tamgruti) (d. 1594). Moroccan author. He left an account of the embassy which he led to the Ottoman sultan Murad III.
Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al-Tamgruti see Tamgruti, Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al-
Tamgruti, Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al- (Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al-Tamgruti) (d. 1594). Moroccan author. He left an account of the embassy which he led to the Ottoman sultan Murad III.
Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al-Tamgruti see Tamgruti, Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al-
Tamim al-Dari
Tamim al-Dari (Tamim bin Aws al-Dari) (d. 660/661). Companion of the Prophet. He came to the Prophet from Hebron after the Tabuk campaign of 630, embraced Islam and settled at Medina. He is said tohave been the first narrator of religious stories, among others those of the end of the world and the coming of the Anti-Christ (in Arabic, al-dajjal) and the Beast (in Arabic, al-jassasa). He is also said to have asked the Prophet to give him the district of Hebron as a fief, although Palestine was still under the Byzantines. The grant allegedly was confirmed by a document, which is said to have been drawn up by ‘Ali and to have passed to the Ottoman Sultan Murad III or Murad IV, who put it in their library. The keepers of the sanctuary at Hebron claimed to be descended from Tamim al-Dari.
Tamim bin Aws al-Dari was a companion of the Islamic prophet Muhammad. Originally a Christian, al-Dari belonged to the Bani al-Dar — a clan of the Lakhm. He lived in southern Palestine and his first contact with Muhammad was in 628 leading ten others from Banu al-Dar. Previously Muhammad granted Bani al-Dar revenues of conquered land after the Muslim victory at the Battle of Khaybar. Al-Dari confronted Muhammad to receive the revenues and after meeting him, al-Dari embraced Islam and settled in Medina.
After his conversion, al-Dari became an adviser to Muhammad particularly on public worship. His advice included the introduction of oil lamps in mosques. In addition to being an adviser, he is traditionally considered to be the first narrator of Islamic religious stories. Many of his stories included ones on the end of the world, beasts and the coming of the Anti-Christ.
Al-Dari's wife in Palestine thought he was dead after disappearing in Medina and remarried. Al-Dari informed Muhammad that his wife remarried and before he died, he told al-Dari that it was her choice as to who she wanted to marry. It was not until Ali became caliph that al-Dari's wife returned to him.
Prior to Muhammad's death, al-Dari was granted a large fief for control of Hebron, Beit Einun and the surrounding area, although at that time Palestine was still under Byzantine control. The deed was written up by Ali and when the caliph Umar and his Rashidun army conquered Palestine, al-Dari gained his land. Since he had only one daughter and no sons, after al-Dari's death, the heirs of the Hebron fiefdom would be the descendants of his brother Nu'aim. Originally, al-Dari's role as the ruler of the fiefdom was to collect land taxes. He was forbidden to enslave any of the locals or sell their property. In 655, al-Dari left Medina to reside in his native Palestine and died there in 661. According to tradition, he is buried in the town of Bayt Jibrin which was destroyed by Israel in 1948.
Dari, Tamim al- see Tamim al-Dari
Tamim bin Aws al-Dari see Tamim al-Dari
Tamim al-Dari (Tamim bin Aws al-Dari) (d. 660/661). Companion of the Prophet. He came to the Prophet from Hebron after the Tabuk campaign of 630, embraced Islam and settled at Medina. He is said tohave been the first narrator of religious stories, among others those of the end of the world and the coming of the Anti-Christ (in Arabic, al-dajjal) and the Beast (in Arabic, al-jassasa). He is also said to have asked the Prophet to give him the district of Hebron as a fief, although Palestine was still under the Byzantines. The grant allegedly was confirmed by a document, which is said to have been drawn up by ‘Ali and to have passed to the Ottoman Sultan Murad III or Murad IV, who put it in their library. The keepers of the sanctuary at Hebron claimed to be descended from Tamim al-Dari.
Tamim bin Aws al-Dari was a companion of the Islamic prophet Muhammad. Originally a Christian, al-Dari belonged to the Bani al-Dar — a clan of the Lakhm. He lived in southern Palestine and his first contact with Muhammad was in 628 leading ten others from Banu al-Dar. Previously Muhammad granted Bani al-Dar revenues of conquered land after the Muslim victory at the Battle of Khaybar. Al-Dari confronted Muhammad to receive the revenues and after meeting him, al-Dari embraced Islam and settled in Medina.
After his conversion, al-Dari became an adviser to Muhammad particularly on public worship. His advice included the introduction of oil lamps in mosques. In addition to being an adviser, he is traditionally considered to be the first narrator of Islamic religious stories. Many of his stories included ones on the end of the world, beasts and the coming of the Anti-Christ.
Al-Dari's wife in Palestine thought he was dead after disappearing in Medina and remarried. Al-Dari informed Muhammad that his wife remarried and before he died, he told al-Dari that it was her choice as to who she wanted to marry. It was not until Ali became caliph that al-Dari's wife returned to him.
Prior to Muhammad's death, al-Dari was granted a large fief for control of Hebron, Beit Einun and the surrounding area, although at that time Palestine was still under Byzantine control. The deed was written up by Ali and when the caliph Umar and his Rashidun army conquered Palestine, al-Dari gained his land. Since he had only one daughter and no sons, after al-Dari's death, the heirs of the Hebron fiefdom would be the descendants of his brother Nu'aim. Originally, al-Dari's role as the ruler of the fiefdom was to collect land taxes. He was forbidden to enslave any of the locals or sell their property. In 655, al-Dari left Medina to reside in his native Palestine and died there in 661. According to tradition, he is buried in the town of Bayt Jibrin which was destroyed by Israel in 1948.
Dari, Tamim al- see Tamim al-Dari
Tamim bin Aws al-Dari see Tamim al-Dari
Tamim ibn al-Mu‘izz
Tamim ibn al-Mu‘izz (Tamim ibn Muizz) (d.1108). Ruler of the Zirids of Ifriqiya (r.1062-1108). He fought his relatives the Hammadids and tried to prevent the conquest of Sicily by the Normans.
Tamim ibn al-Muizz was the fifth ruler of the Zirids in Ifriqiya (1062-1108). Tamim took over from his father Al-Muizz ibn Badis (1016-1062) at a time when the Zirid realm found itself in a state of disintegration following the invasion of the Banu Hilal. Only the coastal towns were under control, and a reconquest of the hinterland from the Bedouin failed. Even on the coast, the Zirids were not unchallenged - Tunis was lost to the Banu Hurasan (1063-1128). The capital Mahdia was attacked by Genoa and Pisa in 1088 and forced to pay a high ransom - a sign of the growing dominance of the Christian powers in the Mediterranean which also manifested itself in the Norman conquest of Sicily (1061-1062).
Tamim's son Yahya ibn Tamim inherited what was left of the Zirid kingdom in 1108.
Tamim ibn Muizz see Tamim ibn al-Mu‘izz
Tamim ibn al-Mu‘izz (Tamim ibn Muizz) (d.1108). Ruler of the Zirids of Ifriqiya (r.1062-1108). He fought his relatives the Hammadids and tried to prevent the conquest of Sicily by the Normans.
Tamim ibn al-Muizz was the fifth ruler of the Zirids in Ifriqiya (1062-1108). Tamim took over from his father Al-Muizz ibn Badis (1016-1062) at a time when the Zirid realm found itself in a state of disintegration following the invasion of the Banu Hilal. Only the coastal towns were under control, and a reconquest of the hinterland from the Bedouin failed. Even on the coast, the Zirids were not unchallenged - Tunis was lost to the Banu Hurasan (1063-1128). The capital Mahdia was attacked by Genoa and Pisa in 1088 and forced to pay a high ransom - a sign of the growing dominance of the Christian powers in the Mediterranean which also manifested itself in the Norman conquest of Sicily (1061-1062).
Tamim's son Yahya ibn Tamim inherited what was left of the Zirid kingdom in 1108.
Tamim ibn Muizz see Tamim ibn al-Mu‘izz
Tamim ibn Murr
Tamim ibn Murr. Name of an Arab tribe. By the sixth century, they appear to be very numerous, but were divided into many different clans who often were opposed to each other. The two Tamimi poets al-Farazdaq and Jarir ibn ‘Atiyya insulted each other’s clans in their poetical duels. The Tamim had relations with the Sasanian kings of Persia, and were in continual rivalry with the ‘Amir ibn Sa‘sa‘a. They sent a delegation to Medina in 629 but without becoming converts. During the so-called “apostasy” (in Arabic, ridda), they were subdued by Khalid ibn al-Walid. They settled at first in the camps of Kufa and Basra, and later formed the majority of the Arab population in Khurasan. The most fanatical of the Kharijites were found among these true Bedouins, who were by nature rebels against all authority. On the other hand, some of the most illustrious poets of all old Arabic literature are found among them.
Tamim ibn Murr. Name of an Arab tribe. By the sixth century, they appear to be very numerous, but were divided into many different clans who often were opposed to each other. The two Tamimi poets al-Farazdaq and Jarir ibn ‘Atiyya insulted each other’s clans in their poetical duels. The Tamim had relations with the Sasanian kings of Persia, and were in continual rivalry with the ‘Amir ibn Sa‘sa‘a. They sent a delegation to Medina in 629 but without becoming converts. During the so-called “apostasy” (in Arabic, ridda), they were subdued by Khalid ibn al-Walid. They settled at first in the camps of Kufa and Basra, and later formed the majority of the Arab population in Khurasan. The most fanatical of the Kharijites were found among these true Bedouins, who were by nature rebels against all authority. On the other hand, some of the most illustrious poets of all old Arabic literature are found among them.
Tanasi, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah al-
Tanasi, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah al- (Muhammad ibn 'Abd Allah al-Tanasi) (d.1494). North African author. He left a history of his patrons, the ‘Abd al-Wadids of Tlemcen.
Muhammad ibn 'Abd Allah al-Tanasi see Tanasi, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah al-
Tanasi, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah al- (Muhammad ibn 'Abd Allah al-Tanasi) (d.1494). North African author. He left a history of his patrons, the ‘Abd al-Wadids of Tlemcen.
Muhammad ibn 'Abd Allah al-Tanasi see Tanasi, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah al-
Tanawuti, al-
Tanawuti, al- (d.c. 1174). Name of many spiritual shaykhs of the Ibadis of North Africa, the best known of whom is Abu ‘Ammar ‘Abd al-Kafi. He wrote a Refutation of all enemies of truth, in which he tried to show that the Ibadis were distinct from all other schools.
Tanawuti, al- (d.c. 1174). Name of many spiritual shaykhs of the Ibadis of North Africa, the best known of whom is Abu ‘Ammar ‘Abd al-Kafi. He wrote a Refutation of all enemies of truth, in which he tried to show that the Ibadis were distinct from all other schools.
Tan Malaka
Tan Malaka (1894/1897-February 21, 1949). Indonesian revolutionary figure. Born in Suliki, West Sumatra, his full name was Sutan Ibrahim Gelar Datuk Tan Melaka. He was educated first at the Sekolah Radja in Fort de Kock (now Bukittinggi) and in 1913 left for Holland, with local funding, to continue his education. Returning to Sumatra in 1919, he first taught on a rubber plantation in Siak, then went to Java, where he joined the newly established Indonesian Communist Party, or Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI), and was elected party chairman in 1921.
The following year he went back to Holland, and in the 1922 Dutch elections he won a seat in Parliament on the ticket of the Netherlands Communist Party but was found to be underage and denied the seat. He represented the PKI at the fourth Comintern Congress in Moscow in 1922, where he stressed the need for communist parties in colonized territories to cooperate with radical Islamic groups. He was appointed Comintern representative in Southeast Asia. His active opposition to the PKI’s decision to launch the 1926-1927 insurrection in Indonesia led other communists to brand him a Trotskyist. He formed his own independent revolutionary party, Pari (Partai Republik Indonesia), in Bangkok in 1927. After a brief stay in the Philippines, from which he was expelled, he spent most of his long exile, teaching and writing, in China and later in Singapore.
After the Japanese invasion Tan Malaka returned secretly to Indonesia in 1942. When independence was proclaimed, he advocated a national front, nationalization of all Dutch properties, and an uncompromising policy of unconditional independence to expel the Dutch from Indonesia. In January 1946, he formed a revolutionary opposition (PP, Persatuan Perjuangan, or Struggle Union) to the Sukarno/Hatta government. Arrested in March 1946 together with other PP leaders, he was not released until September 1948, when Republican leaders hoped he would help crush the Madiun rebellion, an orthodox communist uprising. After the second Dutch attack of December 1948, he withdrew to East Java, where he was captured and executed by an Indonesian army unit in February 1949.
Tan Malaka was a Minangkabau (a people of Sumatra) and a schoolteacher. When he returned in 1919 from Europe, where he was educated, he began to espouse Communist doctrines. The Communists had been working with the leading nationalist group, the Sarekat Islām (Islāmic Association) but in 1921 they split off and moved in the direction of revolutionary action, still trying to take with them local branches of Sarekat Islām. The following year Tan Malaka attempted to convert a strike of government pawnshop employees into a general strike, but the effort failed, and Dutch officials ordered him to leave the Dutch East Indies.
Tan Malaka represented Indonesia at the Fourth Congress of the Comintern (Communist International) in 1922, when he was appointed Comintern agent for Southeast Asia and Australia. He opposed as premature a Communist-backed rebellion in 1926 and was blamed by its proponents for the uprising’s failure. The next year, however, he organized a group in Bangkok called the Indonesian Republic Party. The aim of the Indonesian Republic Party was to develop underground cadres to work in Indonesia. The party gained strength, but with little visible success in weakening colonial rule.
Tan Malaka returned to Java in 1944, during the Japanese occupation in World War II, and afterward competed for power against Indonesian president Sukarno. Sukarno, however, outmaneuvered Tan Malaka by bringing Sutan Sjahrir to power as prime minister. Tan Malaka responded by creating a coalition, called the Persatuan Perdjuangan (United Struggle), to oppose any negotiated settlement with the Dutch, which Sjahrir favored. When Sjahrir resigned in February 1946, Tan Malaka was asked to form a Cabinet. The members of the coalition failed to reach accord, however, and Sjahrir was recalled. Tan Malaka then either attempted a coup or was caught up in the plans of others and was arrested on July 6, 1946, and held for two years without trial. On his release he supported a new political party, the Partai Murba (Proletarian Party). At that time the Dutch and Indonesians were at war for control of the country, Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta were prisoners of the Dutch, and much of the Communist leadership had been killed. In December 1948 Tan Malaka made a bid for control of the Indonesian revolution. From the city of Kediri, Java, which remained in Indonesian hands, Tan Malaka proclaimed himself head of Indonesia. When the Dutch attacked Kediri, he escaped but within a few months was captured and executed by supporters of Sukarno.
Tan Malaka wrote several political works. The best known is the autobiographical Dari Pendjara ke Pendjara (“From Prison to Prison”). He was a powerful, moving force in the creation of Indonesia but, after 1966 and the massacre of Communists, his name went into eclipse.
Tan Malaka was an Indonesian nationalist activist and communist leader. A staunch critic of both the colonial Dutch East Indies government and the republican Sukarno administration that governed the country after the Indonesian National Revolution, he was also frequently in conflict with the leadership of the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI), Indonesia's primary radical political party in the 1920s and again in the 1940s.
A political outsider for most of his life, Tan Malaka spent a large part of his life in exile from Indonesia, and was constantly threatened with arrest by the Dutch authorities and their allies. Despite this apparent marginalization, however, he played a key intellectual role in linking the international communist movement to Southeast Asia's anti-colonial movements. He was declared a National Hero of Indonesia by the People's Consultative Assembly in 1963.
Malaka, Tan see Tan Malaka
Tan Malaka (1894/1897-February 21, 1949). Indonesian revolutionary figure. Born in Suliki, West Sumatra, his full name was Sutan Ibrahim Gelar Datuk Tan Melaka. He was educated first at the Sekolah Radja in Fort de Kock (now Bukittinggi) and in 1913 left for Holland, with local funding, to continue his education. Returning to Sumatra in 1919, he first taught on a rubber plantation in Siak, then went to Java, where he joined the newly established Indonesian Communist Party, or Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI), and was elected party chairman in 1921.
The following year he went back to Holland, and in the 1922 Dutch elections he won a seat in Parliament on the ticket of the Netherlands Communist Party but was found to be underage and denied the seat. He represented the PKI at the fourth Comintern Congress in Moscow in 1922, where he stressed the need for communist parties in colonized territories to cooperate with radical Islamic groups. He was appointed Comintern representative in Southeast Asia. His active opposition to the PKI’s decision to launch the 1926-1927 insurrection in Indonesia led other communists to brand him a Trotskyist. He formed his own independent revolutionary party, Pari (Partai Republik Indonesia), in Bangkok in 1927. After a brief stay in the Philippines, from which he was expelled, he spent most of his long exile, teaching and writing, in China and later in Singapore.
After the Japanese invasion Tan Malaka returned secretly to Indonesia in 1942. When independence was proclaimed, he advocated a national front, nationalization of all Dutch properties, and an uncompromising policy of unconditional independence to expel the Dutch from Indonesia. In January 1946, he formed a revolutionary opposition (PP, Persatuan Perjuangan, or Struggle Union) to the Sukarno/Hatta government. Arrested in March 1946 together with other PP leaders, he was not released until September 1948, when Republican leaders hoped he would help crush the Madiun rebellion, an orthodox communist uprising. After the second Dutch attack of December 1948, he withdrew to East Java, where he was captured and executed by an Indonesian army unit in February 1949.
Tan Malaka was a Minangkabau (a people of Sumatra) and a schoolteacher. When he returned in 1919 from Europe, where he was educated, he began to espouse Communist doctrines. The Communists had been working with the leading nationalist group, the Sarekat Islām (Islāmic Association) but in 1921 they split off and moved in the direction of revolutionary action, still trying to take with them local branches of Sarekat Islām. The following year Tan Malaka attempted to convert a strike of government pawnshop employees into a general strike, but the effort failed, and Dutch officials ordered him to leave the Dutch East Indies.
Tan Malaka represented Indonesia at the Fourth Congress of the Comintern (Communist International) in 1922, when he was appointed Comintern agent for Southeast Asia and Australia. He opposed as premature a Communist-backed rebellion in 1926 and was blamed by its proponents for the uprising’s failure. The next year, however, he organized a group in Bangkok called the Indonesian Republic Party. The aim of the Indonesian Republic Party was to develop underground cadres to work in Indonesia. The party gained strength, but with little visible success in weakening colonial rule.
Tan Malaka returned to Java in 1944, during the Japanese occupation in World War II, and afterward competed for power against Indonesian president Sukarno. Sukarno, however, outmaneuvered Tan Malaka by bringing Sutan Sjahrir to power as prime minister. Tan Malaka responded by creating a coalition, called the Persatuan Perdjuangan (United Struggle), to oppose any negotiated settlement with the Dutch, which Sjahrir favored. When Sjahrir resigned in February 1946, Tan Malaka was asked to form a Cabinet. The members of the coalition failed to reach accord, however, and Sjahrir was recalled. Tan Malaka then either attempted a coup or was caught up in the plans of others and was arrested on July 6, 1946, and held for two years without trial. On his release he supported a new political party, the Partai Murba (Proletarian Party). At that time the Dutch and Indonesians were at war for control of the country, Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta were prisoners of the Dutch, and much of the Communist leadership had been killed. In December 1948 Tan Malaka made a bid for control of the Indonesian revolution. From the city of Kediri, Java, which remained in Indonesian hands, Tan Malaka proclaimed himself head of Indonesia. When the Dutch attacked Kediri, he escaped but within a few months was captured and executed by supporters of Sukarno.
Tan Malaka wrote several political works. The best known is the autobiographical Dari Pendjara ke Pendjara (“From Prison to Prison”). He was a powerful, moving force in the creation of Indonesia but, after 1966 and the massacre of Communists, his name went into eclipse.
Tan Malaka was an Indonesian nationalist activist and communist leader. A staunch critic of both the colonial Dutch East Indies government and the republican Sukarno administration that governed the country after the Indonesian National Revolution, he was also frequently in conflict with the leadership of the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI), Indonesia's primary radical political party in the 1920s and again in the 1940s.
A political outsider for most of his life, Tan Malaka spent a large part of his life in exile from Indonesia, and was constantly threatened with arrest by the Dutch authorities and their allies. Despite this apparent marginalization, however, he played a key intellectual role in linking the international communist movement to Southeast Asia's anti-colonial movements. He was declared a National Hero of Indonesia by the People's Consultative Assembly in 1963.
Malaka, Tan see Tan Malaka
Tantawi, Mohamed
Mohamed Tantawi (Mohamed Hussein Tantawi Soliman) (b. October 31, 1935, Cairo, Kingdom of Egypt – d. September 21, 2021, Cairo, Egypt) was an Egyptian field marshal and politician. He was the commander-in-chief of the Egyptian Armed Forces and, as chairman of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, was the de facto head of state from the ousting of President Hosni Mubarak on February 11, 2011 until the inauguration of Mohamed Morsi as President of Egypt on June 30, 2012. Tantawi served in the government as Minister of Defense and Military Production from 1991 until Morsi ordered him to retire on August 12, 2012.
Tantawi, who was of Nubian origin, joined the Egyptian Military Academy in 1952 and received his commission as an Army officer on April 1, 1955 in the infantry. The following year he took part in the Suez War (or the Tripartite Aggression as it is often known in Egypt) as an infantry platoon commander. He was promoted to Major in 1961 and commanded an infantry company in Yemen during the North Yemen Civil War. Later in his career he was involved in the Six-Day War of 1967 as a battalion commander, the War of Attrition of 1967–1970, and the October, or Yom Kippur, War of 1973.
During the Yom Kippur War, Tantawi was a Lieutenant Colonel commanding the 16th mechanized infantry battalion. He held various command and staff appointments including both the Chief of Staff and then Commander of the Second Field Army between 1986 and 1989. Additionally, he served as a military attache to Pakistan between 1983 and 1985, an important role given the two countries' political and military links. Tantawi served as a Commander of the Republican Guard Forces between 1989 and 1991, and later as Chief of the Operations Authority of the Armed Forces. In 1991, he also commanded an Egyptian Army unit in the United States led Gulf War against Iraq to force Iraq to withdraw from Kuwait, which Iraq had invaded in 1990.
On May 29, 1991, following the dismissal of Colonel General Youssef Sabri Abu Taleb, Tantawi was promoted to lieutenant general rank and appointed minister of defense and military production and commander-in-chief of the Egyptian Armed Forces. After one month, he was promoted to general colonel rank, which he held for two years before being promoted to the rank of field marshal, the highest rank in the Egyptian military, in 1993. It is believed that Tantawi would have succeeded Mubarak as president of Egypt had the June 1995 assassination attempt on Mubarak had been successful. However, what is certain is that, early in 2011, Tantawi was seen as a possible contender for the Egyptian presidency.
On February 11, 2011, when President Mubarak resigned, after 18 days of protests by the Egyptian people, Tantawi transferred authority to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, headed by himself. The council, overseeing issues with the Chairman of the Supreme Constitutional Court, Farouk Sultan, dissolved the Egyptian parliament; oversaw the referendum over temporary constitutional amendments which took place on March 19, 2011; and presided over the summons to justice, for accountability, of Mubarak and many of the former regime's top figures.
On a personal level, Tantawi kept a relatively low profile after the handing over of power to the council, only making a first public appearance in an address to mark the graduation of a new recruits at the Police Academy on May 16, 2011. He opted to leave most public speeches and press releases to other senior members in the council. He also appointed Prime Minister Essam Sharaf and his cabinet. Tantawi also received a number of foreign officials, including British Prime Minister David Cameron and United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.
After a new series of protests in November 2011, that escalated by November 22 with over 33 dead and over 2,000 injured in the wake of the use of force by the police to quell protests at Tahrir Square and its vicinity, Tantawi appeared on Egyptian national television to pledge the speeding up of presidential elections – the principal demand of protesters.
On August 12, 2012, Egypt's President Mohamed Morsi ordered Tantawi to retire as head of the armed forces and defense minister. Tantawi was subsequently decorated with the Order of the Nile and appointed, instead, as an advisor to Morsi. There was speculation that his removal was part of a pre-arranged withdrawal by the military from political power in exchange for immunity from prosecution for earlier actions.
Tantawi died on September 21, 2021, following a period of ill health.
Mohamed Tantawi see Tantawi, Mohamed
Mohamaed Hussein Tantawi Soliman see Tantawi, Mohamed
Soliman, Mohamed Hussein Tantawi see Tantawi, Mohamed
Tantawi, Muhammad ‘Ayyad al-
Tantawi, Muhammad ‘Ayyad al- (Muhammad ‘Ayyad al-Tantawi) (al-Marhumi) (1810-1861). Egyptian scholar. He taught at the Azhar mosque and in St. Petersburg, where his large collection of manuscripts is kept.
Muhammad 'Ayyad al-Tantawi see Tantawi, Muhammad ‘Ayyad al-
Marhumi, al- see Tantawi, Muhammad ‘Ayyad al-
Tantawi, Muhammad ‘Ayyad al- (Muhammad ‘Ayyad al-Tantawi) (al-Marhumi) (1810-1861). Egyptian scholar. He taught at the Azhar mosque and in St. Petersburg, where his large collection of manuscripts is kept.
Muhammad 'Ayyad al-Tantawi see Tantawi, Muhammad ‘Ayyad al-
Marhumi, al- see Tantawi, Muhammad ‘Ayyad al-
Taqali
Taqali (Tegali). The people of Taqali live in the northeastern Nuba hills of Kordofan Province, Republic of the Sudan. Taqali denotes a place rather than a group of people. In the local language, a person from Taqali would be an Aqali or Ugali. However, many people have forgotten that language, and they refer to themselves in Arabic as nas or ahl (“people,” “folk,” “family”) Taqali or Taqalawin. They have a strong sense of common identity while yet recognizing that their ancestors came from many different ethnic groups.
Although Muslims, the Taqali do not consider themselves Arabs. That ethnic label, in fact, bears the negative connotation of the nineteenth century Arab raiders who kidnapped highlanders and sold them into slavery. Men, however, and most women speak Arabic as well as the local tongue, one of the Taqali-Taqoi cluster of dialects. The model of people using Arabic in the market and their own language at home holds true only to a limited extent. The actual mix of language and social contextis much less clear cut and sometimes seems coincidental or arbitrary.
The Taqali kingdom’s historic center and the ruins of royal compounds all lie in the hills. In 1929, however, the Taqali king, his family and his entourage descended from the hills for better access to roads and markets. They built the town of Abbasiya and the small villages which surround it. Plains villagers and Abbasiya townsmen constantly exchange visits and form a single community.
Members of Taqali’s royal family assumed local political offices under Anglo-Egyptian administration (1898-1956) and had considerable independence until the revolution of 1969. Even after they were removed from formal office, however, local people and guests came to them for advice, mediation and hospitality. The king’s descendants continue to wield considerable local power and influence, forming Abbasiya’s political elite.
Taqali (also spelled Tegali) was a state in the Nuba Hills, in modern day central Sudan. Unlike the surrounding Kordofan the uplands of the hills were quite moist and suitable to agriculture and a dense population. The state was centered upon the Taqali Massif the highest part of the hills in the northeast of the region. Its early history is unclear. Oral traditions state it was founded many centuries ago at the same time that the Kingdom of Sennar came into being. Some scholars doubt these tales and believe that the state did not come into being until the late eighteenth century (between 1750 and 1780), and that the early rulers on the king list are semi-mythological.
It has been argued that the first true ruler of Taqali was Muhammad wad Jayli and that he and his son Ismail forged the state. Some believe it formed during the period of disorder in the Kordofan when the Kingdom of Sennar was declining and Darfur was growing in power. Muhammad began the process of uniting the region. He was succeeded as Makk (also Makuk) by his brother Umar. Umar was overthrown, however, by Ajaid, the queen mother, and Ismail around 1783. Ismail took over and further expanded the state, taking control of the "99 hills" of the region. His son Abakr peacefully succeeded him, but after this the state was beset by conflicts over the succession through much of the period from 1840 to 1880.
Despite its small size the Taqali state remained independent of its more powerful neighbors. While the Nuba Hills were well suited to agriculture they were surrounded by the arid Kordofan. This region was far too dry to support a large army and only small expeditions could be launched. The rocky terrain of the Taqali Massif served as natural fortifications. The Kingdom of Sennar exerted enough pressure that Taqali sent annual tribute, but never conquered the area. When Sennar was destroyed by the Egyptian invasion of 1821 the situation continued. The Egyptians launched three separate attacks against Taqali, but all of them failed. Eventually an agreement was reached whereby Taqali would remain de facto independent but would pay a nominal tribute and be officially included within the Egyptian Sudan.
The state was finally conquered by the forces of the Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad. Makk Adam prevaricated between the British and the forces of the Mahdi, professing his support for both but aiding neither. In 1883 the Mahdi decided that Taqali had to be conquered. His armies did more than previous ones. In July 1884 Makk (also said Makuk) Adam was captured, and he eventually died in captivity. Insurrections continued in Taqali and Hamdan Abu Anja was dispatched to defeat the resistance. This was done though with much pillaging and destruction of the region.
With the defeat of the Mahdists the Mukuk of Taqali were restored to power, but they were now closely controlled by the British. Taqali proved a useful ally and the British gradually gave it more territory to control and administer. This continued with the independence of Sudan in 1956. The administrative power of the state was finally done away with after the 1969 coup. The Makk (or Makuk) of Taqali, though having no political power, remains a ceremonial leader to the people of the region to this day.
The Mukuk of Taqali include:
* Muhammad al-Rubatabi
* Jayli Abu Jarida
* Sabo
* Jayli Umara
* Jayli Awan Allah
* Jayli Abu Qurun
* Muhammad wad Jayli c. 1750
* Umar I to 1783
* Ismail 1783 to 1800
* Abakr I 1800 to 1820
* Umar II 1800 to 1835
* Ahmad 1835 to 1840
* Maryud 1840 to 1843
* Nasir 1843 to c. 1860
* Adam I c. 1860 to 1884
* Interregnum 1884 to 1898
* Jayli 1898 to 1916
* Abakr II 1916 to 1920
* Adam II 1920 to ?
Taqali (Tegali). The people of Taqali live in the northeastern Nuba hills of Kordofan Province, Republic of the Sudan. Taqali denotes a place rather than a group of people. In the local language, a person from Taqali would be an Aqali or Ugali. However, many people have forgotten that language, and they refer to themselves in Arabic as nas or ahl (“people,” “folk,” “family”) Taqali or Taqalawin. They have a strong sense of common identity while yet recognizing that their ancestors came from many different ethnic groups.
Although Muslims, the Taqali do not consider themselves Arabs. That ethnic label, in fact, bears the negative connotation of the nineteenth century Arab raiders who kidnapped highlanders and sold them into slavery. Men, however, and most women speak Arabic as well as the local tongue, one of the Taqali-Taqoi cluster of dialects. The model of people using Arabic in the market and their own language at home holds true only to a limited extent. The actual mix of language and social contextis much less clear cut and sometimes seems coincidental or arbitrary.
The Taqali kingdom’s historic center and the ruins of royal compounds all lie in the hills. In 1929, however, the Taqali king, his family and his entourage descended from the hills for better access to roads and markets. They built the town of Abbasiya and the small villages which surround it. Plains villagers and Abbasiya townsmen constantly exchange visits and form a single community.
Members of Taqali’s royal family assumed local political offices under Anglo-Egyptian administration (1898-1956) and had considerable independence until the revolution of 1969. Even after they were removed from formal office, however, local people and guests came to them for advice, mediation and hospitality. The king’s descendants continue to wield considerable local power and influence, forming Abbasiya’s political elite.
Taqali (also spelled Tegali) was a state in the Nuba Hills, in modern day central Sudan. Unlike the surrounding Kordofan the uplands of the hills were quite moist and suitable to agriculture and a dense population. The state was centered upon the Taqali Massif the highest part of the hills in the northeast of the region. Its early history is unclear. Oral traditions state it was founded many centuries ago at the same time that the Kingdom of Sennar came into being. Some scholars doubt these tales and believe that the state did not come into being until the late eighteenth century (between 1750 and 1780), and that the early rulers on the king list are semi-mythological.
It has been argued that the first true ruler of Taqali was Muhammad wad Jayli and that he and his son Ismail forged the state. Some believe it formed during the period of disorder in the Kordofan when the Kingdom of Sennar was declining and Darfur was growing in power. Muhammad began the process of uniting the region. He was succeeded as Makk (also Makuk) by his brother Umar. Umar was overthrown, however, by Ajaid, the queen mother, and Ismail around 1783. Ismail took over and further expanded the state, taking control of the "99 hills" of the region. His son Abakr peacefully succeeded him, but after this the state was beset by conflicts over the succession through much of the period from 1840 to 1880.
Despite its small size the Taqali state remained independent of its more powerful neighbors. While the Nuba Hills were well suited to agriculture they were surrounded by the arid Kordofan. This region was far too dry to support a large army and only small expeditions could be launched. The rocky terrain of the Taqali Massif served as natural fortifications. The Kingdom of Sennar exerted enough pressure that Taqali sent annual tribute, but never conquered the area. When Sennar was destroyed by the Egyptian invasion of 1821 the situation continued. The Egyptians launched three separate attacks against Taqali, but all of them failed. Eventually an agreement was reached whereby Taqali would remain de facto independent but would pay a nominal tribute and be officially included within the Egyptian Sudan.
The state was finally conquered by the forces of the Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad. Makk Adam prevaricated between the British and the forces of the Mahdi, professing his support for both but aiding neither. In 1883 the Mahdi decided that Taqali had to be conquered. His armies did more than previous ones. In July 1884 Makk (also said Makuk) Adam was captured, and he eventually died in captivity. Insurrections continued in Taqali and Hamdan Abu Anja was dispatched to defeat the resistance. This was done though with much pillaging and destruction of the region.
With the defeat of the Mahdists the Mukuk of Taqali were restored to power, but they were now closely controlled by the British. Taqali proved a useful ally and the British gradually gave it more territory to control and administer. This continued with the independence of Sudan in 1956. The administrative power of the state was finally done away with after the 1969 coup. The Makk (or Makuk) of Taqali, though having no political power, remains a ceremonial leader to the people of the region to this day.
The Mukuk of Taqali include:
* Muhammad al-Rubatabi
* Jayli Abu Jarida
* Sabo
* Jayli Umara
* Jayli Awan Allah
* Jayli Abu Qurun
* Muhammad wad Jayli c. 1750
* Umar I to 1783
* Ismail 1783 to 1800
* Abakr I 1800 to 1820
* Umar II 1800 to 1835
* Ahmad 1835 to 1840
* Maryud 1840 to 1843
* Nasir 1843 to c. 1860
* Adam I c. 1860 to 1884
* Interregnum 1884 to 1898
* Jayli 1898 to 1916
* Abakr II 1916 to 1920
* Adam II 1920 to ?
Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Taqi-Khan, Mirza (Mirza Taqi-Khan) (Amir-i Nizam) (Amir Kabir) (Emir Kabir - Great Prince) (Mirza Taghi Khan Amir-Nezam) (Atabak) (Amir-e Nezam) (b. 1807/1808, Farahan, Persia - d. January 9/10, 1852, Kashan, Persia). Prime Minister of Persia. He undertook to remedy the abuses, reorganized the finances and persecuted the Babis.
Mīrzā Taqī Khān was prime minister of Persia (Iran) from 1848 to 1851. During his tenure, he initiated reforms that marked the effective beginning of the Westernization of his country.
At an early age Mīrzā Taqī learned to read and write despite his humble origins. He joined the provincial bureaucracy as a scribe and, by his abilities, rapidly advanced within the hierarchy of the administration. In 1829, as a junior member of an Iranian mission to St. Petersburg, he observed the power of Russia, Iran’s great neighbor. He concluded that important and fundamental reforms were needed if Iran was to survive as a sovereign state. As a minister in Azerbaijan he witnessed the inadequacies of Iranian provincial administration, and during a tenure in Ottoman Turkey he studied the progress another Islāmic government had made toward modernization.
Upon his return to Iran in 1847, Mīrzā Taqī was appointed to the court of the crown prince, Nāṣer od-Dīn, in Azerbaijan. With the death of Moḥammad Shāh in 1848, Mīrzā Taqī was largely responsible for ensuring the crown prince’s succession to the throne. Out of gratitude, the young monarch appointed him chief minister and gave him the hand of his own sister in marriage. At this time Mīrzā Taqī took the title of Emir Kabīr.
Iran was virtually bankrupt, its central government was weak, and its provinces were almost autonomous. During the next two and a half years the emir initiated important reforms in virtually all sectors of society. Government expenditure was slashed, and a distinction was made between the privy and public purses. The instruments of central administration were overhauled, and the emir assumed responsibility for all areas of the bureaucracy. Foreign interference in Iran’s domestic affairs was curtailed, and foreign trade was encouraged. Public works such as the bazaar in Tehrān were undertaken. A new secular college, the Dār ol-Fonūn, was established for training a new cadre of administrators and acquainting them with Western techniques. The emir issued an edict banning ornate and excessively formal writing in government documents. The beginning of a modern Persian prose style dates from this time.
These reforms antagonized various notables who had been excluded from the government. They regarded the emir as a social upstart and a threat to their interests, and they formed a coalition against him, in which the queen mother was active. She convinced the young shah that the emir wanted to usurp the throne. In October 1851 the shah dismissed him and exiled him to Kāshān, where he was murdered on the shah’s orders.
Tehran Polytechnic, which was established during Pahlavi Dynasty in 1958, was renamed Amirkabir University of Technology after him in 1979.
Mirza Taqi-Khan see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Amir-i Nizam see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Amir Kabir see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Emir Kabir see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Great Prince see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Mirza Taqi Khan Amir-Nezam see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Taqi-Khan, Mirza (Mirza Taqi-Khan) (Amir-i Nizam) (Amir Kabir) (Emir Kabir - Great Prince) (Mirza Taghi Khan Amir-Nezam) (Atabak) (Amir-e Nezam) (b. 1807/1808, Farahan, Persia - d. January 9/10, 1852, Kashan, Persia). Prime Minister of Persia. He undertook to remedy the abuses, reorganized the finances and persecuted the Babis.
Mīrzā Taqī Khān was prime minister of Persia (Iran) from 1848 to 1851. During his tenure, he initiated reforms that marked the effective beginning of the Westernization of his country.
At an early age Mīrzā Taqī learned to read and write despite his humble origins. He joined the provincial bureaucracy as a scribe and, by his abilities, rapidly advanced within the hierarchy of the administration. In 1829, as a junior member of an Iranian mission to St. Petersburg, he observed the power of Russia, Iran’s great neighbor. He concluded that important and fundamental reforms were needed if Iran was to survive as a sovereign state. As a minister in Azerbaijan he witnessed the inadequacies of Iranian provincial administration, and during a tenure in Ottoman Turkey he studied the progress another Islāmic government had made toward modernization.
Upon his return to Iran in 1847, Mīrzā Taqī was appointed to the court of the crown prince, Nāṣer od-Dīn, in Azerbaijan. With the death of Moḥammad Shāh in 1848, Mīrzā Taqī was largely responsible for ensuring the crown prince’s succession to the throne. Out of gratitude, the young monarch appointed him chief minister and gave him the hand of his own sister in marriage. At this time Mīrzā Taqī took the title of Emir Kabīr.
Iran was virtually bankrupt, its central government was weak, and its provinces were almost autonomous. During the next two and a half years the emir initiated important reforms in virtually all sectors of society. Government expenditure was slashed, and a distinction was made between the privy and public purses. The instruments of central administration were overhauled, and the emir assumed responsibility for all areas of the bureaucracy. Foreign interference in Iran’s domestic affairs was curtailed, and foreign trade was encouraged. Public works such as the bazaar in Tehrān were undertaken. A new secular college, the Dār ol-Fonūn, was established for training a new cadre of administrators and acquainting them with Western techniques. The emir issued an edict banning ornate and excessively formal writing in government documents. The beginning of a modern Persian prose style dates from this time.
These reforms antagonized various notables who had been excluded from the government. They regarded the emir as a social upstart and a threat to their interests, and they formed a coalition against him, in which the queen mother was active. She convinced the young shah that the emir wanted to usurp the throne. In October 1851 the shah dismissed him and exiled him to Kāshān, where he was murdered on the shah’s orders.
Tehran Polytechnic, which was established during Pahlavi Dynasty in 1958, was renamed Amirkabir University of Technology after him in 1979.
Mirza Taqi-Khan see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Amir-i Nizam see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Amir Kabir see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Emir Kabir see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Great Prince see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Mirza Taqi Khan Amir-Nezam see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Tarafa ibn ‘Abd al-Bakri
Tarafa ibn ‘Abd al-Bakri (Tarafah ibn al 'Abd ibn Sufyan ibn Malik al Bakri). Pre-Islamic poet whose name is found in all the different lists of poets put forward as authors in the collection of pre-Islamic Arabic poems known as al-Mu‘allaqat. His description of the camel has become famous.
Tarafa was a 6th century Arabian poet of the tribe of the Bakr. After a wild and dissipated youth spent in Bahrain, Tarafa left his native land after peace had been established between the tribes of Bakr and Taghlib and went with his uncle Al-Mutalammis (also a poet) to the court of the king of Hira, 'Amr ibn-Hind (died 568-9), and there became companion to the king's brother. Hira was, at that time, a vassal of the Persian Sasanian Empire. Having ridiculed the king in some verses he was sent with a letter to Dadafruz Gushnasban, the Persian Governor of the southern shores of the Persian Gulf, but Tarafa and his uncle managed to escape during the journey.
One of his poems is contained in the Mo'allakat.
Tarafah ibn al 'Abd ibn Sufyan ibn Malik al Bakri see Tarafa ibn ‘Abd al-Bakri
Tarafa ibn ‘Abd al-Bakri (Tarafah ibn al 'Abd ibn Sufyan ibn Malik al Bakri). Pre-Islamic poet whose name is found in all the different lists of poets put forward as authors in the collection of pre-Islamic Arabic poems known as al-Mu‘allaqat. His description of the camel has become famous.
Tarafa was a 6th century Arabian poet of the tribe of the Bakr. After a wild and dissipated youth spent in Bahrain, Tarafa left his native land after peace had been established between the tribes of Bakr and Taghlib and went with his uncle Al-Mutalammis (also a poet) to the court of the king of Hira, 'Amr ibn-Hind (died 568-9), and there became companion to the king's brother. Hira was, at that time, a vassal of the Persian Sasanian Empire. Having ridiculed the king in some verses he was sent with a letter to Dadafruz Gushnasban, the Persian Governor of the southern shores of the Persian Gulf, but Tarafa and his uncle managed to escape during the journey.
One of his poems is contained in the Mo'allakat.
Tarafah ibn al 'Abd ibn Sufyan ibn Malik al Bakri see Tarafa ibn ‘Abd al-Bakri
Taraki, Noor Mohammed
Taraki, Noor Mohammed (Noor Mohammed Taraki) (Nur Muhammad Taraki) (b. July 15, 1917, Ghazni, Afghanistan - d. September 14/October 9, 1979, Kabul, Afghanistan). Ghilzai Pakhtun who was born in Soor, a village in Ghazna, Afghanistan. Taraki was a founding member and the secretary-general of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), the country’s pro-Soviet communist party. He was also the publisher of the party newspaper, Khalq. The PDPA split into several factions in 1967, and Taraki became the leader of one of these groups, called Khalq. When the officers sympathetic to his group carried out a coup in 1978, Taraki was named the country’s president. He held this post until September 1979, when he was killed in a power struggle with Hafizollah Amin.
Nur Muhammad Taraki was an Afghan politician who was president and prime minister of Afghanistan from 1978 to 1979. Born into a rural Pashtun family, Taraki attended night school while working as a clerk in Bombay, India, where he learned English. In the late 1940s, he worked in the press department of the Afghan government and in 1953 was appointed attaché at the Afghan embassy in Washington, D.C. On returning to Kabul he opened a business that translated materials for foreign organizations, and his clientele included the United States embassy. When Mohammad Zahir Shah introduced a more flexible home and foreign policy in 1963, Taraki entered politics and helped found the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), a Marxist party with close ties to the Soviet Union. Personal rivalries and disputes over policy caused a split in the PDPA in 1967, with the Banner (“Parcham”) faction following the party’s deputy secretary, Babrak Karmal, and the People’s (“Khalq”) faction following Taraki, the party’s general secretary.
The Banner party supported the government of Mohammad Daud Khan following his coup in 1973, but in 1977 the two PDPA factions—possibly under Soviet pressure—reunited with Taraki resuming his post as general secretary. The following year, with the aid of Soviet-trained army units, Taraki helped overthrow Daud Khan to become president and prime minister. Once in power, however, Taraki faced numerous problems. His Marxist land and social reforms led to violent demonstrations. Unable to end the growing unrest, he turned to the Soviet Union for assistance. Taraki also found himself on the losing end of a power struggle with Hafizullah Amin, a deputy prime minister and fellow member of the People’s faction of the PDPA. In March 1979, Taraki was forced to name Amin prime minister but retained his position as president and PDPA general secretary. At the beginning of September 1979, Taraki traveled to Havana for a summit conference of nonaligned nations. Returning via Moscow, he was believed to have been advised by Soviet President Leonid I. Brezhnev to eliminate Amin, whose anti-Islamic policy the Soviets felt was exacerbating the political situation in Afghanistan. Taraki’s attempt to have Amin assassinated failed, and Amin seized power on September 14, 1979. Taraki was killed in the violence. Although his death was announced on October 9, there were conflicting reports on the actual date of his demise.
The presidency of Taraki, albeit short-lived, was marked by controversies from the beginning to the end, with Taraki starting his extreme communist reforms in mid 1978. Under Taraki's government massive uprisings spread across the country and much of the Afghan army would desert and swap allegiances.
Noor Mohammed Taraki see Taraki, Noor Mohammed
Nur Muhammad Taraki see Taraki, Noor Mohammed
Taraki, Nur Muhammad see Taraki, Noor Mohammed
Taraki, Noor Mohammed (Noor Mohammed Taraki) (Nur Muhammad Taraki) (b. July 15, 1917, Ghazni, Afghanistan - d. September 14/October 9, 1979, Kabul, Afghanistan). Ghilzai Pakhtun who was born in Soor, a village in Ghazna, Afghanistan. Taraki was a founding member and the secretary-general of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), the country’s pro-Soviet communist party. He was also the publisher of the party newspaper, Khalq. The PDPA split into several factions in 1967, and Taraki became the leader of one of these groups, called Khalq. When the officers sympathetic to his group carried out a coup in 1978, Taraki was named the country’s president. He held this post until September 1979, when he was killed in a power struggle with Hafizollah Amin.
Nur Muhammad Taraki was an Afghan politician who was president and prime minister of Afghanistan from 1978 to 1979. Born into a rural Pashtun family, Taraki attended night school while working as a clerk in Bombay, India, where he learned English. In the late 1940s, he worked in the press department of the Afghan government and in 1953 was appointed attaché at the Afghan embassy in Washington, D.C. On returning to Kabul he opened a business that translated materials for foreign organizations, and his clientele included the United States embassy. When Mohammad Zahir Shah introduced a more flexible home and foreign policy in 1963, Taraki entered politics and helped found the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), a Marxist party with close ties to the Soviet Union. Personal rivalries and disputes over policy caused a split in the PDPA in 1967, with the Banner (“Parcham”) faction following the party’s deputy secretary, Babrak Karmal, and the People’s (“Khalq”) faction following Taraki, the party’s general secretary.
The Banner party supported the government of Mohammad Daud Khan following his coup in 1973, but in 1977 the two PDPA factions—possibly under Soviet pressure—reunited with Taraki resuming his post as general secretary. The following year, with the aid of Soviet-trained army units, Taraki helped overthrow Daud Khan to become president and prime minister. Once in power, however, Taraki faced numerous problems. His Marxist land and social reforms led to violent demonstrations. Unable to end the growing unrest, he turned to the Soviet Union for assistance. Taraki also found himself on the losing end of a power struggle with Hafizullah Amin, a deputy prime minister and fellow member of the People’s faction of the PDPA. In March 1979, Taraki was forced to name Amin prime minister but retained his position as president and PDPA general secretary. At the beginning of September 1979, Taraki traveled to Havana for a summit conference of nonaligned nations. Returning via Moscow, he was believed to have been advised by Soviet President Leonid I. Brezhnev to eliminate Amin, whose anti-Islamic policy the Soviets felt was exacerbating the political situation in Afghanistan. Taraki’s attempt to have Amin assassinated failed, and Amin seized power on September 14, 1979. Taraki was killed in the violence. Although his death was announced on October 9, there were conflicting reports on the actual date of his demise.
The presidency of Taraki, albeit short-lived, was marked by controversies from the beginning to the end, with Taraki starting his extreme communist reforms in mid 1978. Under Taraki's government massive uprisings spread across the country and much of the Afghan army would desert and swap allegiances.
Noor Mohammed Taraki see Taraki, Noor Mohammed
Nur Muhammad Taraki see Taraki, Noor Mohammed
Taraki, Nur Muhammad see Taraki, Noor Mohammed
Taranci
Taranci (Taranchi). Turkic term for agriculturists, given to the colonists transported by the Chinese government in the middle of the eighteenth century from Kashgar in Sinkiang to the Ili valley. An independent principality arose in 1863 which lasted until 1871 when it was conquered by the Russians.
The term Taranchi denotes the Muslim sedentary population living in oases around the Tarim Basin in today's Xinjiang or East Turkestan, whose native language is Turkic Karluk, and whose ancestral heritages include Iranic and Tocharian populations of Tarim and the later Turco-Mongol immigrants of the Qarluq, Uyghur, Yaghmur and Mongol tribes.
The same name - which simply means 'a farmer' in Chagatai - can be extended to agrarian populations of the Ferghana Valley and oases of the entire Central Asian Turkestan. Although the Tarim Basin (with such oases as Kashgar, Kumul, Khotan and Turpan) is the agrarian Taranchis' traditional homeland. They have throughout the Ming and Qing periods of China, populated regions that are now Urumqi and Ili. Many Taranchis were encouraged to settle in the Ili valley alongside sedentary Xibe garrisons and the nomadic Kyrgyz by the Qing military governors after the conquest of the Dzungar Kalmyks by the Manchu Empire. In the multi-ethnic Muslim culture of Xinjiang, the term Taranchi is considered contra-distinctive to Sart, which denotes towns dwelling traders and craftsmen. It, of course, excluded the ruling classes of the oases Muslim states, often called Moghol/Mughal or Dolan because of the Doglat Mongol origin of the Chagatay-Timurid dynasties. However, from a modern perspective, Taranchi, Sart and Moghol Dolans cannot be considered three distinctive ethnic groups, but rather three different classes or castes in the same cultural-linguistic zone that was Chagatay-Timurid.
In the early 20th century, the geopolitical Great Game between Russia and Great Britain resulted in the division of Central Asia among modern nation-states. All oases farmers native to Xinjiang became part of the Uyghur nationality by 1930. It is interesting to note that while most Sarts of oases or Ili Valley towns became part of the Uyghur nationality, those with particularly strong ties to regions west of Xinjiang became Uzbeks. Sometimes such divisions are very arbitrary, because Kashgaris can be as distinctive from Turpanliks as they are from Andijanliks.
The Taranchi revolted against the Qing dynasty during the Dungan revolt. At first, they cooperated with the Dungans, but turned on them, massacring the Dungans at Kuldja and driving the rest through Talk pass to the Ili valley.
Taranchi see Taranci
Taranci (Taranchi). Turkic term for agriculturists, given to the colonists transported by the Chinese government in the middle of the eighteenth century from Kashgar in Sinkiang to the Ili valley. An independent principality arose in 1863 which lasted until 1871 when it was conquered by the Russians.
The term Taranchi denotes the Muslim sedentary population living in oases around the Tarim Basin in today's Xinjiang or East Turkestan, whose native language is Turkic Karluk, and whose ancestral heritages include Iranic and Tocharian populations of Tarim and the later Turco-Mongol immigrants of the Qarluq, Uyghur, Yaghmur and Mongol tribes.
The same name - which simply means 'a farmer' in Chagatai - can be extended to agrarian populations of the Ferghana Valley and oases of the entire Central Asian Turkestan. Although the Tarim Basin (with such oases as Kashgar, Kumul, Khotan and Turpan) is the agrarian Taranchis' traditional homeland. They have throughout the Ming and Qing periods of China, populated regions that are now Urumqi and Ili. Many Taranchis were encouraged to settle in the Ili valley alongside sedentary Xibe garrisons and the nomadic Kyrgyz by the Qing military governors after the conquest of the Dzungar Kalmyks by the Manchu Empire. In the multi-ethnic Muslim culture of Xinjiang, the term Taranchi is considered contra-distinctive to Sart, which denotes towns dwelling traders and craftsmen. It, of course, excluded the ruling classes of the oases Muslim states, often called Moghol/Mughal or Dolan because of the Doglat Mongol origin of the Chagatay-Timurid dynasties. However, from a modern perspective, Taranchi, Sart and Moghol Dolans cannot be considered three distinctive ethnic groups, but rather three different classes or castes in the same cultural-linguistic zone that was Chagatay-Timurid.
In the early 20th century, the geopolitical Great Game between Russia and Great Britain resulted in the division of Central Asia among modern nation-states. All oases farmers native to Xinjiang became part of the Uyghur nationality by 1930. It is interesting to note that while most Sarts of oases or Ili Valley towns became part of the Uyghur nationality, those with particularly strong ties to regions west of Xinjiang became Uzbeks. Sometimes such divisions are very arbitrary, because Kashgaris can be as distinctive from Turpanliks as they are from Andijanliks.
The Taranchi revolted against the Qing dynasty during the Dungan revolt. At first, they cooperated with the Dungans, but turned on them, massacring the Dungans at Kuldja and driving the rest through Talk pass to the Ili valley.
Taranchi see Taranci
Tarif, Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik
Tarif, Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik (Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik Tarif) (Tarif ibn Malluk). Client of Musa ibn Nusayr and leader of the first Muslim forces to reconnoiter Spain in 710. His name survives in the town of Tarifa on the north shore of the Strait of Gibraltar.
Tarif ibn Malluk was a Berber commander under Musa ibn Nusair, the Muslim conqueror of North Africa. In July of 710, Musa sent Tarif on a raid to test the southern coastline of the Iberian peninsula. According to legend he was aided by Julian, count of Ceuta, as a guide and emissary.
Of this raid, Edward Gibbon writes: "One hundred Arabs and four hundred Africans passed over, in four vessels, from Tangier or Ceuta; the place of their descent on the opposite shore of the strait is marked by the name of Tarif their chief" which today is the city of Tarifa. They proceeded from there to reconnoiter the terrain along the coast as a possible entry point for a larger attack, traversing "eighteen miles through a hilly country to the castle and town of Julian; on which (it is still called Algezire) they bestowed the name of the Green Island, from a verdant cape that advances into the sea". There they were hospitably received by supportive Christians—perhaps Count Julian's kinsmen, friends, and supporters.
The end result was a successful raid into an unguarded portion of Andalusia, followed by the safe return of the raiders with plunder and captives. This convinced Musa that Iberia could be successfully invaded.
Tarif subsequently accompanied Tariq ibn-Ziyad, another Muslim general of Berber descent, when the latter launched the Islamic conquest of Hispania and defeated King Roderic in the Battle of Guadalete in 711.
Abu Zur'a ibn Malik Tarif see Tarif, Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik
Tarif ibn Malluk see Tarif, Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik
Tarif, Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik (Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik Tarif) (Tarif ibn Malluk). Client of Musa ibn Nusayr and leader of the first Muslim forces to reconnoiter Spain in 710. His name survives in the town of Tarifa on the north shore of the Strait of Gibraltar.
Tarif ibn Malluk was a Berber commander under Musa ibn Nusair, the Muslim conqueror of North Africa. In July of 710, Musa sent Tarif on a raid to test the southern coastline of the Iberian peninsula. According to legend he was aided by Julian, count of Ceuta, as a guide and emissary.
Of this raid, Edward Gibbon writes: "One hundred Arabs and four hundred Africans passed over, in four vessels, from Tangier or Ceuta; the place of their descent on the opposite shore of the strait is marked by the name of Tarif their chief" which today is the city of Tarifa. They proceeded from there to reconnoiter the terrain along the coast as a possible entry point for a larger attack, traversing "eighteen miles through a hilly country to the castle and town of Julian; on which (it is still called Algezire) they bestowed the name of the Green Island, from a verdant cape that advances into the sea". There they were hospitably received by supportive Christians—perhaps Count Julian's kinsmen, friends, and supporters.
The end result was a successful raid into an unguarded portion of Andalusia, followed by the safe return of the raiders with plunder and captives. This convinced Musa that Iberia could be successfully invaded.
Tarif subsequently accompanied Tariq ibn-Ziyad, another Muslim general of Berber descent, when the latter launched the Islamic conquest of Hispania and defeated King Roderic in the Battle of Guadalete in 711.
Abu Zur'a ibn Malik Tarif see Tarif, Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik
Tarif ibn Malluk see Tarif, Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik
tariqa
tariqa (tariqah). Arabic term which means “the path” or “the way.” The term tariqa refers to a religious brotherhood of Sufis. The term also applies to the system of beliefs and training transmitted by particular schools of Sufism. The term turuq is the plural of tariqa.
The term tariqa is a widely used technical term referring to true Islam, to the Sufi tradition, and to individual Sufi brotherhoods. In the first sense, tariqa is equivalent to the phrase “the straight path” in the opening chapter -- the Surat al-Fatiha -- of the Qur’an. Just as unbelief (kufr) and polytheism (shirk) characterize infidels, i.e., deviants from the straight path, so faith in God and total reliance on his will characterize the traveler on the straight path, i.e., the true Muslim. In handbooks of Sufi theorists, increasingly popular from the eleventh century of the Christian calendar onward, tariqa acquired a second, more specific denotation of an intermediate stage leading from observance of the law (sharia) to realization of the truth. Much of the controversy surrounding Sufism concerns the relationship of the path to the law. Itinerant, antinomian Muslims, such as the qalandar, dispersed with the law while the strict ‘ulama’ (the learned functionaries of Islam) denied the validity of the way. Moderate Sufis try to adhere to the requirements of both.
Many medieval theorists stressed the complementarity of the outer (the law) and the inner (the truth), assuming the path as an implicit link between them. The fourteenth century master Sharaf-al-Maneri wrote, “The Law is like the body, Truth like the soul. Just as a man cannot live without either body or soul, so he cannot believe unless he adheres to both the Law and the Truth.” Others have grafted truth to law by extending the mystic path inot a multidirectional quest. The journey to God is followed by a journey into God, which, however, then leads to a journey from God back to the phenomenal world. The paradigm for this spiritual ascent and descent is to the mi’raj or ascension of the Prophet Muhammad, whom Sufis extol not only as the founder of Islam but also as the model Sufi.
By the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the way became channeled into organized brotherhoods, each with hierarchical lines of authority emanating from a single, all-powerful shaikh. These brotherhoods or tariqas (also silsilas) exhibited enormous variety. Some were pan-Islamic in scope and activity; others were solely regional. Some were politically influential; others were distrustful of any governmental connection. Collectively, the brotherhoods helped to extend the perimeters of the Muslim world. Without them Sufism would have been limited to literary artifacts and ecstatic personalities of the early medieval period.
Tariqa (“road,” “path,” or “way”) refers to the Muslim spiritual path toward direct knowledge (maʿrifah) of God or Reality (ḥaqq). In the 9th and 10th centuries tariqa meant the spiritual path of individual Sufis (mystics). After the 12th century, as communities of followers gathered around sheikhs (or pīrs, “teachers”), tariqa came to designate the sheikh’s entire ritual system, which was followed by the community or mystic order. Eventually tariqa came to mean the order itself.
Each mystic order claimed a chain of spiritual descent (silsilah) from the Prophet Muhammad, established procedures for initiation of members (murid, ikhwan, darwīsh, fakir), and prescribed disciplines. By following the path of a known “friend of God,” or Sufi saint, under the guidance of his sheikh, the Sufi might himself achieve the mystical state (hāl) of the friends of God. Though sober teachers inveighed against excesses, the search for spiritual ecstasy sometimes led to such practices as drug taking and wild acrobatics, activities that earned for some of the orders the names whirling, howling, and dancing dervishes. Dervish orders frequently established monasteries (ribat, khankah, zāwiyah, tekke) in which laity as well as members were invited to stay.
First established in the 12th century, the orders numbered in the hundreds by the mid-20th century, with a membership in the millions. The greatest expansion of Sufi tariqas has been in the central Islamic countries, where they played a vital role in the religious life of the Muslim community. Orders also exist in West Africa, eastern Europe, India, and in Central and Far Eastern Asia.
The traditional orders are:
* Abbasiyya
* Ahmadiya - Sheikh Muhammad Borhanuddin Uyesi
* Arusiyyah-Qadiriyyah
* Ashrafi
* Azeemia
* Ba'Alawi
* Badawiyyah
* Bektashi
* Chishti
* Darqawa
* Dar ul Ehsan
* Fazli Qadri
* Galibi
* Habibi Silsila
* Halveti
* Hurufi
* Idrisiyya
* Ismaili
* Jerrahi
* Mohammadiyaa
* Mevlevi
* Kibruyeh
* Naqshbandi
* Nasiriyya
* Nematollahi
* Noorbakshi
* Oveyssi
* Qadiri
* Qadiri 'Arusi
* Qadiri Al-Muntahi
* Qadiri Boutchichi
* Qalandari
* Qarnaiyniyah
* Qadri-Qadeeri Silsila
* Rifa'i
* Safaviyeh
* Sanusiyya
* Sarwari Qadiri
* Sarwariyya
* Shadhili
* Shattari
* Sirajiyah Haqqaniya
* Suhrawardiyya
* Tijani
* Zahediyeh
tariqah see tariqa
tariqa (tariqah). Arabic term which means “the path” or “the way.” The term tariqa refers to a religious brotherhood of Sufis. The term also applies to the system of beliefs and training transmitted by particular schools of Sufism. The term turuq is the plural of tariqa.
The term tariqa is a widely used technical term referring to true Islam, to the Sufi tradition, and to individual Sufi brotherhoods. In the first sense, tariqa is equivalent to the phrase “the straight path” in the opening chapter -- the Surat al-Fatiha -- of the Qur’an. Just as unbelief (kufr) and polytheism (shirk) characterize infidels, i.e., deviants from the straight path, so faith in God and total reliance on his will characterize the traveler on the straight path, i.e., the true Muslim. In handbooks of Sufi theorists, increasingly popular from the eleventh century of the Christian calendar onward, tariqa acquired a second, more specific denotation of an intermediate stage leading from observance of the law (sharia) to realization of the truth. Much of the controversy surrounding Sufism concerns the relationship of the path to the law. Itinerant, antinomian Muslims, such as the qalandar, dispersed with the law while the strict ‘ulama’ (the learned functionaries of Islam) denied the validity of the way. Moderate Sufis try to adhere to the requirements of both.
Many medieval theorists stressed the complementarity of the outer (the law) and the inner (the truth), assuming the path as an implicit link between them. The fourteenth century master Sharaf-al-Maneri wrote, “The Law is like the body, Truth like the soul. Just as a man cannot live without either body or soul, so he cannot believe unless he adheres to both the Law and the Truth.” Others have grafted truth to law by extending the mystic path inot a multidirectional quest. The journey to God is followed by a journey into God, which, however, then leads to a journey from God back to the phenomenal world. The paradigm for this spiritual ascent and descent is to the mi’raj or ascension of the Prophet Muhammad, whom Sufis extol not only as the founder of Islam but also as the model Sufi.
By the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the way became channeled into organized brotherhoods, each with hierarchical lines of authority emanating from a single, all-powerful shaikh. These brotherhoods or tariqas (also silsilas) exhibited enormous variety. Some were pan-Islamic in scope and activity; others were solely regional. Some were politically influential; others were distrustful of any governmental connection. Collectively, the brotherhoods helped to extend the perimeters of the Muslim world. Without them Sufism would have been limited to literary artifacts and ecstatic personalities of the early medieval period.
Tariqa (“road,” “path,” or “way”) refers to the Muslim spiritual path toward direct knowledge (maʿrifah) of God or Reality (ḥaqq). In the 9th and 10th centuries tariqa meant the spiritual path of individual Sufis (mystics). After the 12th century, as communities of followers gathered around sheikhs (or pīrs, “teachers”), tariqa came to designate the sheikh’s entire ritual system, which was followed by the community or mystic order. Eventually tariqa came to mean the order itself.
Each mystic order claimed a chain of spiritual descent (silsilah) from the Prophet Muhammad, established procedures for initiation of members (murid, ikhwan, darwīsh, fakir), and prescribed disciplines. By following the path of a known “friend of God,” or Sufi saint, under the guidance of his sheikh, the Sufi might himself achieve the mystical state (hāl) of the friends of God. Though sober teachers inveighed against excesses, the search for spiritual ecstasy sometimes led to such practices as drug taking and wild acrobatics, activities that earned for some of the orders the names whirling, howling, and dancing dervishes. Dervish orders frequently established monasteries (ribat, khankah, zāwiyah, tekke) in which laity as well as members were invited to stay.
First established in the 12th century, the orders numbered in the hundreds by the mid-20th century, with a membership in the millions. The greatest expansion of Sufi tariqas has been in the central Islamic countries, where they played a vital role in the religious life of the Muslim community. Orders also exist in West Africa, eastern Europe, India, and in Central and Far Eastern Asia.
The traditional orders are:
* Abbasiyya
* Ahmadiya - Sheikh Muhammad Borhanuddin Uyesi
* Arusiyyah-Qadiriyyah
* Ashrafi
* Azeemia
* Ba'Alawi
* Badawiyyah
* Bektashi
* Chishti
* Darqawa
* Dar ul Ehsan
* Fazli Qadri
* Galibi
* Habibi Silsila
* Halveti
* Hurufi
* Idrisiyya
* Ismaili
* Jerrahi
* Mohammadiyaa
* Mevlevi
* Kibruyeh
* Naqshbandi
* Nasiriyya
* Nematollahi
* Noorbakshi
* Oveyssi
* Qadiri
* Qadiri 'Arusi
* Qadiri Al-Muntahi
* Qadiri Boutchichi
* Qalandari
* Qarnaiyniyah
* Qadri-Qadeeri Silsila
* Rifa'i
* Safaviyeh
* Sanusiyya
* Sarwari Qadiri
* Sarwariyya
* Shadhili
* Shattari
* Sirajiyah Haqqaniya
* Suhrawardiyya
* Tijani
* Zahediyeh
tariqah see tariqa
Tariq ibn Ziyad
Tariq ibn Ziyad (Tariq ibn Ziyad ibn ‘Abd Allah) (Tariq ibn Zayd) (Taric bin Zeyad) (Tarik ibn Zeyad) (November 15, 689 – April 11, 720). Berber chief and leader of the Muslim forces in the conquest of al-Andalus. He crossed the Straits in 711 and concentrated his troops on a hill which took his name: Jabal Tariq (Gibraltar). The Muslims were victorious in the decisive battle fought with the Goths at the mouth of the Wadi Bekka (in Spanish, Rio Barbate). Tariq was joined by his commander Musa ibn Nusayr in 712 and the Muslim forces took Madina Sidonia, Carmona, Seville, Merida, Ecija, Toledo, Cordoba, Archidona and Elvira and soon reached Saragossa and the highlands of Aragon, Leon, the Asturias and Galicia. In a very short time, Muslim Spain had practically attained its extreme geographical limits.
Mūsā ibn Nuṣayr, the Arab conqueror of Morocco, left his general Ṭāriq to govern Tangier in his place. Spain at this time was under Visigothic rule but was torn by civil war. The dispossessed sons of the recently deceased Visigothic king of Spain, Wittiza, appealed to the Muslims for help in the civil war, and the Arabs quickly responded to this request in order to conquer Spain for themselves. In May 711, Ṭāriq landed on Gibraltar with an army of 7,000 men, mostly Berbers, Syrians, and Yemenis. Gibraltar henceforth became known as Jabal Ṭāriq (Mount Tarik), from which the Anglicized form of the name is adapted.
Ṭāriq soon advanced to the Spanish mainland itself, gaining valuable support from Spanish Jews who had been persecuted by the Visigoths and from Christian supporters of Wittiza’s sons. In July 711 he defeated the forces of the Visigothic usurper king Roderick at Guadalete. He then immediately marched upon Toledo, the capital of Spain, and occupied that city against little resistance. He also conquered Córdoba. Mūsā himself arrived in Spain with about 18,000 more Arab troops in 712, and together the two generals occupied more than two-thirds of the Iberian peninsula in the next few years. In 714, Mūsā and Ṭāriq were summoned by the caliph back to Damascus, where they were both accused of misappropriation of funds and died in obscurity.
Tariq ibn Ziyad is considered to be one of the most important military commanders in Iberian history.
Ṭāriq ibn Ziyād, also known simply as Tarik in English, was a Berber Umayyad commander who initiated the Muslim Umayyad conquest of Visigothic Hispania (present-day Spain and Portugal) in 711–718 AD. He led a large army and crossed the Strait of Gibraltar from the North African coast, consolidating his troops at what is today known as the Rock of Gibraltar. The name "Gibraltar" is the Spanish derivation of the Arabic name Jabal Ṭāriq, meaning "mountain of Ṭāriq", which is named after him.
Tariq ibn Ziyad ibn 'Abd Allah see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Tariq ibn Zayd see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Taric bin Zeyad see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Tarik ibn Zeyad see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Tariq ibn Ziyad (Tariq ibn Ziyad ibn ‘Abd Allah) (Tariq ibn Zayd) (Taric bin Zeyad) (Tarik ibn Zeyad) (November 15, 689 – April 11, 720). Berber chief and leader of the Muslim forces in the conquest of al-Andalus. He crossed the Straits in 711 and concentrated his troops on a hill which took his name: Jabal Tariq (Gibraltar). The Muslims were victorious in the decisive battle fought with the Goths at the mouth of the Wadi Bekka (in Spanish, Rio Barbate). Tariq was joined by his commander Musa ibn Nusayr in 712 and the Muslim forces took Madina Sidonia, Carmona, Seville, Merida, Ecija, Toledo, Cordoba, Archidona and Elvira and soon reached Saragossa and the highlands of Aragon, Leon, the Asturias and Galicia. In a very short time, Muslim Spain had practically attained its extreme geographical limits.
Mūsā ibn Nuṣayr, the Arab conqueror of Morocco, left his general Ṭāriq to govern Tangier in his place. Spain at this time was under Visigothic rule but was torn by civil war. The dispossessed sons of the recently deceased Visigothic king of Spain, Wittiza, appealed to the Muslims for help in the civil war, and the Arabs quickly responded to this request in order to conquer Spain for themselves. In May 711, Ṭāriq landed on Gibraltar with an army of 7,000 men, mostly Berbers, Syrians, and Yemenis. Gibraltar henceforth became known as Jabal Ṭāriq (Mount Tarik), from which the Anglicized form of the name is adapted.
Ṭāriq soon advanced to the Spanish mainland itself, gaining valuable support from Spanish Jews who had been persecuted by the Visigoths and from Christian supporters of Wittiza’s sons. In July 711 he defeated the forces of the Visigothic usurper king Roderick at Guadalete. He then immediately marched upon Toledo, the capital of Spain, and occupied that city against little resistance. He also conquered Córdoba. Mūsā himself arrived in Spain with about 18,000 more Arab troops in 712, and together the two generals occupied more than two-thirds of the Iberian peninsula in the next few years. In 714, Mūsā and Ṭāriq were summoned by the caliph back to Damascus, where they were both accused of misappropriation of funds and died in obscurity.
Tariq ibn Ziyad is considered to be one of the most important military commanders in Iberian history.
Ṭāriq ibn Ziyād, also known simply as Tarik in English, was a Berber Umayyad commander who initiated the Muslim Umayyad conquest of Visigothic Hispania (present-day Spain and Portugal) in 711–718 AD. He led a large army and crossed the Strait of Gibraltar from the North African coast, consolidating his troops at what is today known as the Rock of Gibraltar. The name "Gibraltar" is the Spanish derivation of the Arabic name Jabal Ṭāriq, meaning "mountain of Ṭāriq", which is named after him.
Medieval Arabic historians give contradictory data about Ṭāriq's origins and nationality. Some conclusions about his personality and the circumstances of his entry into al-Andalus are surrounded by uncertainty. The vast majority of modern sources state that Ṭāriq was a Berber mawla -- a Berber (non-Arab) convert to Islam -- of Musa ibn Nusayr, the Umayyad governor of Ifriqiya.
According to Ibn Abd al-Hakam (803–871), Musa ibn Nusayr appointed Ṭāriq governor of Tangier after its conquest in 710-711 but an unconquered Visigothic outpost remained nearby at Ceuta, a stronghold commanded by a nobleman named Julian, Count of Ceuta.
After Roderic came to power in Spain, Julian had, as was the custom, sent his daughter, Florinda la Cava, to the court of the Visigothic king (Roderic) for education. It is said that Roderic raped Florinda, and that Julian was so incensed he resolved to have the Muslims bring down the Visigothic kingdom.
Subsequently,, Julian entered into a treaty with Ṭāriq (Mūsā having returned to Qayrawan) to secretly convoy the Muslim army across the Straits of Gibraltar, as Julian owned a number of merchant ships and had his own forts on the Spanish mainland.
On or about April 26, 711, the army of Ṭāriq ibn Ziyad, composed of recent converts to Islam, was landed on the Iberian peninsula (in what is now Spain) by Julian. They debarked at the foothills of a mountain which was henceforth named after him, Gibraltar (Jabal Tariq).
Ṭāriq's army contained about 7,000 soldiers, composed largely of Berber stock but also Arab troops. Roderic, to meet the threat of the Umayyads, assembled an army said to number 100,000, though the real number may well have been much lower. Most of Roderic's army was commanded by, and loyal to, the sons of Wittiza, whom Roderic had brutally deposed. Ṭāriq won a decisive victory when Roderic was defeated and killed on July 19 at the Battle of Guadalete.
Ṭāriq Bin Ziyad split his army into four divisions, which went on to capture Cordoba under Mughith al-Rumi, Granada, and other places, while he remained at the head of the division which captured Toledo. Afterwards, he continued advancing towards the north, reaching Guadalajara and Astorga. Ṭāriq was de facto governor of Hispania until the arrival of Mūsā a year later. Ṭāriq's success led Musa to assemble 12,000 (mostly Arab) troops to plan a second invasion, and within a few years Ṭāriq and Musa had captured two-thirds of the Iberian peninsula from the Visigoths.
Both Ṭāriq and Musa were simultaneously ordered back to Damascus by the Umayyad Caliph Al-Walid I in 714, where they spent the rest of their lives. The son of Musa, Abd al-Aziz, who took command of the troops of al-Andalus, was assassinated in 716. In the many Arabic histories written about the conquest of southern Spain, there is a definite division of opinion regarding the relationship between Ṭāriq and Musa bin Nusayr. Some relate episodes of anger and envy on the part of Mūsā that his freedman had conquered an entire country. Others do not mention, or play down, any such bad blood. On the other hand, another early historian, al-Baladhuri, writing in the 9th century, merely states that Mūsā wrote Ṭāriq a "severe letter" and that the two were later reconciled.
Tariq ibn Ziyad ibn 'Abd Allah see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Tariq ibn Zayd see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Taric bin Zeyad see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Tarik ibn Zeyad see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Tashkopru-zade
Tashkopru-zade. Name of a family of Turkish scholars from Tashkopru near Kastamonu. The best-known among them are Mustafa ibn Khalil al-Din (1453-1528), who wrote a number of commentaries on law books; Ahmad ibn Mustafa (1495-1561), who compiled in Arabic an encyclopaedia of arts and sciences and the biographies of 522 jurists and shaykhs of orders divided into ten classes according to the reigns of ten Ottoman sultans, ‘Uthman to Suleyman II (thirteenth through sixteenth century); Kemal al-Din Mehmed ibn Ahmed (1552-?), who was a poet and a translator and composed a history of the Ottoman Empire down to Sultan Ahmed I.
Tashkopru-zade. Name of a family of Turkish scholars from Tashkopru near Kastamonu. The best-known among them are Mustafa ibn Khalil al-Din (1453-1528), who wrote a number of commentaries on law books; Ahmad ibn Mustafa (1495-1561), who compiled in Arabic an encyclopaedia of arts and sciences and the biographies of 522 jurists and shaykhs of orders divided into ten classes according to the reigns of ten Ottoman sultans, ‘Uthman to Suleyman II (thirteenth through sixteenth century); Kemal al-Din Mehmed ibn Ahmed (1552-?), who was a poet and a translator and composed a history of the Ottoman Empire down to Sultan Ahmed I.
Tausug
Tausug. The Tausug (“people of the sea current” -- taw or tao, “people or men”) are politically, economically and numerically the dominant Muslim group in the Sulu Archipelago of the Republic of the Philippines. Their other names are Tawu Sug, Taw Suluk, Sulu Moro, Sulus, Joloanos and Jolo Moros. Although the majority reside on Jolo Island, they are also found on the Sulu islands of Pata, Marunggas, Tapul, Lugus and Siasi, in the provinces of Zamboanga del Sur and Cotabato (Mindanao) and parts of coastal Basilan Island; and in Sabah, where they are known as Suluk.
The Tausug probably came to Sulu from northeastern Mindanao, possibly their movement southward was associated with the expansion of Chinese trade in Sulu during the Yuan period (1280-1368). The first penetration of Islam into Jolo is uncertain. The initial contact may have occurred as early as the Sung period (960-1280), when Arab trade was active with south China via the Sulu Archipelago. Another group involved in the diffusion of Islam may have been Chinese Muslims. Islam was later invigorated in Sulu by Sufi missionaries, originating in Arabia or Iraq, who came via Malaysia and Indonesia.
The sultanate of Sulu was established in the middle fifteenth century, presumably by the legendary Salip (Sharif) Abu Bakkar or Salip ul-Hassim. By this time, most Tausug were Muslims. Theoretically, all the peoples of Sulu were united under the sultanate, although actual control over some groups was nominal. The Tausug traded extensively with China until the middle of the nineteenth century and adopted some Chinese foods, weights and measures and items of clothing.
After the Spanish colonized the Philippines in the sixteenth century, the Tausug and they were in conflict for nearly three centuries. Catholic Spain wished to contain Islam in the southern Philippines, to stop the slaving and rooting raids of the Tausug (and their allies) and to gain control of the Moluccas from the Portuguese. The first Spanish attack on the town of Jolo occurred in 1578. The Spaniards occupied Jolo town between 1635 and 1646, when they were forced to retreat to their garrison on Zamboanga. A permanent garrison was re-established in Jolo town in 1876.
After Spain was defeated by the United States in 1898, stiff Muslim resistance to Americans delayed their control of Jolo Island until 1913 (Jolo towa was occupied in 1899.) Under the pax Americana, illegally owned guns were collected, and slavery was swiftly abolished. In 1915, under the Carpenter Agreement, the sultan of Sulu, Salip Jamal ul-Kiram II, relinquished his claim to secular powers but retained his religious authority.
During and after World War II, the Tausug gained possession of American firearms. As a result, the Philippine government has not been able to control completely the interior of Jolo. The Tausug revived piracy and made lightning raids on coastal settlements of Mindanao and Basilan.
The term Tausūg was derived from two words tau and sūg (or suluk) meaning "people of the current", referring to their homelands in the Sulu Archipelago. Sūg and suluk both mean the same thing, with the former being the phonetic evolution in Sulu of the latter (the L being dropped and thus the two short U's merging into one long U). The Tausūg people in Sabah refer to themselves as Tausūg but refers to their race as Suluk as documented in official documents such as birth certificates in Sabah, Malaysia. The Tausūg are part of the wider political identity of Muslims of Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan known as the Moro ethnic group, who constitute the third largest Ethnic groups of Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan. They originally had an independent state known as the Sulu Sultanate, which once exercised sovereignty over the present day provinces of Basilan, Palawan, Sulu, Tawi-Tawi, and the eastern part of the Malaysian state of Sabah (formerly North Borneo).
Tausug. The Tausug (“people of the sea current” -- taw or tao, “people or men”) are politically, economically and numerically the dominant Muslim group in the Sulu Archipelago of the Republic of the Philippines. Their other names are Tawu Sug, Taw Suluk, Sulu Moro, Sulus, Joloanos and Jolo Moros. Although the majority reside on Jolo Island, they are also found on the Sulu islands of Pata, Marunggas, Tapul, Lugus and Siasi, in the provinces of Zamboanga del Sur and Cotabato (Mindanao) and parts of coastal Basilan Island; and in Sabah, where they are known as Suluk.
The Tausug probably came to Sulu from northeastern Mindanao, possibly their movement southward was associated with the expansion of Chinese trade in Sulu during the Yuan period (1280-1368). The first penetration of Islam into Jolo is uncertain. The initial contact may have occurred as early as the Sung period (960-1280), when Arab trade was active with south China via the Sulu Archipelago. Another group involved in the diffusion of Islam may have been Chinese Muslims. Islam was later invigorated in Sulu by Sufi missionaries, originating in Arabia or Iraq, who came via Malaysia and Indonesia.
The sultanate of Sulu was established in the middle fifteenth century, presumably by the legendary Salip (Sharif) Abu Bakkar or Salip ul-Hassim. By this time, most Tausug were Muslims. Theoretically, all the peoples of Sulu were united under the sultanate, although actual control over some groups was nominal. The Tausug traded extensively with China until the middle of the nineteenth century and adopted some Chinese foods, weights and measures and items of clothing.
After the Spanish colonized the Philippines in the sixteenth century, the Tausug and they were in conflict for nearly three centuries. Catholic Spain wished to contain Islam in the southern Philippines, to stop the slaving and rooting raids of the Tausug (and their allies) and to gain control of the Moluccas from the Portuguese. The first Spanish attack on the town of Jolo occurred in 1578. The Spaniards occupied Jolo town between 1635 and 1646, when they were forced to retreat to their garrison on Zamboanga. A permanent garrison was re-established in Jolo town in 1876.
After Spain was defeated by the United States in 1898, stiff Muslim resistance to Americans delayed their control of Jolo Island until 1913 (Jolo towa was occupied in 1899.) Under the pax Americana, illegally owned guns were collected, and slavery was swiftly abolished. In 1915, under the Carpenter Agreement, the sultan of Sulu, Salip Jamal ul-Kiram II, relinquished his claim to secular powers but retained his religious authority.
During and after World War II, the Tausug gained possession of American firearms. As a result, the Philippine government has not been able to control completely the interior of Jolo. The Tausug revived piracy and made lightning raids on coastal settlements of Mindanao and Basilan.
The term Tausūg was derived from two words tau and sūg (or suluk) meaning "people of the current", referring to their homelands in the Sulu Archipelago. Sūg and suluk both mean the same thing, with the former being the phonetic evolution in Sulu of the latter (the L being dropped and thus the two short U's merging into one long U). The Tausūg people in Sabah refer to themselves as Tausūg but refers to their race as Suluk as documented in official documents such as birth certificates in Sabah, Malaysia. The Tausūg are part of the wider political identity of Muslims of Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan known as the Moro ethnic group, who constitute the third largest Ethnic groups of Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan. They originally had an independent state known as the Sulu Sultanate, which once exercised sovereignty over the present day provinces of Basilan, Palawan, Sulu, Tawi-Tawi, and the eastern part of the Malaysian state of Sabah (formerly North Borneo).
Tawakkul ibn Bazzaz
Tawakkul ibn Bazzaz. Dervish of the fourteenth century. He wrote the biography of Shaykh Safi al-Din of Adbabil, the ancestor of the Safavid dynasty. The historical and geographical details, important for the history of northwestern Persia, are overlaid with miraculous elements.
Tawakkul ibn Bazzaz. Dervish of the fourteenth century. He wrote the biography of Shaykh Safi al-Din of Adbabil, the ancestor of the Safavid dynasty. The historical and geographical details, important for the history of northwestern Persia, are overlaid with miraculous elements.
Tawfiq Pasha
Tawfiq Pasha (Tewfik Pasha) (Muhammed Tewfik Pasha) (Mohammed Tewfik Pasha) (Muḥammad Tawfīq Pasha ibn Ismāʿīl ibn Ibrāhīm ibn Muḥammad ʿAlī) (b. April 30/November 15, 1852, Cairo, Egypt - d. January 7, 1892, Helwan). Khedive (viceroy) of Egypt who ruled from 1879 to 1892. In 1880, the nationalist revolt of ‘Urabi Pasha broke out. The international financial troubles brought about an anti-foreign feeling in the country, which culminated in the massacre of 1882 in Alexandria, followed by the bombardment of that town by the British fleet. The nationalistic movement was crushed by the British, and Tawfiq Pasha had to fall in with their wishes. During his reign also occurred the Mahdist rebellion in the Sudan and the abandonment of that province by Egypt.
Tawfiq Pasha was the sixth ruler from the Muhammad Ali Dynasty.
The eldest son of Khedive Ismāʿīl, Tawfīq was distinguished from other members of his family by having engaged in study in Egypt rather than in Europe. He subsequently assumed a variety of administrative positions, including the head of the Privy Council and president of the Council of Ministers. The Ottoman sultan appointed Tawfīq khedive in 1879, when Ismāʿīl proved obstructive to the interests of the European powers.
Tawfīq enjoyed little domestic support and was thus forced to meet the demands of his political opponents. A group of military officers led by Aḥmad ʿUrābī Pasha gained increasing influence, and ʿUrābī was named minister of war in 1882. Great Britain was alarmed by the anti-European direction in which events were moving in Egypt, and a British fleet bombarded Alexandria in July 1882; this only increased ʿUrābī’s popular support, and Tawfīq was forced to seek the protection of the British. That August the British invaded Egypt and returned Tawfīq to authority. From then on he was largely controlled by the occupation authorities, in particular by the British consul general, Sir Evelyn Baring (later Lord Cromer). Programs undertaken in Tawfīq’s later years as khedive included a reorganization of the legal system, the formation of the General Assembly and the Legislative Council, and various agricultural and irrigation projects. He died unexpectedly following a sudden illness in Helwan (Ḥulwān) in 1892.
Tewfik Pasha see Tawfiq Pasha
Muhammed Tewfik Pasha see Tawfiq Pasha
Mohammed Tewfik Pasha see Tawfiq Pasha
Muḥammad Tawfīq Pasha ibn Ismāʿīl ibn Ibrāhīm ibn Muḥammad ʿAlī see Tawfiq Pasha
Tawfiq Pasha (Tewfik Pasha) (Muhammed Tewfik Pasha) (Mohammed Tewfik Pasha) (Muḥammad Tawfīq Pasha ibn Ismāʿīl ibn Ibrāhīm ibn Muḥammad ʿAlī) (b. April 30/November 15, 1852, Cairo, Egypt - d. January 7, 1892, Helwan). Khedive (viceroy) of Egypt who ruled from 1879 to 1892. In 1880, the nationalist revolt of ‘Urabi Pasha broke out. The international financial troubles brought about an anti-foreign feeling in the country, which culminated in the massacre of 1882 in Alexandria, followed by the bombardment of that town by the British fleet. The nationalistic movement was crushed by the British, and Tawfiq Pasha had to fall in with their wishes. During his reign also occurred the Mahdist rebellion in the Sudan and the abandonment of that province by Egypt.
Tawfiq Pasha was the sixth ruler from the Muhammad Ali Dynasty.
The eldest son of Khedive Ismāʿīl, Tawfīq was distinguished from other members of his family by having engaged in study in Egypt rather than in Europe. He subsequently assumed a variety of administrative positions, including the head of the Privy Council and president of the Council of Ministers. The Ottoman sultan appointed Tawfīq khedive in 1879, when Ismāʿīl proved obstructive to the interests of the European powers.
Tawfīq enjoyed little domestic support and was thus forced to meet the demands of his political opponents. A group of military officers led by Aḥmad ʿUrābī Pasha gained increasing influence, and ʿUrābī was named minister of war in 1882. Great Britain was alarmed by the anti-European direction in which events were moving in Egypt, and a British fleet bombarded Alexandria in July 1882; this only increased ʿUrābī’s popular support, and Tawfīq was forced to seek the protection of the British. That August the British invaded Egypt and returned Tawfīq to authority. From then on he was largely controlled by the occupation authorities, in particular by the British consul general, Sir Evelyn Baring (later Lord Cromer). Programs undertaken in Tawfīq’s later years as khedive included a reorganization of the legal system, the formation of the General Assembly and the Legislative Council, and various agricultural and irrigation projects. He died unexpectedly following a sudden illness in Helwan (Ḥulwān) in 1892.
Tewfik Pasha see Tawfiq Pasha
Muhammed Tewfik Pasha see Tawfiq Pasha
Mohammed Tewfik Pasha see Tawfiq Pasha
Muḥammad Tawfīq Pasha ibn Ismāʿīl ibn Ibrāhīm ibn Muḥammad ʿAlī see Tawfiq Pasha
Tayalisi, Sulayman ibn Dawud al-
Tayalisi, Sulayman ibn Dawud al- (Sulayman ibn Dawud al-Tayalisi) (750-818). Collector of hadith. He handed down hadith on the authority of well-known traditionists, laid down in a work called Musnad. He was an authority for Ahmad ibn Hanbal.
Sulayman ibn Dawud al-Tayalisi see Tayalisi, Sulayman ibn Dawud al-
Tayalisi, Sulayman ibn Dawud al- (Sulayman ibn Dawud al-Tayalisi) (750-818). Collector of hadith. He handed down hadith on the authority of well-known traditionists, laid down in a work called Musnad. He was an authority for Ahmad ibn Hanbal.
Sulayman ibn Dawud al-Tayalisi see Tayalisi, Sulayman ibn Dawud al-
Tayy, Banu
Tayy, Banu (Banu Tayy) (Banu Tai) (Tayy) (Tai). Tribe in early Arabia of Yemenite origin. With the Banu Azd they joined the migration which tradition connects with the breaking of the dam of Marib and settled to the south of the desert Nafud. They were in friendly relations with the Persians. In 630, they sent an embassy to the Prophet, to which belonged Qays ibn Jahdar who is said to have been the first of the Banu Tayy to embrace Islam.
Tayy is a large and ancient Arabian tribe belonging to the southern or Qahtanite branch of Arab tribes. Their original homeland was the area of the two mountains Aja and Salma in north central Arabia (currently Ha'il Province, Saudi Arabia), though, like all Qahtanite tribes, it is believed they originally moved there from Yemen. The tribe shared the area with Bani Assad and Bani Tamim, and its members included both nomads and settled town-dwellers.
The tribe is believed to have included a number of Christians before Islam, though most of the tribe's members are reported to have been pagan. The most famous figure from Tayy in that period was the legendary Hatim Al-Ta'i (Hatim of Tayy), said to be a Christian, and renowned among the Arabs for generosity and hospitality. He also figures in the Arabian Nights. The early Islamic historical sources report that his son, 'Adiyy ibn Hatim, whom they sometimes refer to as the "king" of Tayy, converted to Islam before Muhammad's death. He is particularly revered by the Shi'a, who consider him a partisan of Ali. Another figure from Tayy during this period was Zayd al-Khayr, a prominent member of Tayy who is said to have led Tayy's delegation to Muhammad accepting Islam.
Though many Tayy began migrating to neighboring regions such as Iraq and Syria before Islam, the Tayy participated heavily in the Muslim Conquests of the early centuries of Islam, with a number of members of the tribe settling in many parts of the Islamic Empire, including Lebanon and Egypt. Most of these, however, were later assimilated into the general populations of these areas or into other tribes.
Though no longer existing as an autonomous tribal grouping since the early Islamic era, Tayy has been the progenitor of several other tribes in Iraq, Syria, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait. Among the tribes that are descendant of Tayy are Banu Lam, the Fudhool tribal confederation, and some sections of Bani Khalid. Many individuals in Iraq use the surname "Al-Ta'ii", as well, though they mostly belong to Bani Lam and other tribes descendant of Tayy.
The modern Qabila of Shammar are descendants of the Tayy tribe of Yemen. The earliest non Arab sources refer to Arabs as Taits, generally thought of as referring to Tayy. Ayas ibn Qabisa, a man from the Tayy tribe, ruled pre-Islamic Iraq for several years. This contact with Persia is reason for the belief that Taits refers to Tayy.
Led by Usma bin Luai in their massive exodus out of Yemen (115 B.C.T.), the Tayy invaded the mountains of Ajaa and Salma from Banu Assad and Banu Tamim in northern Arabia. These mountains are now known as Jabal Shammar. The Tayy became camel herders and horse breeders and lived a nomadic lifestyle in northern Nejd for centuries. Because of their strength and blood relations with the Yemenite dynasties that came to rule Syria (Ghassan) and Iraq (the Lakhmids), they expanded north into Iraq all the way to the capital at the time al-Hirah. Early historical accounts refer to them as Tayy for that period, and it is not clear when the name Shammar became dominant. The Banu Asad are an ancient Arab clan from the tribe of Quraish. Najd (Nejd) is a region in central Saudi Arabia and the location of the nations capital, Riyadh. The Ghassanid kingdom was a Christian Arab kingdom who immigrated from Yemen to the north of Arabia. The Lakhmids, less commonly Muntherids were a group of Arab Christians who lived in Southern Iraq, and made al-Hirah which was a fabulous city with many castles and bath-houses and Palm gardens their capital in 266.
Although many of their nobles were said to be Christian, Tayy also worshipped idols like Alfulus and many others. They later embraced Islam at the hands of Ali ibn Abi Talib. After destroying their idol Alfulus, they sent a delegation headed by Zayd al-Khayr to Muhammad to declare their allegiance to the new religion. Muhammad, the prophet, was impressed by their ambassador.
After the death of Muhammad, the Tayy remained Muslim. They supported Ali, the fourth Caliph, in his claim to the throne during the ensuing dispute with his rival Muawiya. They also stood against the Kharijites who were essentially anarchists.
Banu Tayy see Tayy, Banu
Tai, Banu see Tayy, Banu
Banu Tai see Tayy, Banu
Tayy see Tayy, Banu
Tai see Tayy, Banu
Tayy, Banu (Banu Tayy) (Banu Tai) (Tayy) (Tai). Tribe in early Arabia of Yemenite origin. With the Banu Azd they joined the migration which tradition connects with the breaking of the dam of Marib and settled to the south of the desert Nafud. They were in friendly relations with the Persians. In 630, they sent an embassy to the Prophet, to which belonged Qays ibn Jahdar who is said to have been the first of the Banu Tayy to embrace Islam.
Tayy is a large and ancient Arabian tribe belonging to the southern or Qahtanite branch of Arab tribes. Their original homeland was the area of the two mountains Aja and Salma in north central Arabia (currently Ha'il Province, Saudi Arabia), though, like all Qahtanite tribes, it is believed they originally moved there from Yemen. The tribe shared the area with Bani Assad and Bani Tamim, and its members included both nomads and settled town-dwellers.
The tribe is believed to have included a number of Christians before Islam, though most of the tribe's members are reported to have been pagan. The most famous figure from Tayy in that period was the legendary Hatim Al-Ta'i (Hatim of Tayy), said to be a Christian, and renowned among the Arabs for generosity and hospitality. He also figures in the Arabian Nights. The early Islamic historical sources report that his son, 'Adiyy ibn Hatim, whom they sometimes refer to as the "king" of Tayy, converted to Islam before Muhammad's death. He is particularly revered by the Shi'a, who consider him a partisan of Ali. Another figure from Tayy during this period was Zayd al-Khayr, a prominent member of Tayy who is said to have led Tayy's delegation to Muhammad accepting Islam.
Though many Tayy began migrating to neighboring regions such as Iraq and Syria before Islam, the Tayy participated heavily in the Muslim Conquests of the early centuries of Islam, with a number of members of the tribe settling in many parts of the Islamic Empire, including Lebanon and Egypt. Most of these, however, were later assimilated into the general populations of these areas or into other tribes.
Though no longer existing as an autonomous tribal grouping since the early Islamic era, Tayy has been the progenitor of several other tribes in Iraq, Syria, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait. Among the tribes that are descendant of Tayy are Banu Lam, the Fudhool tribal confederation, and some sections of Bani Khalid. Many individuals in Iraq use the surname "Al-Ta'ii", as well, though they mostly belong to Bani Lam and other tribes descendant of Tayy.
The modern Qabila of Shammar are descendants of the Tayy tribe of Yemen. The earliest non Arab sources refer to Arabs as Taits, generally thought of as referring to Tayy. Ayas ibn Qabisa, a man from the Tayy tribe, ruled pre-Islamic Iraq for several years. This contact with Persia is reason for the belief that Taits refers to Tayy.
Led by Usma bin Luai in their massive exodus out of Yemen (115 B.C.T.), the Tayy invaded the mountains of Ajaa and Salma from Banu Assad and Banu Tamim in northern Arabia. These mountains are now known as Jabal Shammar. The Tayy became camel herders and horse breeders and lived a nomadic lifestyle in northern Nejd for centuries. Because of their strength and blood relations with the Yemenite dynasties that came to rule Syria (Ghassan) and Iraq (the Lakhmids), they expanded north into Iraq all the way to the capital at the time al-Hirah. Early historical accounts refer to them as Tayy for that period, and it is not clear when the name Shammar became dominant. The Banu Asad are an ancient Arab clan from the tribe of Quraish. Najd (Nejd) is a region in central Saudi Arabia and the location of the nations capital, Riyadh. The Ghassanid kingdom was a Christian Arab kingdom who immigrated from Yemen to the north of Arabia. The Lakhmids, less commonly Muntherids were a group of Arab Christians who lived in Southern Iraq, and made al-Hirah which was a fabulous city with many castles and bath-houses and Palm gardens their capital in 266.
Although many of their nobles were said to be Christian, Tayy also worshipped idols like Alfulus and many others. They later embraced Islam at the hands of Ali ibn Abi Talib. After destroying their idol Alfulus, they sent a delegation headed by Zayd al-Khayr to Muhammad to declare their allegiance to the new religion. Muhammad, the prophet, was impressed by their ambassador.
After the death of Muhammad, the Tayy remained Muslim. They supported Ali, the fourth Caliph, in his claim to the throne during the ensuing dispute with his rival Muawiya. They also stood against the Kharijites who were essentially anarchists.
Banu Tayy see Tayy, Banu
Tai, Banu see Tayy, Banu
Banu Tai see Tayy, Banu
Tayy see Tayy, Banu
Tai see Tayy, Banu
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