Kindi, ‘Abd al-Masih ibn Ishaq al-
Kindi, ‘Abd al-Masih ibn Ishaq al- (‘Abd al-Masih ibn Ishaq al-Kindi). Name given to the author, probably a Nestorian Christian, of a defense of Christianity during the ninth or tenth century. The defense, which is also a refutation of Islam, is presented in the form of a letter written in response to that of a Muslim friend, named ‘Abd Allah ibn Isma‘il al-Hashimi, who invited his correspondent to embrace Islam. The letter was translated into Latin in1141 by Peter of Toledo and revised by Peter of Poitiers and played a very important role, in the East as well as in the West, in the polemic between Christians and Muslims.
'Abd al-Masih ibn Ishaq al-Kindi see Kindi, ‘Abd al-Masih ibn Ishaq al-
Kindi, ‘Abd al-Masih ibn Ishaq al- (‘Abd al-Masih ibn Ishaq al-Kindi). Name given to the author, probably a Nestorian Christian, of a defense of Christianity during the ninth or tenth century. The defense, which is also a refutation of Islam, is presented in the form of a letter written in response to that of a Muslim friend, named ‘Abd Allah ibn Isma‘il al-Hashimi, who invited his correspondent to embrace Islam. The letter was translated into Latin in1141 by Peter of Toledo and revised by Peter of Poitiers and played a very important role, in the East as well as in the West, in the polemic between Christians and Muslims.
'Abd al-Masih ibn Ishaq al-Kindi see Kindi, ‘Abd al-Masih ibn Ishaq al-
Kindi, Abu Yusuf Ya‘qub ibn Ishaq al-
Kindi, Abu Yusuf Ya‘qub ibn Ishaq al- (Abu Yusuf Ya‘qub ibn Ishaq al-Kindi) (Yaqub ibn Ishaq al-Kindi)(Alkindus) (c.801-873). Arab scholar and philosopher. He was a companion of the ‘Abbasid Caliphs al-Ma’mun and al-Mu‘tasim, and probably had a tendency towards Mu‘tazilism. He is known as “the philosopher of the Arabs,” and has survived as a universal scholar and as an astrologer. He is among a small number of Muslim scientists who made original contributions in many various fields. Al-Kindi was a philosopher, astronomer, physician, mathematician, physicist, and geographer. He also was an expert in music.
Al-Kindi was born Abu Yusuf Ya‘qub ibn Ishaq al-Kindi in Basra [Kufa?] in what is today Iraq. His father worked for Khalifah (Caliph) Harun al-Rashid. He was educated in Baghdad. It was in the latter city that he spent his life and died. Acclaimed “philosopher of the Arabs,” he is said by one famous medieval biographer to have been renowned for his excursions into Greek, Persian, and Indian wisdom and for his detailed knowledge of astronomy. Another medieval biographer claims that al-Kindi was exceedingly knowledgeable in medicine, philosophy, arithmetic, logic, and geometry, in addition to being skilled as a translator and editor of Greek philosophical works. Moreover, in a famous medieval collection of wisdom literature, it is reported that al-Kindi served in the Abbasid court under the caliphs al-Ma’mun (r. 813-833) and al-Mu‘tasim (r. 833-842) as a tutor and was pre-eminent as an astrologer. The list of his books is extensive and, although he is not known to have been schooled in the traditional Islamic sciences, includes works that focus on subjects of a theological and jurisprudential character.
Al-Kindi was the first physician who systematically determined the dosage for most drugs. It greatly helped in the development of dosage standards (prescriptions) for patients. In the field of Chemistry, al-Kindi argued that base metals cannot be converted to precious metals and that chemical reactions cannot produce transformation of basic elements. He made important contributions to the Arabic system of numerals. In addition, he contributed to spherical geometry while assisting al-Khwarizmi in astronomical studies. Al-Kindi’s original work provided the foundation for modern arithmetic. He also made original contributions to geometrical optics, a special field of physics, and wrote a book on it. Several centuries later, al-Kindi’s work inspired Roger Bacon.
Al-Kindi researched on the scientific aspects of music. He stated that the various notes that combine to produce harmony have a specific pitch, and the degree of harmony depends on the frequency of notes. Further, he provided a method for the determination of pitch. Al-Kindi stated that when a sound is produced it generates waves in the air, which strike the eardrum.
Al-Kindi wrote more than two hundred forty books. Among them are sixteen books on astronomy, twenty-two each on medicine and philosophy, twelve on physics, thirty-two on geometry, eleven on arithmetic, nine on logic, four on the number system, seven on music and five on psychology. In addition, he wrote monographs on astronomical instruments, tides, rocks and precious stones.
Gerard of Cremona translated many of his scientific books into Latin. These books include Ikhtiyarat al-Ayyam, al-Mosiqa, Risalah dar Tanjim, Ilahyat-e Aristu, Mad-o-Jazr and Adviyah Murakkaba. Al-Kindi’s influence on the development of physics, mathematics, medicine, philosophy and music lasted for several centuries.
Although he is credited with over 200 works, less than a tenth have come down to the present. Today, al-Kindi is remembered primarily as the author of a treatise on metaphysics, Fi al-Falsafat al-Ula (On First Philosophy). However, it is his Treatise on the Utterances of Socrates -- his Risala fi Alfaz Suqrat -- which is all but ignored, that contains the seminal foundation of Islamic political thought.
The Risala fi Alfaz Suqrat can be characterized as a turning back from the apparent assuredness of Aristotle to the tentative probing of Socrates. Differently stated, al-Kindi’s reflections on Plato and Aristotle led him to praise the life of Socrates, the Socrates who had renounced physical and metaphysical speculation in order to concentrate on the day-to-day speech and actions of his fellow citizens. This choice allowed al-Kindi to provide for a limited kind of philosophical inquiry and at the same time to vouchsafe the claims of revelation. Al-Kindi’s observations about Aristotle and Socrates may have influenced al-Razi’s later portrait of Socrates in the justly famous Kitab al-Sira al-Falsafiyya (Book on the Philosophic Life), thereby setting in motion the series of reflections that lead to al-Farabi’s founding of Islamic political philosophy.
In the Risala fi Kammiyyat Kutub Aristutalis wa ma yuhtaj ilaih fi Tahsil al-Falsafa (Treatise on the Number of Aristotle’s Books and What Is Needed to Attain Philosophy), al-Kindi admits his inability to provide a rational account of human existence or its end and thus to ground political inquiry. Even his Risala fi al-Hila li-Daf’ al-Ahzan (Treatise on the Device for Driving Away Sorrows), with its allegory of human existence, ends in a similar admission.
The allegory of the ship in al-Kindi’s Treatise on the Device for Driving Away Sorrows makes the broad point that all possessions, not merely superfluous ones, cause sorrow and threaten to harm us. Our passage through this world of destruction, al-Kindi says, is like that of people embarked upon a ship “to a goal, their own resting place, that they are intent upon.” When the ship stops so that the passengers may attend to their needs, some do so quickly and return to wide, commodious seats. Others -- who also tend quickly to their needs but pause to gaze upon the beautiful surrounding sights and enjoy the delightful aromas -- return to narrower, less comfortable seats. Yet others -- who tend to their needs but collect various objects along the way -- find oly cramped seating and are greatly discomforted by the objects they have gathered. Finally, others wander far off from the ship, so immersed in the surrounding natural beauty and the objects to be collected that they forget their present need and even the purpose of the voyage. Of these, those who hear the ship’s captain call and return before it sails, find terribly uncomfortable quarters. Others wander so far away that they never hear the captain’s call and, left behind, perish in horrible ways. Those who return to the ship burdened with objects suffer so, due to their cramped quarters, the stench of their decaying possessions, and the effort they expend in caring for them, that most become sick and some even die. Only the first two groups arrive safely, though those in the second group are somewhat ill at ease due to their more narrow seats.
For al-Kindi, those passengers who endanger themselves and others by their quest for possessions are like the unjust we encounter in daily life. Conversely, the just must be those who attend to their needs or business quickly and do not permit themselves to become burdened with acquisitions or even to be side-tracked into momentary pleasures. The passengers are all bound for their homeland, but it is not clear where they are heading. At one point, al-Kindi claims that we are going to “the true world” and at another that the ship is supposed to bring us to “our true homelands.” There is no doubt, however, that whether the destination be one or many, it can be reached only by acquiring the habits that eschew material possessions.
The allegory emphasizes the voyage and the conduct of the passengers. But the vessel is no ship of state nor the captain its governor. The ship is merely a vehicle of transport here, and the captain evinces no desire to police the passengers. Nor is anything said about the route followed by the ship. As one who calls to the passengers, however, the captain may be compared to a prophet. Like a prophet, he calls only once. Those who do not heed the call are left to their misery, even to their perdition. Yet the content of the call is empty; it merely warns about the imminent departure of the ship. The captain offers no guidance about what to bring or leave. He merely calls.
The compilation of sayings ascribed to al-Kindi in the Muntakhab Siwan al-Hikma and those he sets down in his Risala fi Alfaz Suqrat (Treatise on the Utterances of Socrates) also encourage the pursuit of the ascetic life. In this work, al-Kindi and Socrates are portrayed as men aloof from the worldly concerns of most people. As men who have learned to turn their thoughts away from possession and to think about how to live a truly free human life. Each account consists of anecdotes and pithy statements attributed to Socrates and to al-Kindi respectively, some of which reinforce things said in the treatise about Aristotle’s philosophy and in the treatise about the avoidance of sorrows.
Abu Yusuf Ya'qub ibn Ishaq al-Kindi see Kindi, Abu Yusuf Ya‘qub ibn Ishaq al-
Yaqub ibn Ishaq al-Kindi see Kindi, Abu Yusuf Ya‘qub ibn Ishaq al-
Alkindus see Kindi, Abu Yusuf Ya‘qub ibn Ishaq al-
The Philosopher of the Arabs see Kindi, Abu Yusuf Ya‘qub ibn Ishaq al-
Kindi, Abu Yusuf Ya‘qub ibn Ishaq al- (Abu Yusuf Ya‘qub ibn Ishaq al-Kindi) (Yaqub ibn Ishaq al-Kindi)(Alkindus) (c.801-873). Arab scholar and philosopher. He was a companion of the ‘Abbasid Caliphs al-Ma’mun and al-Mu‘tasim, and probably had a tendency towards Mu‘tazilism. He is known as “the philosopher of the Arabs,” and has survived as a universal scholar and as an astrologer. He is among a small number of Muslim scientists who made original contributions in many various fields. Al-Kindi was a philosopher, astronomer, physician, mathematician, physicist, and geographer. He also was an expert in music.
Al-Kindi was born Abu Yusuf Ya‘qub ibn Ishaq al-Kindi in Basra [Kufa?] in what is today Iraq. His father worked for Khalifah (Caliph) Harun al-Rashid. He was educated in Baghdad. It was in the latter city that he spent his life and died. Acclaimed “philosopher of the Arabs,” he is said by one famous medieval biographer to have been renowned for his excursions into Greek, Persian, and Indian wisdom and for his detailed knowledge of astronomy. Another medieval biographer claims that al-Kindi was exceedingly knowledgeable in medicine, philosophy, arithmetic, logic, and geometry, in addition to being skilled as a translator and editor of Greek philosophical works. Moreover, in a famous medieval collection of wisdom literature, it is reported that al-Kindi served in the Abbasid court under the caliphs al-Ma’mun (r. 813-833) and al-Mu‘tasim (r. 833-842) as a tutor and was pre-eminent as an astrologer. The list of his books is extensive and, although he is not known to have been schooled in the traditional Islamic sciences, includes works that focus on subjects of a theological and jurisprudential character.
Al-Kindi was the first physician who systematically determined the dosage for most drugs. It greatly helped in the development of dosage standards (prescriptions) for patients. In the field of Chemistry, al-Kindi argued that base metals cannot be converted to precious metals and that chemical reactions cannot produce transformation of basic elements. He made important contributions to the Arabic system of numerals. In addition, he contributed to spherical geometry while assisting al-Khwarizmi in astronomical studies. Al-Kindi’s original work provided the foundation for modern arithmetic. He also made original contributions to geometrical optics, a special field of physics, and wrote a book on it. Several centuries later, al-Kindi’s work inspired Roger Bacon.
Al-Kindi researched on the scientific aspects of music. He stated that the various notes that combine to produce harmony have a specific pitch, and the degree of harmony depends on the frequency of notes. Further, he provided a method for the determination of pitch. Al-Kindi stated that when a sound is produced it generates waves in the air, which strike the eardrum.
Al-Kindi wrote more than two hundred forty books. Among them are sixteen books on astronomy, twenty-two each on medicine and philosophy, twelve on physics, thirty-two on geometry, eleven on arithmetic, nine on logic, four on the number system, seven on music and five on psychology. In addition, he wrote monographs on astronomical instruments, tides, rocks and precious stones.
Gerard of Cremona translated many of his scientific books into Latin. These books include Ikhtiyarat al-Ayyam, al-Mosiqa, Risalah dar Tanjim, Ilahyat-e Aristu, Mad-o-Jazr and Adviyah Murakkaba. Al-Kindi’s influence on the development of physics, mathematics, medicine, philosophy and music lasted for several centuries.
Although he is credited with over 200 works, less than a tenth have come down to the present. Today, al-Kindi is remembered primarily as the author of a treatise on metaphysics, Fi al-Falsafat al-Ula (On First Philosophy). However, it is his Treatise on the Utterances of Socrates -- his Risala fi Alfaz Suqrat -- which is all but ignored, that contains the seminal foundation of Islamic political thought.
The Risala fi Alfaz Suqrat can be characterized as a turning back from the apparent assuredness of Aristotle to the tentative probing of Socrates. Differently stated, al-Kindi’s reflections on Plato and Aristotle led him to praise the life of Socrates, the Socrates who had renounced physical and metaphysical speculation in order to concentrate on the day-to-day speech and actions of his fellow citizens. This choice allowed al-Kindi to provide for a limited kind of philosophical inquiry and at the same time to vouchsafe the claims of revelation. Al-Kindi’s observations about Aristotle and Socrates may have influenced al-Razi’s later portrait of Socrates in the justly famous Kitab al-Sira al-Falsafiyya (Book on the Philosophic Life), thereby setting in motion the series of reflections that lead to al-Farabi’s founding of Islamic political philosophy.
In the Risala fi Kammiyyat Kutub Aristutalis wa ma yuhtaj ilaih fi Tahsil al-Falsafa (Treatise on the Number of Aristotle’s Books and What Is Needed to Attain Philosophy), al-Kindi admits his inability to provide a rational account of human existence or its end and thus to ground political inquiry. Even his Risala fi al-Hila li-Daf’ al-Ahzan (Treatise on the Device for Driving Away Sorrows), with its allegory of human existence, ends in a similar admission.
The allegory of the ship in al-Kindi’s Treatise on the Device for Driving Away Sorrows makes the broad point that all possessions, not merely superfluous ones, cause sorrow and threaten to harm us. Our passage through this world of destruction, al-Kindi says, is like that of people embarked upon a ship “to a goal, their own resting place, that they are intent upon.” When the ship stops so that the passengers may attend to their needs, some do so quickly and return to wide, commodious seats. Others -- who also tend quickly to their needs but pause to gaze upon the beautiful surrounding sights and enjoy the delightful aromas -- return to narrower, less comfortable seats. Yet others -- who tend to their needs but collect various objects along the way -- find oly cramped seating and are greatly discomforted by the objects they have gathered. Finally, others wander far off from the ship, so immersed in the surrounding natural beauty and the objects to be collected that they forget their present need and even the purpose of the voyage. Of these, those who hear the ship’s captain call and return before it sails, find terribly uncomfortable quarters. Others wander so far away that they never hear the captain’s call and, left behind, perish in horrible ways. Those who return to the ship burdened with objects suffer so, due to their cramped quarters, the stench of their decaying possessions, and the effort they expend in caring for them, that most become sick and some even die. Only the first two groups arrive safely, though those in the second group are somewhat ill at ease due to their more narrow seats.
For al-Kindi, those passengers who endanger themselves and others by their quest for possessions are like the unjust we encounter in daily life. Conversely, the just must be those who attend to their needs or business quickly and do not permit themselves to become burdened with acquisitions or even to be side-tracked into momentary pleasures. The passengers are all bound for their homeland, but it is not clear where they are heading. At one point, al-Kindi claims that we are going to “the true world” and at another that the ship is supposed to bring us to “our true homelands.” There is no doubt, however, that whether the destination be one or many, it can be reached only by acquiring the habits that eschew material possessions.
The allegory emphasizes the voyage and the conduct of the passengers. But the vessel is no ship of state nor the captain its governor. The ship is merely a vehicle of transport here, and the captain evinces no desire to police the passengers. Nor is anything said about the route followed by the ship. As one who calls to the passengers, however, the captain may be compared to a prophet. Like a prophet, he calls only once. Those who do not heed the call are left to their misery, even to their perdition. Yet the content of the call is empty; it merely warns about the imminent departure of the ship. The captain offers no guidance about what to bring or leave. He merely calls.
The compilation of sayings ascribed to al-Kindi in the Muntakhab Siwan al-Hikma and those he sets down in his Risala fi Alfaz Suqrat (Treatise on the Utterances of Socrates) also encourage the pursuit of the ascetic life. In this work, al-Kindi and Socrates are portrayed as men aloof from the worldly concerns of most people. As men who have learned to turn their thoughts away from possession and to think about how to live a truly free human life. Each account consists of anecdotes and pithy statements attributed to Socrates and to al-Kindi respectively, some of which reinforce things said in the treatise about Aristotle’s philosophy and in the treatise about the avoidance of sorrows.
Abu Yusuf Ya'qub ibn Ishaq al-Kindi see Kindi, Abu Yusuf Ya‘qub ibn Ishaq al-
Yaqub ibn Ishaq al-Kindi see Kindi, Abu Yusuf Ya‘qub ibn Ishaq al-
Alkindus see Kindi, Abu Yusuf Ya‘qub ibn Ishaq al-
The Philosopher of the Arabs see Kindi, Abu Yusuf Ya‘qub ibn Ishaq al-
Kipchaks
Kipchaks (Kypchaks) (Kipczaks) (Qipchaqs) (Qypchaqs) (Kıpçaklar) Loosely organized, nomadic, Turkic tribal confederation (deriving from the Kimek-Kipchak union) that dominated the steppes from the Danube to Kazakhstan from the eleventh to the early thirteenth century. The western grouping was also called Cuman (“pallid ones”), and elements of the eastern grouping were known as Kangli. Their movements contributed to the Ghuzz (Oghuz) and Pecheneg migrations.
The Kipchaks were involved in the domestic affairs of Rus, the Khwarazmshahi state (through marital and military ties), and Georgia (where they helped to drive out the Seljuks). They assisted in the creation of the second Bulghar empire and became a major source of ghulams (military slaves) for the Islamic world. These ghulams later formed the Mameluke state in Syria and Egypt (1250-1517) and constituted the “slave kings” of the Delhi sultanate (1206-1290). Thus, Iltutmish (1211-1236) claimed descent from the royal clan of the Olberli, a Kipchak tribe of the Volga region.
The lack of central authority not only blunted their attacks on sedentary societies, but left them ill-prepared to face the Mongols of Jenghiz Khan. They were conquered in 1237. In time, the Kipchaks turkicized the Tatars of the Golden and White Hordes, giving rise to the Kipchak Turkic peoples of the Soviet Union. Kipchak families were also prominent in the service of the Yuan dynasty in China, and sizable numbers of them settled in Hungary in flight from the Mongols.
The Kuman, or western Kipchak tribes, fled to Hungary, and some of their warriors became mercenaries for the Latin crusaders and the Byzantines. Members of the Bahri dynasty, the first dynasty of Mamluks in Egypt, were Kipchaks; one of the most prominent examples was Sultan Baybars, born in Solhat, Crimea. Some Kipchaks served in the Yuan dynasty and became the Kharchins.
Cuman see Kipchaks
"Pallid Ones" see Kipchaks
Kangli see Kipchaks
Kypchaks see Kipchaks
Kipczaks see Kipchaks
Qipchaqs see Kipchaks
Kipchaks (Kypchaks) (Kipczaks) (Qipchaqs) (Qypchaqs) (Kıpçaklar) Loosely organized, nomadic, Turkic tribal confederation (deriving from the Kimek-Kipchak union) that dominated the steppes from the Danube to Kazakhstan from the eleventh to the early thirteenth century. The western grouping was also called Cuman (“pallid ones”), and elements of the eastern grouping were known as Kangli. Their movements contributed to the Ghuzz (Oghuz) and Pecheneg migrations.
The Kipchaks were involved in the domestic affairs of Rus, the Khwarazmshahi state (through marital and military ties), and Georgia (where they helped to drive out the Seljuks). They assisted in the creation of the second Bulghar empire and became a major source of ghulams (military slaves) for the Islamic world. These ghulams later formed the Mameluke state in Syria and Egypt (1250-1517) and constituted the “slave kings” of the Delhi sultanate (1206-1290). Thus, Iltutmish (1211-1236) claimed descent from the royal clan of the Olberli, a Kipchak tribe of the Volga region.
The lack of central authority not only blunted their attacks on sedentary societies, but left them ill-prepared to face the Mongols of Jenghiz Khan. They were conquered in 1237. In time, the Kipchaks turkicized the Tatars of the Golden and White Hordes, giving rise to the Kipchak Turkic peoples of the Soviet Union. Kipchak families were also prominent in the service of the Yuan dynasty in China, and sizable numbers of them settled in Hungary in flight from the Mongols.
The Kuman, or western Kipchak tribes, fled to Hungary, and some of their warriors became mercenaries for the Latin crusaders and the Byzantines. Members of the Bahri dynasty, the first dynasty of Mamluks in Egypt, were Kipchaks; one of the most prominent examples was Sultan Baybars, born in Solhat, Crimea. Some Kipchaks served in the Yuan dynasty and became the Kharchins.
Cuman see Kipchaks
"Pallid Ones" see Kipchaks
Kangli see Kipchaks
Kypchaks see Kipchaks
Kipczaks see Kipchaks
Qipchaqs see Kipchaks
Kiram, Esmail II
Esmail Kiram II (also spelled as Ismael Kiram II) (November 9, 1939 - September 19, 2015) was the self-proclaimed Sultan of Sulu in the Philippines from March 12, 2001 until his death.
Kirghiz
Kirghiz (Kirgiz) (Kyrgyz). Turkish people of Central Asia. About 840, they conquered the lands of the Uyghur in Mongolia, and exported musk to the Muslim lands. They were driven out of Mongolia by the Karakhitai, had to submit to Jenghiz Khan, and afterwards to the Kalmuks and the Russians, who established their rule in 1864.
The etymology of the ethnonym “Kirghiz” is not clear, but most Turkologists believe it to be a compound of two Turkic words: girgh (forty) and qiz (girl, daughter), which means, according to the Kirghiz, “descendants of the 40 maidens.” Since about the middle of the eighteenth century the Kirghiz have occupied the Pamir-Altai ranges in Kirghizstan and Afghanistan and the Kunlun and the Tien Shan in China.
The Kirghiz had embraced Islam by the sixteenth century, becoming Sunni followers of the Hanafi school of shari‘a. Because of their nomadic way of life, Western writers have often considered the Kirghiz to be nominally religious and their Islam full of Central Asian shamanistic beliefs and rituals. However, the Kirghiz commitment to Islam and their practice of Islam prior to the Bolshevik Revolution seems to have been as strong as that of any other sedentary or nomadic people in the Muslim world.
Until 1978, the small number of Kirghiz in Afghanistan were probably the only Kirghiz who were able to continue their traditional pastoral nomadic mode of subsistence and to perpetuate their social organization without any significant direct outside interference. They had been able to create a rather stable niche for themselves within the pre-1978 context in Afghanistan. Following the Marxist coup, they decided to leave their mountain retreat in the Afghan Pamirs. Resettled in eastern Turkey, they are now confronted by the challenge to build a new future.
In China, Communist government policies towards all pastoralists has been, and remains, their eventual sedentarization and transformation into agricultural communes. The policies towards the minorities envisage their eventual assimilation into the larger Han culture and politics. However, in practice, government policies regarding minorities and nomads in Xinjiang have been determined both by the social realities in the area and by the changing nature of Soviet and Chinese political relations in the past three decades.
Three distinct phases have marked Chinese policies towards the peoples of Xinjiang. First, from 1949 to 1957 the Chinese were confronted by strong anti-Communist and anti-Han resistance in Xinjiang from the Muslim populations, nomadic and sedentary alike. The Chinese response was moderate and gradual, aimed at strengthening state power by pacifying or eliminating the resistance leadership. Only in 1955 did the government begin to organize the Kirghiz into mutual aid teams and cooperatives organized along the traditional oruq (patrilineage) structure.
The second phase coincided with Mao’s Great Leap Forward of 1958-1960. The principal aim of this policy was the formation of communes and a socialist upsurge. No special economic or ethnic peculiarities of people were tolerated, and the anti-Islamic and anti-nomadic campaign was strong. The Great Leap Forward policy caused a great influx of Hans into Xinjiang. Reaction towards the radical policies resulted in a grain crisis, and the authorities decided to put some of the pastoralists’ pasture lands under the plow. The nomadic population reportedly slaughtered large numbers of livestock during this phase, and in the face of growing political disputes between the Chinese and the Soviets a large number of pastoralists in northwestern Xinjiang, among them some Kirghiz, joined in the exodus across the border to the Soviet Union, causing the “Ili Crisis” of 1962.
The third phase of the Chinese policies was particularly influenced by the Sino-Soviet split. In many instances a reversal in their Great Leap Forward policies occurred. The pastoral communes are believed to have remained as nominal enterprises, although they were nothing more than earlier forms of cooperatives located near various settlement points. Kirghiz oruq once again became the basic unit of the production brigades, who enjoy certain material incentives and partial ownership of the herds. Undoubtedly, the Kirghiz have benefitted to some extent from Peking’s laissez-faire approach to ruling its ethnic minorities along the Xinjiang-Soviet frontier.
By the eve of the Bolshevik Revolution, the Kirghiz in Central Asia had lost much of their land to Slavic colonists, and their alienation and resentment towards the Russians led to a major rebellion in 1916. When the Bolsheviks established control over the area in 1918, the Kirghiz territories were incorporated with various other provinces in Turkestan. As in the earlier period, Kirghiz lands were expropriated and given to Russian settlers. Confronted with the anti-Communist armed resistance of the so-called Basmachi movement in the area, the Bolsheviks adopted a more conciliatory policy, and during the land reform of 1920-1921 some of Kirghiz lands were returned to them. In 1924, a Kirghiz Autonomous Oblast’ was created, a number of leading Kirghiz intellectuals were recruited into the administration and the traditional structure of Kirghiz society and pastoral nomadic economy was left intact. In February 1926, the Kirghiz Oblast’ was elevated to an autonomous Soviet socialist republic, and ten years later, in 1936, it was accepted as Kirghiz S.S.R.
Despite the concessions offered during the early 1920s, the Russians dominated all aspects of government and party structure. When Kirghiz intellectuals openly expressed their frustrations, many of them were incarcerated or exiled. The real change of policy came about in 1928, when Stalin set out to “de-nomadize” and collectivize the Kirghiz. This agrarian revolution of 1927-1928 was met by widespread slaughter of livestock and the exodus of large numbers of Kirghiz and Kazakhs into Xinjiang in China. Despite the turmoil, significant progress was made in the development of education and health care during this period.
Industrial development in Kirghizia expanded after World War II. However, the industrial economy, which emphasized power production, non-ferrous metallurgy, construction material, fossil fuel extraction, woodworking, textiles, sugar refining and meat packing, was dominated by the Slavs. The great majority of the Kirghiz are still herding through pastoral collectives.
Kirgiz see Kirghiz
Kyrgyz see Kirghiz
Kirghiz (Kirgiz) (Kyrgyz). Turkish people of Central Asia. About 840, they conquered the lands of the Uyghur in Mongolia, and exported musk to the Muslim lands. They were driven out of Mongolia by the Karakhitai, had to submit to Jenghiz Khan, and afterwards to the Kalmuks and the Russians, who established their rule in 1864.
The etymology of the ethnonym “Kirghiz” is not clear, but most Turkologists believe it to be a compound of two Turkic words: girgh (forty) and qiz (girl, daughter), which means, according to the Kirghiz, “descendants of the 40 maidens.” Since about the middle of the eighteenth century the Kirghiz have occupied the Pamir-Altai ranges in Kirghizstan and Afghanistan and the Kunlun and the Tien Shan in China.
The Kirghiz had embraced Islam by the sixteenth century, becoming Sunni followers of the Hanafi school of shari‘a. Because of their nomadic way of life, Western writers have often considered the Kirghiz to be nominally religious and their Islam full of Central Asian shamanistic beliefs and rituals. However, the Kirghiz commitment to Islam and their practice of Islam prior to the Bolshevik Revolution seems to have been as strong as that of any other sedentary or nomadic people in the Muslim world.
Until 1978, the small number of Kirghiz in Afghanistan were probably the only Kirghiz who were able to continue their traditional pastoral nomadic mode of subsistence and to perpetuate their social organization without any significant direct outside interference. They had been able to create a rather stable niche for themselves within the pre-1978 context in Afghanistan. Following the Marxist coup, they decided to leave their mountain retreat in the Afghan Pamirs. Resettled in eastern Turkey, they are now confronted by the challenge to build a new future.
In China, Communist government policies towards all pastoralists has been, and remains, their eventual sedentarization and transformation into agricultural communes. The policies towards the minorities envisage their eventual assimilation into the larger Han culture and politics. However, in practice, government policies regarding minorities and nomads in Xinjiang have been determined both by the social realities in the area and by the changing nature of Soviet and Chinese political relations in the past three decades.
Three distinct phases have marked Chinese policies towards the peoples of Xinjiang. First, from 1949 to 1957 the Chinese were confronted by strong anti-Communist and anti-Han resistance in Xinjiang from the Muslim populations, nomadic and sedentary alike. The Chinese response was moderate and gradual, aimed at strengthening state power by pacifying or eliminating the resistance leadership. Only in 1955 did the government begin to organize the Kirghiz into mutual aid teams and cooperatives organized along the traditional oruq (patrilineage) structure.
The second phase coincided with Mao’s Great Leap Forward of 1958-1960. The principal aim of this policy was the formation of communes and a socialist upsurge. No special economic or ethnic peculiarities of people were tolerated, and the anti-Islamic and anti-nomadic campaign was strong. The Great Leap Forward policy caused a great influx of Hans into Xinjiang. Reaction towards the radical policies resulted in a grain crisis, and the authorities decided to put some of the pastoralists’ pasture lands under the plow. The nomadic population reportedly slaughtered large numbers of livestock during this phase, and in the face of growing political disputes between the Chinese and the Soviets a large number of pastoralists in northwestern Xinjiang, among them some Kirghiz, joined in the exodus across the border to the Soviet Union, causing the “Ili Crisis” of 1962.
The third phase of the Chinese policies was particularly influenced by the Sino-Soviet split. In many instances a reversal in their Great Leap Forward policies occurred. The pastoral communes are believed to have remained as nominal enterprises, although they were nothing more than earlier forms of cooperatives located near various settlement points. Kirghiz oruq once again became the basic unit of the production brigades, who enjoy certain material incentives and partial ownership of the herds. Undoubtedly, the Kirghiz have benefitted to some extent from Peking’s laissez-faire approach to ruling its ethnic minorities along the Xinjiang-Soviet frontier.
By the eve of the Bolshevik Revolution, the Kirghiz in Central Asia had lost much of their land to Slavic colonists, and their alienation and resentment towards the Russians led to a major rebellion in 1916. When the Bolsheviks established control over the area in 1918, the Kirghiz territories were incorporated with various other provinces in Turkestan. As in the earlier period, Kirghiz lands were expropriated and given to Russian settlers. Confronted with the anti-Communist armed resistance of the so-called Basmachi movement in the area, the Bolsheviks adopted a more conciliatory policy, and during the land reform of 1920-1921 some of Kirghiz lands were returned to them. In 1924, a Kirghiz Autonomous Oblast’ was created, a number of leading Kirghiz intellectuals were recruited into the administration and the traditional structure of Kirghiz society and pastoral nomadic economy was left intact. In February 1926, the Kirghiz Oblast’ was elevated to an autonomous Soviet socialist republic, and ten years later, in 1936, it was accepted as Kirghiz S.S.R.
Despite the concessions offered during the early 1920s, the Russians dominated all aspects of government and party structure. When Kirghiz intellectuals openly expressed their frustrations, many of them were incarcerated or exiled. The real change of policy came about in 1928, when Stalin set out to “de-nomadize” and collectivize the Kirghiz. This agrarian revolution of 1927-1928 was met by widespread slaughter of livestock and the exodus of large numbers of Kirghiz and Kazakhs into Xinjiang in China. Despite the turmoil, significant progress was made in the development of education and health care during this period.
Industrial development in Kirghizia expanded after World War II. However, the industrial economy, which emphasized power production, non-ferrous metallurgy, construction material, fossil fuel extraction, woodworking, textiles, sugar refining and meat packing, was dominated by the Slavs. The great majority of the Kirghiz are still herding through pastoral collectives.
Kirgiz see Kirghiz
Kyrgyz see Kirghiz
Kirgiz
Kirgiz. See Kirghiz.
Kirghiz see Kirgiz.
Kirgiz. See Kirghiz.
Kirghiz see Kirgiz.
Kirmani, Hamid al-Din Ahmad ibn ‘Abd Allah al-
Kirmani, Hamid al-Din Ahmad ibn ‘Abd Allah al- (Hamid al-Din Ahmad ibn ‘Abd Allah al-Kirmani) (Hamid al–Din Abu’l–Hasan Ahmad ibn ‘Abdallah al–Kirmani) (d. 1020). Propagandist of the Fatimids. He was the author of many works on the theory of the Imamate and on Isma‘ili philosophy.
Hamid al-Kirmani was of Persian origin. He appears to have spent the greater part of his life as a Fatimid da'i (missionary) in Iraq and in the central and western parts of Iran. Al-Kirmani was part of the official Fatimid campaign against dissident da'is, who had also proclaimed al-Hakim's divinity. In Cairo, he produced several works in refutation of the Druze movement and religion. Subsequently, al-Kirmani returned to Iraq where he completed his last and magnum opus, Rahat al-aql.
A prolific writer, al-Kirmani was one of the most learned theologians of the Fatimid times.
Hamid al–Din Abu’l–Hasan Ahmad ibn ‘Abdallah al–Kirmani was a Persian Isma'ili scholar who served as a da'i, theologian and philosopher under the Fatimid caliph-imam al-Hakim bi Amr Allah. His prominent works are:
* Rahat al-‘aql (Peace of Mind, or Comfort of Reason), completed in 1020 and considered his magnum opus
* Al-Aqwal al-dhahabiya, refuting al-Razi's argument against the necessity of revelation
* Kitab al
-riyad, a book that propounds the early Isma'ili cosmology.
Hamid al-Din al-Kirmani, a prominent Ismaili da’i or missionary, was one of the most learned Ismaili theologians and philosophers of the Fatimid period. Al-Kirmani rose to prominence during the reign of Fatimid Caliph-Imam al-Hakim (r.996-1021).
Hamid al-Din al-Kirmani’s date of birth remains unknown, but he was of Persian origin and was probably born in the province of Kirman. He seems to have spent the greater part of his life as a Fatimid da’i in Iraq, having been particularly active in Baghdad and Basra.
The central headquarters of the Fatimid da’wa in Cairo considered him the most learned Ismaili theologian of the time. It was in that capacity that al-Kirmani played an important role in refuting the extremist ideas of some of the da’is. Al-Kirmani was summoned in 1014 or shortly earlier to Cairo where he produced several works to disclaim the extremist doctrines. Al-Kirmani’s writings, which were widely circulated, were to some extent successful in checking the spread of the extremist doctrines.
Of his corpus of nearly thirty works, only eighteen seem to have survived. One of his important works, also his final work, is the Rahat al-aql (Peace of Mind). In this work, Al-Kirmani intended to provide the reader an opportunity to understand how to obtain the eternal life of the mind, the paradise of reason, in a constantly changing world.
Hamid al-Din Ahmad ibn 'Abd Allah al-Kirmani see Kirmani, Hamid al-Din Ahmad ibn ‘Abd Allah al-
Hamid al–Din Abu’l–Hasan Ahmad ibn ‘Abdallah al–Kirmani see Kirmani, Hamid al-Din Ahmad ibn ‘Abd Allah al-
Hamid al-Din al-Kirmani, a prominent Ismaili da’i or missionary, was one of the most learned Ismaili theologians and philosophers of the Fatimid period. Al-Kirmani rose to prominence during the reign of Fatimid Caliph-Imam al-Hakim (r.996-1021).
Hamid al-Din al-Kirmani’s date of birth remains unknown, but he was of Persian origin and was probably born in the province of Kirman. He seems to have spent the greater part of his life as a Fatimid da’i in Iraq, having been particularly active in Baghdad and Basra.
The central headquarters of the Fatimid da’wa in Cairo considered him the most learned Ismaili theologian of the time. It was in that capacity that al-Kirmani played an important role in refuting the extremist ideas of some of the da’is. Al-Kirmani was summoned in 1014 or shortly earlier to Cairo where he produced several works to disclaim the extremist doctrines. Al-Kirmani’s writings, which were widely circulated, were to some extent successful in checking the spread of the extremist doctrines.
Of his corpus of nearly thirty works, only eighteen seem to have survived. One of his important works, also his final work, is the Rahat al-aql (Peace of Mind). In this work, Al-Kirmani intended to provide the reader an opportunity to understand how to obtain the eternal life of the mind, the paradise of reason, in a constantly changing world.
Hamid al-Din Ahmad ibn 'Abd Allah al-Kirmani see Kirmani, Hamid al-Din Ahmad ibn ‘Abd Allah al-
Hamid al–Din Abu’l–Hasan Ahmad ibn ‘Abdallah al–Kirmani see Kirmani, Hamid al-Din Ahmad ibn ‘Abd Allah al-
Kisa’i, al-
Kisa’i, al-. Name of origin given to the unknown author of the famous Stories of the Prophets (Qisas al-Anbiya), an Arabic work on the lives of the prophets and pious men prior to the Prophet. The identity of the author remains an enigma.
Because the lives of biblical figures (":prophets" in the Muslim tradition) were covered only briefly in the Qur'an, Muslim scholars, poets, historians, and storytellers felt free to elaborate, clothing the bare bones descriptions from the Qur'an with flesh and blood. Authors of these texts drew on many traditions available to medieval Islamic civilization such as those of Asia, Africa, China, and Europe. Many of these scholars were also authors of commentaries on the Qur'an. However, unlike the commentaries which follow the order and structure of the Qur'an itself, the Qisas told its stories of the prophets in chronological order.
The Qisas usually begin with the creation of the world and its various creatures including angels, and culminating in God's masterpiece, Adam. Sometimes the author incorporated related local folklore or oral traditions, and many of the tales in the Qisas echo medieval Christian and Jewish stories.
Kisa’i, al-. Name of origin given to the unknown author of the famous Stories of the Prophets (Qisas al-Anbiya), an Arabic work on the lives of the prophets and pious men prior to the Prophet. The identity of the author remains an enigma.
Because the lives of biblical figures (":prophets" in the Muslim tradition) were covered only briefly in the Qur'an, Muslim scholars, poets, historians, and storytellers felt free to elaborate, clothing the bare bones descriptions from the Qur'an with flesh and blood. Authors of these texts drew on many traditions available to medieval Islamic civilization such as those of Asia, Africa, China, and Europe. Many of these scholars were also authors of commentaries on the Qur'an. However, unlike the commentaries which follow the order and structure of the Qur'an itself, the Qisas told its stories of the prophets in chronological order.
The Qisas usually begin with the creation of the world and its various creatures including angels, and culminating in God's masterpiece, Adam. Sometimes the author incorporated related local folklore or oral traditions, and many of the tales in the Qisas echo medieval Christian and Jewish stories.
Kisa’i, Abu’l-Hasan al-
Kisa’i, Abu’l-Hasan al- (Abu’l-Hasan al-Kisa’i) (c. 737-805). Arab philologist and “reader” of the Qur’an, of Persian origin. He is said to have stayed for some time among the Bedouins in order to become fully conversant in Arabic. He is the real founder of the grammatical school of Kufa. His discussion with Sibawayhi, the prominent grammarian of the school of Basra, became famous.
Abu'l-Hasan al-Kisa'i see Kisa’i, Abu’l-Hasan al-
Kisa’i, Abu’l-Hasan al- (Abu’l-Hasan al-Kisa’i) (c. 737-805). Arab philologist and “reader” of the Qur’an, of Persian origin. He is said to have stayed for some time among the Bedouins in order to become fully conversant in Arabic. He is the real founder of the grammatical school of Kufa. His discussion with Sibawayhi, the prominent grammarian of the school of Basra, became famous.
Abu'l-Hasan al-Kisa'i see Kisa’i, Abu’l-Hasan al-
Kisa’i, Majd al-Din
Kisa’i, Majd al-Din (Majd al-Din Kisa’i) (953-1000). Persian poet from Marw.
Majd al-Din Kisa'i see Kisa’i, Majd al-Din
Kisa’i, Majd al-Din (Majd al-Din Kisa’i) (953-1000). Persian poet from Marw.
Majd al-Din Kisa'i see Kisa’i, Majd al-Din
Kisakurek
Kisakurek (Necip Fazil Kisakurek) (Ahmet Necip Fazıl Kısakürek) (May 26, 1904 - May 25, 1983). A Turkish poet, playwright, and essayist. One of the most striking figures of modern Turkish literature, Necip Fazil combined in his life concerns for literary style and political ideology. Today he is remembered primarily for the second, but in fact his poetry, prose, journalism, and theater bring together experimentation with form and concerns about the cultural identity of the modern Turk.
Necip Fazil was born in Istanbul in 1904 to a family with ancient roots in the town of Maras in southeastern Turkey. The early death of his father and the somewhat retiring role of his mother in the family strengthened the influence on him of his grandparents, who had strong, idiosyncratic personalities. From his grandfather, he acquired a knowledge of Ottoman culture and history. From his grandmother, he absorbed her attempts to join the stream of Western culture and to imitate Western manners, shaped by her immersion in French novels. These sources instilled in the boy a curiosity about the West that eventually led to his reasonably wide knowledge of European culture. It also generated a suspicion of the suitability of western European values and of westernization in general as a model for Turkish modernization. This concern increased as he aged and grew into the primary focus of his later years.
He irregularly attended a number of the schools that during the nineteenth century had replaced the traditional madrasah (seminary) with programs copied from western European schools. After a five year stint, he dropped out of the Naval Cadet School in Istanbul. While registered at the Faculty of Philosophy of Istanbul University, he won a government scholarship for study abroad in 1921. As a student in Paris he refined his knowledge of French literature and culture but never received a university degree. He pursued a bohemian lifestyle, some traces of which remained for the rest of his life.
Upon his return, he worked in various banks and taught at the Conservatory of Arts in Ankara, at the Academy of Fine Arts in Istanbul, and at Robert College, an American missionary school with strict academic standards. His poetic pieces and short stories appeared in such Istanbul literary magazines as Yeni Mecmua, Milli Mecmua, Anadolu, Hayat, and Varlik in the 1920s. His earliest pieces show a pervasive pessimism and often highlight motifs of boredom, despair, or death combined with a search for identity.
His versification was in the modern Turkish “syllabic” style, in which he showed an originality that brought him to the attention of the literary establishment. His poems show the influence of French symbolism promoted by his predecessor Ahmet Hasim but also have aspects reminiscent of the worldview of Ottoman Sufism. Orhan Okay has described such cultural mixture and use of themes from Western sources as characteristic of Turkish writers who lived through the transformation of the Ottoman Empire. With the establishment of the Turkish Republic (1923) the change of values from Islamic to secular, at work since the nineteenth century, was greatly accelerated. For Necip Fazil, the transformation brought up the problem of achieving a degree of authenticity amid the clash of two cultures, a dilemma prominent in his plays of the 1930s, such as Tohum (The Seed) and especially Bir adam yaratmak (To Create a Man).
To resolve these matters, Necip Fazil adopted a philosophy that placed the East and Islam at the foundation of his outlook on life. In his autobiography Ove ben (He and Myself) he ascribed this change to the influence of a shaykh of the Naqshbandi order, Abdulhakim Arvasi, whose path he followed thereafter. Although ideologically committed to Islam, Necip Fazil never abandoned a frankly Western way of life, nor did he succeed in erasing the bohemianism of his early days, which brought him repeatedly to the gambling table.
His adoption by the younger generation of Turkish conservatives at a time when Turkish nationalism was giving way to the stronger influence of Islam may be attributed to the theme of a revival of the East first broached in his periodical (The Great East [1943-1978]), where he presented a critique of the emptiness of the basic social and humanistic philosophy of republican Turkey. Although frequently interrupted for long periods, the journal and the themes found in its columns, which reappeared in a number of collected essays, make up a compendium that younger conservative Turks use for ideological guidance.
Necip Fazil Kisakurek died in Istanbul on May 25, 1983.
Ahmet Necip Fazıl Kısakürek (May 26, 1904 – May 25, 1983) was a Turkish poet, novelist, playwright and philosopher. He is also known with his initials NFK. He was noticed by the French philosopher Henri Bergson, while Necip Fazıl had been a student of his in Sorbonne during the 1920s. In his poetries, it is possible to realize the influences of Bergson.[citation needed][vague]
Contents
[hide]
* 1 Biography
* 2 Literary career
* 3 Bibliography
o 3.1 Poetry
o 3.2 Novels
o 3.3 Stories
o 3.4 Memoirs
* 4 See also
* 5 References
* 6 External links
[edit] Biography
In his own words, he was born in "a huge mansion in Çemberlitaş, on one of the streets descending towards Sultanahmet" in 1904. His father was Abdülbaki Fazıl Bey who held several posts including deputy judge in Bursa, public prosecuter in Gebze and finally, judge in Kadıköy. His mother was an emigree from Crete. He was raised at the Çemberlitaş mansion of his paternal grandfather Kısakürekzade Mehmet Hilmi Efendi of Maraş who named his grandson after his own father, Ahmet Necib as well as his son, Fazıl.
Necib Fazıl learned to read and write from his grandfather at the age of five. After graduating from the French School in Gedikpaşa, he continued his education in various schools, also including Robert College of Istanbul as well as the Naval School. He received religious courses from Ahmed Hamdi of Akseki and history courses from Yahya Kemal at the Naval School but he was actually influenced by İbrahim Aşkî, whom he defined to have "penetrated into deep and private areas in many inner and outer sciences from literature and philosophy to mathematics and physics". İbrahim Aşkî provided his first contact with Sufism even at a "plan of skin over skin". "After completing candidate and combat classes" of Naval School, Kısakürek entered the Philosophy Department of Darülfünûn and graduated from there (1921-1924). One of his closest friends in philosophy was Hasan Ali Yücel. He was educated in Paris for one year with the scholarship provided by the Ministry of National Education (1924-1925). He worked at the posts of official and inspector at Holland, Osmanlı and İş Banks after returning home (1926-1939), and gave lectures at the Faculty of Linguistics and History and Geography and the State Conservatoire in Ankara and the Academy of Fine Arts in İstanbul (1939-1942). Having established a relation with the press in his youth, Kısakürek quit civil service to earn his living from writing and magazines.
Nacip Fazıl Kısakürek died in his house at Erenköy after an illness that "lasted long but did not impair his intellectual activity and writing" (25 May 1983) and was buried in the graveyard on the ridge of Eyüp after an eventful funeral.
Necip Fazıl was awarded the First Prize of C.H.P. Play Contest in 1947 with his play Sabır Taşı. Kısakürek was awarded the titles of "Great Cultural Gift" by the Ministry of Culture (25 May 1980) and "Greatest Living Poet of Turkish" by the Foundation of Turkish Literature upon the 75th anniversary of his birth.
[edit] Literary career
In his own words, having "learned to read and to write from his grandfather in very young ages", Kısakürek became "crazy about fimitless, trivia reading" until the age of twelve starting from "groups of sentences belonging to lower class writers of the French". He writes as follows: "My interest climbing up to the works such as (Pol ve Virjini), (Graziyella), (La-dam-d-kamelya), (Zavallı Necdet) claiming to be sensational and literary, eventually transformed into an illness and surrounded my nights and days as a net". Having been involved in literature with such a reading passion, Necip Fazıl states that his "poetry started at the age of twelve" and that his mother said "how much I would like you to be a poet" by showing the "poetry notebook of a girl with tuberculosis" lying on the bed next to his mother's bed when he went to visit her staying at the hospital, and adds: "My mother's wish appeared to me as something that I fed inside but I was not aware of until twelve. The motive of existence itself. I decided inside with my eyes on the snow hurling on the window of the hospital room and the wind howling; I will be a poet! And I became".
The first published poem of Necip Fazıl is "Kitabe" poem that he later included in his book Örümcek Ağı with the title "Bir Mezar Taşı" and it was published in the Yeni Mecmua dated 1 July 1923.
After this date Kısakürek expanded his reputation until 1939 with his poems and articles published in magazines such as Yeni Mecmua, Milhi Mecmua, Anadolu, Hayat and Varlık and Cumhuriyet newspaper.
After returning home from Paris in 1925, Necip Fazıl stayed in Ankara intermittently but during long periods and in his third visit he published a magazine called Ağaç on 14 March 1936 by providing the support of some banks. Ağaç, the writers of which included Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar, Ahmet Kutsi Tecer and Mustafa Şekip Tunç, decided to follow a spiritualist and idealist line on the contrary to the materialist and Marxian ideas supported by the writers such as Burhan Belge, Vedat Nedim Tör, Şevket Süreyya Aydemir and İsmail Husrev Tökin of closed Kadro magazine owned by Yakup Kadri and which influenced the intellectuals of the time greatly. Kısakürek later transferred to Ağaç magazine published during six volumes in Ankara to İstanbul, however, unable to establish a viable reader base, the magazine was closed at the 17th volume.
Necip Fazıl this time published the magazine called Büyük Doğu in 1943 which also had religious and political identity, fronted the rulers with Büyük Doğu that he published intermittently as weekly, daily and monthly until 1978, he was prosecuted because of his articles and publications and the magazine was closed several times. Particularly objecting to secularism and supporting Sultan Abdul Hamid II, Necip Fazıl gradually became one of the leaders of the Islamist section. It should be stated that as in Ağaç, the writers' cadre is quite cosmopolitan in the first volumes of Büyük Doğu as well. From Bedri Rahmi to Sait Faik, many signatures of the new literature are seen on the pages of the magazine.
However, as Necip Fazıl transformed Büyük Doğu into an outlet of particularly religious quarrel, these writers withdrew from the pages one after another. Upon the collection of Büyük Doğu in 1947, Necip Fazıl also published a political humor magazine called Borazan, which he could publish only three volumes between November-December.
[edit] Bibliography
[edit] Poetry
* Örümcek Ağı (1925) (Spider Web)
* Kaldırımlar (1928) (Pavements)
* Ben ve Ötesi (1932) (Me and the Rest)
* Sonsuzluk Kervanı (1955) (Caravan of Infinity)
* Çile (1962) (Pain)
* Şiirlerim (My poems) (1969)
* Esselâm (1973) (Welcome)
* Çile (1974) (Pain)
* Bu Yağmur (This rain)
[edit] Novels
* Aynadaki Yalan (1980) (The Lie in the Mirror)
* Kafa Kağıdı (1984-Published as a series in Milliyet newspaper)
[edit] Stories
* Birkaç Hikaye Birkaç Tahlil (1932) (Some Stories and Some Research)
* Ruh Burkuntularından Hikayeler (1964) (Stories From Broken Souls)
* Hikayelerim (1970) (My Stories)
[edit] Memoirs
* Cinnet Mustatili (1955) (Rectangle of the Possessed)
* Hac (1973) (Hajj)
* O ve Ben (1974) (It/He and I)
* Bâbıâli (1975) (The High Door)
[edit] See also
Necip Fazil Kisakurek see Kisakurek
Ahmet Necip Fazıl Kısakürek see Kisakurek
Kisakurek (Necip Fazil Kisakurek) (Ahmet Necip Fazıl Kısakürek) (May 26, 1904 - May 25, 1983). A Turkish poet, playwright, and essayist. One of the most striking figures of modern Turkish literature, Necip Fazil combined in his life concerns for literary style and political ideology. Today he is remembered primarily for the second, but in fact his poetry, prose, journalism, and theater bring together experimentation with form and concerns about the cultural identity of the modern Turk.
Necip Fazil was born in Istanbul in 1904 to a family with ancient roots in the town of Maras in southeastern Turkey. The early death of his father and the somewhat retiring role of his mother in the family strengthened the influence on him of his grandparents, who had strong, idiosyncratic personalities. From his grandfather, he acquired a knowledge of Ottoman culture and history. From his grandmother, he absorbed her attempts to join the stream of Western culture and to imitate Western manners, shaped by her immersion in French novels. These sources instilled in the boy a curiosity about the West that eventually led to his reasonably wide knowledge of European culture. It also generated a suspicion of the suitability of western European values and of westernization in general as a model for Turkish modernization. This concern increased as he aged and grew into the primary focus of his later years.
He irregularly attended a number of the schools that during the nineteenth century had replaced the traditional madrasah (seminary) with programs copied from western European schools. After a five year stint, he dropped out of the Naval Cadet School in Istanbul. While registered at the Faculty of Philosophy of Istanbul University, he won a government scholarship for study abroad in 1921. As a student in Paris he refined his knowledge of French literature and culture but never received a university degree. He pursued a bohemian lifestyle, some traces of which remained for the rest of his life.
Upon his return, he worked in various banks and taught at the Conservatory of Arts in Ankara, at the Academy of Fine Arts in Istanbul, and at Robert College, an American missionary school with strict academic standards. His poetic pieces and short stories appeared in such Istanbul literary magazines as Yeni Mecmua, Milli Mecmua, Anadolu, Hayat, and Varlik in the 1920s. His earliest pieces show a pervasive pessimism and often highlight motifs of boredom, despair, or death combined with a search for identity.
His versification was in the modern Turkish “syllabic” style, in which he showed an originality that brought him to the attention of the literary establishment. His poems show the influence of French symbolism promoted by his predecessor Ahmet Hasim but also have aspects reminiscent of the worldview of Ottoman Sufism. Orhan Okay has described such cultural mixture and use of themes from Western sources as characteristic of Turkish writers who lived through the transformation of the Ottoman Empire. With the establishment of the Turkish Republic (1923) the change of values from Islamic to secular, at work since the nineteenth century, was greatly accelerated. For Necip Fazil, the transformation brought up the problem of achieving a degree of authenticity amid the clash of two cultures, a dilemma prominent in his plays of the 1930s, such as Tohum (The Seed) and especially Bir adam yaratmak (To Create a Man).
To resolve these matters, Necip Fazil adopted a philosophy that placed the East and Islam at the foundation of his outlook on life. In his autobiography Ove ben (He and Myself) he ascribed this change to the influence of a shaykh of the Naqshbandi order, Abdulhakim Arvasi, whose path he followed thereafter. Although ideologically committed to Islam, Necip Fazil never abandoned a frankly Western way of life, nor did he succeed in erasing the bohemianism of his early days, which brought him repeatedly to the gambling table.
His adoption by the younger generation of Turkish conservatives at a time when Turkish nationalism was giving way to the stronger influence of Islam may be attributed to the theme of a revival of the East first broached in his periodical (The Great East [1943-1978]), where he presented a critique of the emptiness of the basic social and humanistic philosophy of republican Turkey. Although frequently interrupted for long periods, the journal and the themes found in its columns, which reappeared in a number of collected essays, make up a compendium that younger conservative Turks use for ideological guidance.
Necip Fazil Kisakurek died in Istanbul on May 25, 1983.
Ahmet Necip Fazıl Kısakürek (May 26, 1904 – May 25, 1983) was a Turkish poet, novelist, playwright and philosopher. He is also known with his initials NFK. He was noticed by the French philosopher Henri Bergson, while Necip Fazıl had been a student of his in Sorbonne during the 1920s. In his poetries, it is possible to realize the influences of Bergson.[citation needed][vague]
Contents
[hide]
* 1 Biography
* 2 Literary career
* 3 Bibliography
o 3.1 Poetry
o 3.2 Novels
o 3.3 Stories
o 3.4 Memoirs
* 4 See also
* 5 References
* 6 External links
[edit] Biography
In his own words, he was born in "a huge mansion in Çemberlitaş, on one of the streets descending towards Sultanahmet" in 1904. His father was Abdülbaki Fazıl Bey who held several posts including deputy judge in Bursa, public prosecuter in Gebze and finally, judge in Kadıköy. His mother was an emigree from Crete. He was raised at the Çemberlitaş mansion of his paternal grandfather Kısakürekzade Mehmet Hilmi Efendi of Maraş who named his grandson after his own father, Ahmet Necib as well as his son, Fazıl.
Necib Fazıl learned to read and write from his grandfather at the age of five. After graduating from the French School in Gedikpaşa, he continued his education in various schools, also including Robert College of Istanbul as well as the Naval School. He received religious courses from Ahmed Hamdi of Akseki and history courses from Yahya Kemal at the Naval School but he was actually influenced by İbrahim Aşkî, whom he defined to have "penetrated into deep and private areas in many inner and outer sciences from literature and philosophy to mathematics and physics". İbrahim Aşkî provided his first contact with Sufism even at a "plan of skin over skin". "After completing candidate and combat classes" of Naval School, Kısakürek entered the Philosophy Department of Darülfünûn and graduated from there (1921-1924). One of his closest friends in philosophy was Hasan Ali Yücel. He was educated in Paris for one year with the scholarship provided by the Ministry of National Education (1924-1925). He worked at the posts of official and inspector at Holland, Osmanlı and İş Banks after returning home (1926-1939), and gave lectures at the Faculty of Linguistics and History and Geography and the State Conservatoire in Ankara and the Academy of Fine Arts in İstanbul (1939-1942). Having established a relation with the press in his youth, Kısakürek quit civil service to earn his living from writing and magazines.
Nacip Fazıl Kısakürek died in his house at Erenköy after an illness that "lasted long but did not impair his intellectual activity and writing" (25 May 1983) and was buried in the graveyard on the ridge of Eyüp after an eventful funeral.
Necip Fazıl was awarded the First Prize of C.H.P. Play Contest in 1947 with his play Sabır Taşı. Kısakürek was awarded the titles of "Great Cultural Gift" by the Ministry of Culture (25 May 1980) and "Greatest Living Poet of Turkish" by the Foundation of Turkish Literature upon the 75th anniversary of his birth.
[edit] Literary career
In his own words, having "learned to read and to write from his grandfather in very young ages", Kısakürek became "crazy about fimitless, trivia reading" until the age of twelve starting from "groups of sentences belonging to lower class writers of the French". He writes as follows: "My interest climbing up to the works such as (Pol ve Virjini), (Graziyella), (La-dam-d-kamelya), (Zavallı Necdet) claiming to be sensational and literary, eventually transformed into an illness and surrounded my nights and days as a net". Having been involved in literature with such a reading passion, Necip Fazıl states that his "poetry started at the age of twelve" and that his mother said "how much I would like you to be a poet" by showing the "poetry notebook of a girl with tuberculosis" lying on the bed next to his mother's bed when he went to visit her staying at the hospital, and adds: "My mother's wish appeared to me as something that I fed inside but I was not aware of until twelve. The motive of existence itself. I decided inside with my eyes on the snow hurling on the window of the hospital room and the wind howling; I will be a poet! And I became".
The first published poem of Necip Fazıl is "Kitabe" poem that he later included in his book Örümcek Ağı with the title "Bir Mezar Taşı" and it was published in the Yeni Mecmua dated 1 July 1923.
After this date Kısakürek expanded his reputation until 1939 with his poems and articles published in magazines such as Yeni Mecmua, Milhi Mecmua, Anadolu, Hayat and Varlık and Cumhuriyet newspaper.
After returning home from Paris in 1925, Necip Fazıl stayed in Ankara intermittently but during long periods and in his third visit he published a magazine called Ağaç on 14 March 1936 by providing the support of some banks. Ağaç, the writers of which included Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar, Ahmet Kutsi Tecer and Mustafa Şekip Tunç, decided to follow a spiritualist and idealist line on the contrary to the materialist and Marxian ideas supported by the writers such as Burhan Belge, Vedat Nedim Tör, Şevket Süreyya Aydemir and İsmail Husrev Tökin of closed Kadro magazine owned by Yakup Kadri and which influenced the intellectuals of the time greatly. Kısakürek later transferred to Ağaç magazine published during six volumes in Ankara to İstanbul, however, unable to establish a viable reader base, the magazine was closed at the 17th volume.
Necip Fazıl this time published the magazine called Büyük Doğu in 1943 which also had religious and political identity, fronted the rulers with Büyük Doğu that he published intermittently as weekly, daily and monthly until 1978, he was prosecuted because of his articles and publications and the magazine was closed several times. Particularly objecting to secularism and supporting Sultan Abdul Hamid II, Necip Fazıl gradually became one of the leaders of the Islamist section. It should be stated that as in Ağaç, the writers' cadre is quite cosmopolitan in the first volumes of Büyük Doğu as well. From Bedri Rahmi to Sait Faik, many signatures of the new literature are seen on the pages of the magazine.
However, as Necip Fazıl transformed Büyük Doğu into an outlet of particularly religious quarrel, these writers withdrew from the pages one after another. Upon the collection of Büyük Doğu in 1947, Necip Fazıl also published a political humor magazine called Borazan, which he could publish only three volumes between November-December.
[edit] Bibliography
[edit] Poetry
* Örümcek Ağı (1925) (Spider Web)
* Kaldırımlar (1928) (Pavements)
* Ben ve Ötesi (1932) (Me and the Rest)
* Sonsuzluk Kervanı (1955) (Caravan of Infinity)
* Çile (1962) (Pain)
* Şiirlerim (My poems) (1969)
* Esselâm (1973) (Welcome)
* Çile (1974) (Pain)
* Bu Yağmur (This rain)
[edit] Novels
* Aynadaki Yalan (1980) (The Lie in the Mirror)
* Kafa Kağıdı (1984-Published as a series in Milliyet newspaper)
[edit] Stories
* Birkaç Hikaye Birkaç Tahlil (1932) (Some Stories and Some Research)
* Ruh Burkuntularından Hikayeler (1964) (Stories From Broken Souls)
* Hikayelerim (1970) (My Stories)
[edit] Memoirs
* Cinnet Mustatili (1955) (Rectangle of the Possessed)
* Hac (1973) (Hajj)
* O ve Ben (1974) (It/He and I)
* Bâbıâli (1975) (The High Door)
[edit] See also
Necip Fazil Kisakurek see Kisakurek
Ahmet Necip Fazıl Kısakürek see Kisakurek
Kishk
Kishk (‘Abd al-Hamid Kishk) (Shaykh ‘Abd al-Hamid ‘Abd al-‘Aziz Muhammad Kishk) (Sheikh Abdul-Hamid Kishk) (1933 - December 6, 1996). Egyptian preacher, known to many of his followers as Shaykh ‘Abd al-Hamid. Born in 1933, in Shubrakhit, a village not far from Damanhur, Kishk went to school in Alexandria and became blind at the age of twelve. Graduating from the usul al-din (dogmatics) faculty of al-Azhar, he worked for some time in the service of the Egyptian awqaf (religious endowment) ministry as a mosque preacher and imam.
From May 5, 1964 until August 28, 1981, Kishk was an independent preacher in the ‘Ayn al-Hayah Mosque in Misr wa-’l-Sudan Street in the Cairene quarter known as Hada’iq al-Qubbahi. This mosque is also known as the Masjid al-Malik. It was from here that his fame and popularity spread. Under the regime of President Gamal Abdel Nasser (1952-1970), Kishk came into conflict with the authorities over several questions. For instance, he refused to give a fatwa that approved of the death sentence imposed by the regime on Sayyid Qutb in 1966; and he avoided answering the question of Arab socialism’s compatibility with Islam. By such attitudes he identified himself as a dissident, and he consequently spent time in prison.
Under the regime of Anwar el-Sadat (1970-1981), Kishk’s sermons became immensely popular. In these, he continued to criticize sharply any behavior that he regarded as a deviation from the norms of Islam. However, the regime was a little more tolerant of such criticisms, since it needed the support of the Islamic movement in the struggle against “communism and atheism.” Nevertheless, Shaykh Kishk, unlike Islamists such as Shaykh al-Sha‘rawi, did not appear on state run television or publish in the official printed media.
In spite of the official media boycott, Kishk’s sermons were widely distributed on cassette tapes, as were, in the same period, those by the Iranian leader Ayatollah Khomeini, who came to power in 1979. Hence, the Western media have sometimes called Kishk an Egyptian Khomeini. It is now more obvious than it was in the 1980s that the resemblance between the two men was superficial at best. Whereas Khomeini founded a revolutionary movement that came to power in Iran and survived the death of its founder by years, Kishk’s political views (as far as they can be found in his books) resemble a form of anarchism. He wrote, for instance, with great nostalgia about the days when there were no policemen to stop people and ask for their driver’s licenses, or frontier guards to ask for passports and entry or exit visas. Those were the days when the Muslims conquered the world, so Kishk wants his audience to remember.
Anarchism, obviously, is too strong and too Western a word to describe the traditional dislike for rulers and government officials in the Middle East and elsewhere. This common attitude is perhaps best put into words by Sa‘d Zaghlul (1857-1927); prime minister of Egypt from January to November 1924, who once remarked that Egypt’s citizens tend to look at their rulers in the same way a bird looks at the hunter.
The emphasis in Kishk’s preaching falls on personal and private piety, not on something as transitory as worldly power. The shaykh is occupied with the end of the world, the miracles of the Sufi saints, the metaphysics of the soul, eschatology, and death. Nevertheless, in a politically tense atmosphere the statements he makes about this world may easily be understood as veiled demands for the introduction of a theocracy, especially by those who are in favor, or in fear, of an Islamic theocracy. There can, however, be little doubt that many in the shaykh’s audiences, in the traditions of the Islamic quietist Sufi movements, are only superficially, or not at all, interested in political (Islamic) utopias.
“The believer’s creed must be compressed into: loving God,” Kishk once wrote. It is not plausible, although, admittedly possible, that such an emphasis on love, also known from Islamic mysticism, accompanies political ambitions, revolutionary schemes, and participation in the struggle for worldly power. Yet Kishk’s social criticisms may be thought to imply political consequences. In a sermon on December 12, 1980, he attacked not only Jews, Crhistians, lax Muslims, and a former rector of al-Azhar University, but also a soccer captain and a businessman who was reported to have presented his wife with an expensive coat. Since the shaykh was intermittently sent to jail, one has to assume that those in power were concerned about the force of such sweeping criticisms.
In the first days of September 1981, on the eve of the assassination of Sadat, which took place on October 6, Kishk was again thrown into prison. He shared this fate with 1,526 others of all political persuasions who were put under “precautionary arrest.” In anticipation of the publication of a complete official list of detainees, the first page of Al-ahram on September 4 noted the imprisonment of Kishk along with a small number of prominent Egyptians. In spite of controls on the media, the shaykh’s fame had clearly spread.
On January 24-25, 1982, Kishk was released from detention. In February, the Egyptian semi-official weekly devoted to religious affairs, Al-liwa’ al-islami, contained minor contributions by Kishk – an indication that a compromise with the regime of Hosni Mubarak had been reached. His books and cassette tapes were to be freely available (they still were in 1993), but his life as a public preacher was over – for the time being at least. His mosque in Cairo has since been transformed into a public health center.
Kishk’s uniqueness wss closely connected to the way in which he chanted his sermons. His voice expressed nostalgia for the Kingdom of Heaven in a way that moved many members of his audiences. According to Kishk, the greater jihad -- the greater struggle -- is a continuous struggle aimed at subduing one's baser nature and attuning oneself to God's moral standards. It is the basis for personal moral development, creating pious and philanthropic activisim, promoting justice and prosperity in society, while combating ignorance, injustice, and oppression. As a result of this greater jihad, Islam heals those societies which follow its guidance and are built on consciences which have been awakened and hearts which have been illuminated by the light of belief.
Kishk died on December 6, 1996.
'Abd al-Hamid Kishk see Kishk
Kishk, 'Abd al-Hamid see Kishk
'Abd al-Hamid 'Abd al-'Aziz Muhammad Kishk see Kishk
Sheikh Abdul-Hamid Kishk see Kishk
Kishk (‘Abd al-Hamid Kishk) (Shaykh ‘Abd al-Hamid ‘Abd al-‘Aziz Muhammad Kishk) (Sheikh Abdul-Hamid Kishk) (1933 - December 6, 1996). Egyptian preacher, known to many of his followers as Shaykh ‘Abd al-Hamid. Born in 1933, in Shubrakhit, a village not far from Damanhur, Kishk went to school in Alexandria and became blind at the age of twelve. Graduating from the usul al-din (dogmatics) faculty of al-Azhar, he worked for some time in the service of the Egyptian awqaf (religious endowment) ministry as a mosque preacher and imam.
From May 5, 1964 until August 28, 1981, Kishk was an independent preacher in the ‘Ayn al-Hayah Mosque in Misr wa-’l-Sudan Street in the Cairene quarter known as Hada’iq al-Qubbahi. This mosque is also known as the Masjid al-Malik. It was from here that his fame and popularity spread. Under the regime of President Gamal Abdel Nasser (1952-1970), Kishk came into conflict with the authorities over several questions. For instance, he refused to give a fatwa that approved of the death sentence imposed by the regime on Sayyid Qutb in 1966; and he avoided answering the question of Arab socialism’s compatibility with Islam. By such attitudes he identified himself as a dissident, and he consequently spent time in prison.
Under the regime of Anwar el-Sadat (1970-1981), Kishk’s sermons became immensely popular. In these, he continued to criticize sharply any behavior that he regarded as a deviation from the norms of Islam. However, the regime was a little more tolerant of such criticisms, since it needed the support of the Islamic movement in the struggle against “communism and atheism.” Nevertheless, Shaykh Kishk, unlike Islamists such as Shaykh al-Sha‘rawi, did not appear on state run television or publish in the official printed media.
In spite of the official media boycott, Kishk’s sermons were widely distributed on cassette tapes, as were, in the same period, those by the Iranian leader Ayatollah Khomeini, who came to power in 1979. Hence, the Western media have sometimes called Kishk an Egyptian Khomeini. It is now more obvious than it was in the 1980s that the resemblance between the two men was superficial at best. Whereas Khomeini founded a revolutionary movement that came to power in Iran and survived the death of its founder by years, Kishk’s political views (as far as they can be found in his books) resemble a form of anarchism. He wrote, for instance, with great nostalgia about the days when there were no policemen to stop people and ask for their driver’s licenses, or frontier guards to ask for passports and entry or exit visas. Those were the days when the Muslims conquered the world, so Kishk wants his audience to remember.
Anarchism, obviously, is too strong and too Western a word to describe the traditional dislike for rulers and government officials in the Middle East and elsewhere. This common attitude is perhaps best put into words by Sa‘d Zaghlul (1857-1927); prime minister of Egypt from January to November 1924, who once remarked that Egypt’s citizens tend to look at their rulers in the same way a bird looks at the hunter.
The emphasis in Kishk’s preaching falls on personal and private piety, not on something as transitory as worldly power. The shaykh is occupied with the end of the world, the miracles of the Sufi saints, the metaphysics of the soul, eschatology, and death. Nevertheless, in a politically tense atmosphere the statements he makes about this world may easily be understood as veiled demands for the introduction of a theocracy, especially by those who are in favor, or in fear, of an Islamic theocracy. There can, however, be little doubt that many in the shaykh’s audiences, in the traditions of the Islamic quietist Sufi movements, are only superficially, or not at all, interested in political (Islamic) utopias.
“The believer’s creed must be compressed into: loving God,” Kishk once wrote. It is not plausible, although, admittedly possible, that such an emphasis on love, also known from Islamic mysticism, accompanies political ambitions, revolutionary schemes, and participation in the struggle for worldly power. Yet Kishk’s social criticisms may be thought to imply political consequences. In a sermon on December 12, 1980, he attacked not only Jews, Crhistians, lax Muslims, and a former rector of al-Azhar University, but also a soccer captain and a businessman who was reported to have presented his wife with an expensive coat. Since the shaykh was intermittently sent to jail, one has to assume that those in power were concerned about the force of such sweeping criticisms.
In the first days of September 1981, on the eve of the assassination of Sadat, which took place on October 6, Kishk was again thrown into prison. He shared this fate with 1,526 others of all political persuasions who were put under “precautionary arrest.” In anticipation of the publication of a complete official list of detainees, the first page of Al-ahram on September 4 noted the imprisonment of Kishk along with a small number of prominent Egyptians. In spite of controls on the media, the shaykh’s fame had clearly spread.
On January 24-25, 1982, Kishk was released from detention. In February, the Egyptian semi-official weekly devoted to religious affairs, Al-liwa’ al-islami, contained minor contributions by Kishk – an indication that a compromise with the regime of Hosni Mubarak had been reached. His books and cassette tapes were to be freely available (they still were in 1993), but his life as a public preacher was over – for the time being at least. His mosque in Cairo has since been transformed into a public health center.
Kishk’s uniqueness wss closely connected to the way in which he chanted his sermons. His voice expressed nostalgia for the Kingdom of Heaven in a way that moved many members of his audiences. According to Kishk, the greater jihad -- the greater struggle -- is a continuous struggle aimed at subduing one's baser nature and attuning oneself to God's moral standards. It is the basis for personal moral development, creating pious and philanthropic activisim, promoting justice and prosperity in society, while combating ignorance, injustice, and oppression. As a result of this greater jihad, Islam heals those societies which follow its guidance and are built on consciences which have been awakened and hearts which have been illuminated by the light of belief.
Kishk died on December 6, 1996.
'Abd al-Hamid Kishk see Kishk
Kishk, 'Abd al-Hamid see Kishk
'Abd al-Hamid 'Abd al-'Aziz Muhammad Kishk see Kishk
Sheikh Abdul-Hamid Kishk see Kishk
Kizilbash
Kizilbash (Qizilbash) (Ottoman Turkish for "Crimson/Red Heads") (Qezelbash) (Qazilbash). Name given to Turkish tribal groups who supported the Safavids beginning in the fifteenth century of the Christian calendar, referring to the distinctive red headgear they wore. It is sometimes used to refer to both the Safavid religious ideology and the Safavids in general.
The Kizilbash originally consisted largely of converts to the Safavid cause from seven major Turkish uymaqs (loosely, “tribes”) but soon expanded to include most of the large uymaqs of the period. While in the early period one could become a Kizilbash simply by converting to the cause of the Safavids, in a short time (at least by Shah Isma’il’s reign at the beginning of the sixteenth century) membership in the Kizilbash was restricted to members of certain uymaqs.
The Kizil bash came to be a “closed class group with specific military functions” and were distinguished from all other members of the Safavid state. The terms Turk and Tajik were loosely employed to refer to the members of the Kizilbash and the predominantly Persian-speaking elite, respectively. The former, under the early Safavids, comprised the military and governmental elite of the state, but many Tajiks acquired major government positions in time, and the distinctions of the roles are not altogether clear. The term fell out of use with the end of the Safavid dynasty and became used almost exclusively for the heterodox Shi’ite religious beliefs espoused by the Safavids.
The description Kizilbash is still used in Afghanistan to refer to an urban middle class of Turkish origin believed to have immigrated originally during the reign of Nadir Shah. The largest community of Kizilbash in Afghanistan is in Kabul, but their population is undetermined.
Red Heads see Kizilbash
Qizilbash see Kizilbash
Crimson Heads see Kizilbash
Qezelbash see Kizilbash
Qazilbash see Kizilbash
Kizilbash (Qizilbash) (Ottoman Turkish for "Crimson/Red Heads") (Qezelbash) (Qazilbash). Name given to Turkish tribal groups who supported the Safavids beginning in the fifteenth century of the Christian calendar, referring to the distinctive red headgear they wore. It is sometimes used to refer to both the Safavid religious ideology and the Safavids in general.
The Kizilbash originally consisted largely of converts to the Safavid cause from seven major Turkish uymaqs (loosely, “tribes”) but soon expanded to include most of the large uymaqs of the period. While in the early period one could become a Kizilbash simply by converting to the cause of the Safavids, in a short time (at least by Shah Isma’il’s reign at the beginning of the sixteenth century) membership in the Kizilbash was restricted to members of certain uymaqs.
The Kizil bash came to be a “closed class group with specific military functions” and were distinguished from all other members of the Safavid state. The terms Turk and Tajik were loosely employed to refer to the members of the Kizilbash and the predominantly Persian-speaking elite, respectively. The former, under the early Safavids, comprised the military and governmental elite of the state, but many Tajiks acquired major government positions in time, and the distinctions of the roles are not altogether clear. The term fell out of use with the end of the Safavid dynasty and became used almost exclusively for the heterodox Shi’ite religious beliefs espoused by the Safavids.
The description Kizilbash is still used in Afghanistan to refer to an urban middle class of Turkish origin believed to have immigrated originally during the reign of Nadir Shah. The largest community of Kizilbash in Afghanistan is in Kabul, but their population is undetermined.
Red Heads see Kizilbash
Qizilbash see Kizilbash
Crimson Heads see Kizilbash
Qezelbash see Kizilbash
Qazilbash see Kizilbash
Kohistanis
Kohistanis. The remote valleys of the Indus, Swat and Dir Kohistan regions of northern Pakistan are a haven for numerous ethnic groups called by outsiders Kohistanis, “people of the mountains.” The unwritten Indo-Iranian languages spoken by these peoples indicate a common phylogenetic relationship, but beyond the scanty linguistic evidence little is known of their historical interrelationships. Some ten generations ago, they were converted from their polytheistic Aryan beliefs to Sunni Islam by Pushtun from Swat, who also displaced many of them from a formerly wider territory. Since then, the Pushtun have continued to exert considerable, cultural, economic and political influence over the less numerous Kohistanis.
"People of the Mountains" see Kohistanis.
Kohistanis. The remote valleys of the Indus, Swat and Dir Kohistan regions of northern Pakistan are a haven for numerous ethnic groups called by outsiders Kohistanis, “people of the mountains.” The unwritten Indo-Iranian languages spoken by these peoples indicate a common phylogenetic relationship, but beyond the scanty linguistic evidence little is known of their historical interrelationships. Some ten generations ago, they were converted from their polytheistic Aryan beliefs to Sunni Islam by Pushtun from Swat, who also displaced many of them from a formerly wider territory. Since then, the Pushtun have continued to exert considerable, cultural, economic and political influence over the less numerous Kohistanis.
"People of the Mountains" see Kohistanis.
Komiteh
Komiteh. Revolutionary committees active in the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the Komitehs arose in the fall of 1978 when students and young people formed neighborhood defense units against government backed clubwielders who attacked protesters and set fire to shops, stores, and schools. Initially, the Komitehs were comprised of individuals with differing political ideologies and were not directed by any central authority. Two processes brought them under the control of the fundamentalist clergy, who employed them as a coercive organ. First, many members who had supported a democratic revolutionary outcome voluntarily left these organizations in the face of increasing authoritarianism. Second, in the summer of 1979, the clergy initiated an ideological purge of the Komitehs, dismissing forty thousand who did not meet with their ideological approval. The purified Komiteh members were largely drawn from the lower middle class, urban poor, and recent rural migrants.
With the collapse of the monarchy in February 1979, the Komitehs mobilized offensively to arrest and punish officials of the shah’s regime. Many Komiteh members had armed themselves with weapons confiscated during attacks on army barracks in the last two days of the revolutionary conflicts in February. During the first six months of the Islamic Republic, the Komitehs arrested a large number of officials and executed more than 220 police and army officers, SAVAK (secret police officials), and politicians linked to the monarchy. Over the next five years, they imprisoned numerous non-political Baha’is, executing more than 200.
Liberal and nationalist political leaders who remained in the government, such as Prime Minister Mehdi Bazargan and President Abol-Hasan Bani Sadr, repeatedly complained about the arbitrary nature of Komiteh activities. There were even some large scale demonstrations in Tehran against the repressive measures taken by the Komitehs. In response to growing criticism, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini stated in late February 1979 that as soon as the government was in complete control of the cities, the Komitehs should relinquish their power and avoid involvement in government affairs. In mid-April, however, Khomeini, recognizing the threat posed by mounting social and ideological cleavages, modified his stand, declaring that the Komitehs needed purging, not dissolution. He stated that as long as corrupt individuals existed, there was a need for the Komitehs.
As the revolutionary coalition broke down and new conflicts emerged within the Islamic Republic, the Komitehs directed their attention against those who opposed fundamentalist rule. The Komitehs were significant in the dissolution of Workers’ Councils that sprang up in factories, the closure of colleges and universities throughout the country beginning in 1980, the repression of liberals aligned with President Bani Sadr in 1981, and the armed struggle against the socialist Islamic group, the Mujahidin-i Khalq, during the early 1980s. In addition, the Komitehs were instrumental in the arrest and execution of more than seven thousand leftist, Kurdish, and Turkmen opponents of the regime between 1981 and 1984.
By 1984, with the repression of the opposition virtually complete, the Komitehs moved out of the local mosques, where most of them had been headquartered. Their tasks were redefined and directed toward controlling smuggling and drug trafficking, and enforcing the use of the veil by women. In 1991, they were incorporated into the regular police force and ceased to exist as an independent entity.
Armed Islamic revolutionary group in Iran. Prior to merging with the official armed forces in 1991, the Komitehs (Islamic Revolutionary Committees) developed out of mosque-based revolutionaries in Tehran in 1978. Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini gave them official status in 1979, as did the Iranian majles (legislature) in 1983. The Komitehs served as a type of police force, combating drug trafficking, "immoral" behavior, as well as working against groups opposing the new regime.
Komiteh. Revolutionary committees active in the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the Komitehs arose in the fall of 1978 when students and young people formed neighborhood defense units against government backed clubwielders who attacked protesters and set fire to shops, stores, and schools. Initially, the Komitehs were comprised of individuals with differing political ideologies and were not directed by any central authority. Two processes brought them under the control of the fundamentalist clergy, who employed them as a coercive organ. First, many members who had supported a democratic revolutionary outcome voluntarily left these organizations in the face of increasing authoritarianism. Second, in the summer of 1979, the clergy initiated an ideological purge of the Komitehs, dismissing forty thousand who did not meet with their ideological approval. The purified Komiteh members were largely drawn from the lower middle class, urban poor, and recent rural migrants.
With the collapse of the monarchy in February 1979, the Komitehs mobilized offensively to arrest and punish officials of the shah’s regime. Many Komiteh members had armed themselves with weapons confiscated during attacks on army barracks in the last two days of the revolutionary conflicts in February. During the first six months of the Islamic Republic, the Komitehs arrested a large number of officials and executed more than 220 police and army officers, SAVAK (secret police officials), and politicians linked to the monarchy. Over the next five years, they imprisoned numerous non-political Baha’is, executing more than 200.
Liberal and nationalist political leaders who remained in the government, such as Prime Minister Mehdi Bazargan and President Abol-Hasan Bani Sadr, repeatedly complained about the arbitrary nature of Komiteh activities. There were even some large scale demonstrations in Tehran against the repressive measures taken by the Komitehs. In response to growing criticism, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini stated in late February 1979 that as soon as the government was in complete control of the cities, the Komitehs should relinquish their power and avoid involvement in government affairs. In mid-April, however, Khomeini, recognizing the threat posed by mounting social and ideological cleavages, modified his stand, declaring that the Komitehs needed purging, not dissolution. He stated that as long as corrupt individuals existed, there was a need for the Komitehs.
As the revolutionary coalition broke down and new conflicts emerged within the Islamic Republic, the Komitehs directed their attention against those who opposed fundamentalist rule. The Komitehs were significant in the dissolution of Workers’ Councils that sprang up in factories, the closure of colleges and universities throughout the country beginning in 1980, the repression of liberals aligned with President Bani Sadr in 1981, and the armed struggle against the socialist Islamic group, the Mujahidin-i Khalq, during the early 1980s. In addition, the Komitehs were instrumental in the arrest and execution of more than seven thousand leftist, Kurdish, and Turkmen opponents of the regime between 1981 and 1984.
By 1984, with the repression of the opposition virtually complete, the Komitehs moved out of the local mosques, where most of them had been headquartered. Their tasks were redefined and directed toward controlling smuggling and drug trafficking, and enforcing the use of the veil by women. In 1991, they were incorporated into the regular police force and ceased to exist as an independent entity.
Armed Islamic revolutionary group in Iran. Prior to merging with the official armed forces in 1991, the Komitehs (Islamic Revolutionary Committees) developed out of mosque-based revolutionaries in Tehran in 1978. Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini gave them official status in 1979, as did the Iranian majles (legislature) in 1983. The Komitehs served as a type of police force, combating drug trafficking, "immoral" behavior, as well as working against groups opposing the new regime.
Koprulu
Koprulu. Family of Ottoman viziers. The Koprulus originated in Albania; rose to prominence in the latter half of the seventeenth century and dominated Ottoman life for much of that period, bringing a halt for some time to the decline of the empire, instituting internal reforms and gaining new conquests. The leading members of the family -- the Koprulu family members who became Ottoman grand viziers -- were Koprulu Mehmed Pasha (1578? -1661); his elder son Koprulu Fadil Ahmed Pasha (Abu’l-‘Abbas) (1635-1676); his younger son Fadil Mustafa Pasha (1637-1691); ‘Amuja-zade Huseyin Pasha (d. 1702), nephew of Mehmed Pasha; and Nu‘man Pasha (1670-1719), the eldest son of Fadil Mustafa Pasha.
The Köprülü family (also Albanian: Qyprilliu) was an Ottoman noble family originating from Albania. The family provided six Grand Viziers, (including Kara Mustafa Pasha who was a stepson) with several others becoming high-ranking officers. Notable modern descendants include Mehmet Fuat Köprülü, a prominent historian of Turkish literature. Members of the family continue to live in Turkey or the United States.
In the history of the Ottoman Empire, the Köprülü Viziers have a reputation for dynamism in a state that would later show signs of decline and stagnation. The early viziers in particular focused on military campaigns that extended the Empire's power. This, however came to an end after the disastrous Battle of Vienna launched by Kara Mustafa Pasha
.
The name, life span, tenure as Grand Vizier and name of the Sultan served for the Koprulu viziers follows:
Köprülü Mehmet Pasha 1583–1661 1656–1661 Mehmed IV
Köprülü Fazıl Ahmet Pasha 1635–1676 1661–1676 Mehmed IV
Kara Mustafa Pasha (1) 1634–1683 1676–1683 Mehmed IV, Suleiman II
Köprülü Fazıl Mustafa Pasha 1637–1691 1689–1691 Suleiman II, Ahmed II
Köprülü Hüseyin Pasha died in 1702 1697–1702 Mustafa II
Köprülü Numan Pasha died in 1719 1710–1711 Ahmed III
Köprülü Abdullah Pasha died in 1735 1723–1735 Ahmed III, Mahmud I
(1) Kara Mustafa Pasha had been adopted by the Köprülü family and was the brother-in-law of Köprülü Fazıl Ahmet Pasha.
Qyprilliu see Koprulu.
Koprulu. Family of Ottoman viziers. The Koprulus originated in Albania; rose to prominence in the latter half of the seventeenth century and dominated Ottoman life for much of that period, bringing a halt for some time to the decline of the empire, instituting internal reforms and gaining new conquests. The leading members of the family -- the Koprulu family members who became Ottoman grand viziers -- were Koprulu Mehmed Pasha (1578? -1661); his elder son Koprulu Fadil Ahmed Pasha (Abu’l-‘Abbas) (1635-1676); his younger son Fadil Mustafa Pasha (1637-1691); ‘Amuja-zade Huseyin Pasha (d. 1702), nephew of Mehmed Pasha; and Nu‘man Pasha (1670-1719), the eldest son of Fadil Mustafa Pasha.
The Köprülü family (also Albanian: Qyprilliu) was an Ottoman noble family originating from Albania. The family provided six Grand Viziers, (including Kara Mustafa Pasha who was a stepson) with several others becoming high-ranking officers. Notable modern descendants include Mehmet Fuat Köprülü, a prominent historian of Turkish literature. Members of the family continue to live in Turkey or the United States.
In the history of the Ottoman Empire, the Köprülü Viziers have a reputation for dynamism in a state that would later show signs of decline and stagnation. The early viziers in particular focused on military campaigns that extended the Empire's power. This, however came to an end after the disastrous Battle of Vienna launched by Kara Mustafa Pasha
.
The name, life span, tenure as Grand Vizier and name of the Sultan served for the Koprulu viziers follows:
Köprülü Mehmet Pasha 1583–1661 1656–1661 Mehmed IV
Köprülü Fazıl Ahmet Pasha 1635–1676 1661–1676 Mehmed IV
Kara Mustafa Pasha (1) 1634–1683 1676–1683 Mehmed IV, Suleiman II
Köprülü Fazıl Mustafa Pasha 1637–1691 1689–1691 Suleiman II, Ahmed II
Köprülü Hüseyin Pasha died in 1702 1697–1702 Mustafa II
Köprülü Numan Pasha died in 1719 1710–1711 Ahmed III
Köprülü Abdullah Pasha died in 1735 1723–1735 Ahmed III, Mahmud I
(1) Kara Mustafa Pasha had been adopted by the Köprülü family and was the brother-in-law of Köprülü Fazıl Ahmet Pasha.
Qyprilliu see Koprulu.
Koprulu, Mehmed Fuad
Koprulu, Mehmed Fuad (Mehmed Fuad Koprulu) (Mehmet Fuat Koprulu) (Koprulu-zade) (December 5, 1890 - June 28, 1966). Turkish scholar. He was a pioneer of Turkish studies in the modern sense known for his contributions to Ottoman history, Turkish folklore and language. His works include Origins of the Ottoman Empire, The Seljuks of Anatolia, and Islam in Anatolia After the Turkish Invasion.
Mehmed Fuad Koprulu see Koprulu, Mehmed Fuad
Koprulu-zade see Koprulu, Mehmed Fuad
Mehmet Fuat Koprulu see Koprulu, Mehmed Fuad
Koprulu, Mehmed Fuad (Mehmed Fuad Koprulu) (Mehmet Fuat Koprulu) (Koprulu-zade) (December 5, 1890 - June 28, 1966). Turkish scholar. He was a pioneer of Turkish studies in the modern sense known for his contributions to Ottoman history, Turkish folklore and language. His works include Origins of the Ottoman Empire, The Seljuks of Anatolia, and Islam in Anatolia After the Turkish Invasion.
Mehmed Fuad Koprulu see Koprulu, Mehmed Fuad
Koprulu-zade see Koprulu, Mehmed Fuad
Mehmet Fuat Koprulu see Koprulu, Mehmed Fuad
Koreans
Koreans. Islam was introduced to Korea by the contingent of Turkish troops who fought under the United Nations flag during the Korean War, 1950-1953. Two Turkish imams accompanying the troops responded to the interest of a small group of South Koreans living near their encampment. The imams instructed them in religious knowledge and the practice of Islam, setting aside a special tent to serve as a mosque and school. In September 1955, some thirty Koreans officially embraced Islam.
The new converts, in turn, attracted other followers among their countrymen. A temporaray mosque was constructed near Seoul in 1957, and by 1959 the first Korean Muslims had made the hajj, visiting various Islamic countries on the way to and from Mecca to spread the news of the growing community of Muslims in Korea. In 1963, Malaysian officials visiting the Republic of Korea made contact with Korean Muslims, resulting in the Malaysian prime minister donating funds to support the continued propagation of the faith. Before long, religious teachers from South Asia and the Middle East joined the missionary work.
The Korean Muslim Federation was organized in 1965 and was officially registered within the government’s Ministry of Culture and Information two years later. At that time, the federation had nearly 3,000 members, and one of the earliest converts, Hadji Sabri Suh, was its first president. In June 1967, the federation began publishing the Korean Islam Herald, a bimonthly and bilingual (Korean and English) newspaper, as an important instrument for the promotion of Islam. The Korean government in 1970 donated land on the outskirts of Seoul for the construction of an Islamic Center and Mosque, and a year later a delegation of Korean Muslims traveled abroad to raise funds for the proposed building. Contributions came from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Abu Dabi, Libya, Morocco, Qatar and the World Muslim League. By May 1976, the beautiful and impressive center was completed, and 55 delegates from 21 Islamic countries attended the opening ceremony.
Since its opening, the Islamic Center in Seoul has been the headquarters of the Korean Muslim Federation and the base for a variety of outreach activities such as preaching, teaching, publishing and social work. It has attracted many inquirers, a large percentage of whom have become Muslims.
One of the most dramatic instances of growth in Korean Islam is the conversion of almost the entire village of Ssan Ryung in the Kyung-gi District, some 30 miles southeast of Seoul. A native of the village, Abdullah Jeun Duck Lin, embraced Islam in 1977 while teaching in a Seoul secondary school. He returned to Ssang Ryung filled with quiet fervor to share his new faith with his relatives and neighbors.
In September 1980, the Korean Muslim Federation opened another impressive Islamic Center and Mosque in Pusan, Korea’s second largest city. Like the center in Seoul, this center provided an effective base for spreading Islam.
Koreans. Islam was introduced to Korea by the contingent of Turkish troops who fought under the United Nations flag during the Korean War, 1950-1953. Two Turkish imams accompanying the troops responded to the interest of a small group of South Koreans living near their encampment. The imams instructed them in religious knowledge and the practice of Islam, setting aside a special tent to serve as a mosque and school. In September 1955, some thirty Koreans officially embraced Islam.
The new converts, in turn, attracted other followers among their countrymen. A temporaray mosque was constructed near Seoul in 1957, and by 1959 the first Korean Muslims had made the hajj, visiting various Islamic countries on the way to and from Mecca to spread the news of the growing community of Muslims in Korea. In 1963, Malaysian officials visiting the Republic of Korea made contact with Korean Muslims, resulting in the Malaysian prime minister donating funds to support the continued propagation of the faith. Before long, religious teachers from South Asia and the Middle East joined the missionary work.
The Korean Muslim Federation was organized in 1965 and was officially registered within the government’s Ministry of Culture and Information two years later. At that time, the federation had nearly 3,000 members, and one of the earliest converts, Hadji Sabri Suh, was its first president. In June 1967, the federation began publishing the Korean Islam Herald, a bimonthly and bilingual (Korean and English) newspaper, as an important instrument for the promotion of Islam. The Korean government in 1970 donated land on the outskirts of Seoul for the construction of an Islamic Center and Mosque, and a year later a delegation of Korean Muslims traveled abroad to raise funds for the proposed building. Contributions came from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Abu Dabi, Libya, Morocco, Qatar and the World Muslim League. By May 1976, the beautiful and impressive center was completed, and 55 delegates from 21 Islamic countries attended the opening ceremony.
Since its opening, the Islamic Center in Seoul has been the headquarters of the Korean Muslim Federation and the base for a variety of outreach activities such as preaching, teaching, publishing and social work. It has attracted many inquirers, a large percentage of whom have become Muslims.
One of the most dramatic instances of growth in Korean Islam is the conversion of almost the entire village of Ssan Ryung in the Kyung-gi District, some 30 miles southeast of Seoul. A native of the village, Abdullah Jeun Duck Lin, embraced Islam in 1977 while teaching in a Seoul secondary school. He returned to Ssang Ryung filled with quiet fervor to share his new faith with his relatives and neighbors.
In September 1980, the Korean Muslim Federation opened another impressive Islamic Center and Mosque in Pusan, Korea’s second largest city. Like the center in Seoul, this center provided an effective base for spreading Islam.
Koroghlu
Koroghlu (Koroglu) (Gorogly). Rebel of the Anatolian Jelali movement in the sixteenth century and the hero of a popular romance.
In Azerbaijani, "Koroghlu" means "Son of a Blind Man" and, in Turkish, it means "Son of Grave." In the popular Azerbaijani and Turkish literature, Koroghlu is the main hero of the epic of the same name. The epic tells about the life and heroic deeds of Koroghlu, a hero of the people who struggled against unjust rulers. The epic combines the occasional romance with Robin Hood like chivalry.
Koroghlu, literally Turkish, Azerbaijani meaning "Son of a Blind Man" and Turkmen language meaning "Son of Grave," is the main hero of an epic with the same name in Azerbaijani and Turkish as well as some other Turkic languages. The epic tells about the life and heroic deeds of Koroghlu as a hero of the people who struggled against unjust rulers. The epic combines the occasional romance with Robin Hood-like chivalry.
The story has been told for many generations by the Ashik bards of Azerbaijan and Turkey and was written down mostly in the 18th century.
"Son of a Blind Man" see Koroghlu
"Son of Grave" see Koroghlu
Koroglu see Koroghlu
Gorogly see Koroghlu
Koroghlu (Koroglu) (Gorogly). Rebel of the Anatolian Jelali movement in the sixteenth century and the hero of a popular romance.
In Azerbaijani, "Koroghlu" means "Son of a Blind Man" and, in Turkish, it means "Son of Grave." In the popular Azerbaijani and Turkish literature, Koroghlu is the main hero of the epic of the same name. The epic tells about the life and heroic deeds of Koroghlu, a hero of the people who struggled against unjust rulers. The epic combines the occasional romance with Robin Hood like chivalry.
Koroghlu, literally Turkish, Azerbaijani meaning "Son of a Blind Man" and Turkmen language meaning "Son of Grave," is the main hero of an epic with the same name in Azerbaijani and Turkish as well as some other Turkic languages. The epic tells about the life and heroic deeds of Koroghlu as a hero of the people who struggled against unjust rulers. The epic combines the occasional romance with Robin Hood-like chivalry.
The story has been told for many generations by the Ashik bards of Azerbaijan and Turkey and was written down mostly in the 18th century.
"Son of a Blind Man" see Koroghlu
"Son of Grave" see Koroghlu
Koroglu see Koroghlu
Gorogly see Koroghlu
Kosem Walide
Kosem Walide (Kosem Sultana) (Mahpaykar) (c. 1589-1651). Wife of the Ottoman sultan Ahmed I and the mother of the sultans of Murad IV and Ibrahim I. She was Greek by birth, and achieved power in the first place through the harem, exercising a decisive influence in the state during the reigns of her two sons and of her grandson Muhammad IV.
The Sultana Kosem exerted her greatest influence over the Ottoman Empire during the reign of her deranged son Ibrahim I (1640-1648). With the help of the grand vizier, Mustafa Pasha, the Ottoman Empire was hers to rule. The feeble Ibrahim, was entirely absorbed in the joys of the harem, and was, therefore, devoured by lust and debauchery. The French came to call Ibrahim “Le Fou de Fourrures” because of his obsession with furs. Furs were everywhere in the harem.
Ibrahim searched the Empire for its fattest woman. She was an Armenian and Ibrahim became infatuated with her, even to the extent of declaring her to be the Governor General of Damascus. Ibrahim’s favorite ladies were allowed to take what they pleased from the bazaars, while Ibrahim’s sisters were reduced to serving the odalisques -- the slaves. In one night of madness, Ibrahim had his entire harem put in sacks and drowned.
Tales of Ibrahim’s madness spread over the empire, finally provoking the janissaries to mutiny. They marched to the Gates of Felicity and demanded the Sultan’s head. Kosem pleaded with them for several hours. Kosem finally surrendered when the janissaries promised not to kill Ibrahim but rather to re-confine him in the Golden Cage.
Once back in the Golden Cage, Ibrahim became a raving lunatic. His cries pierced through the thick walls day and night. Ten days after his incarceration, he was strangled by order of the mufti -- the chief imam.
Upon Ibrahim’s deposition, Ibrahim’s seven year old son, Muhammad (Mehmet), by Turhan Sultana, became the new sultan. However, Kosem, Muhammad’s grandmother, had no intention of relinquishing power or the office of valide sultana to either Muhammad or Turhan. Kosem refused to leave the Grand Seraglio. She refused to move to the House of Tears. Instead, she schemed to have Muhammad poisoned, so that she could elevate to the throne a young orphan prince whom she could manipulate.
By 1651, a state of war existed within the Grand Seraglio between the Kosem and Turhan camps. The janissaries supported Kosem but the new grand vizier, Koprulu Mehmed Pasha, and the rest of the palace administration favored Turhan.
Kosem conspired to admit the janissaries into the harem one night to kill the young sultan and his mother. However, Turhan had been tipped off concerning the conspiracy. Instead of her loyal janissaries, Kosem found herself confronted by the eunuch corps which was supporting Turhan and which was there to take her life.
Kosem suddenly went mad. She began stuffing precious jewels into her pockets and fled through the intricate mazes of the harem which she had known so well. Kosem crept into a small cabinet, hoping that the eunuchs would go past her and that she could hide until her janissaries came to her rescue. But a piece of her skirt caught in the door, betraying her hiding place. The eunuchs dragged her out, tore off her clothes, and took her jewels. Kosem tried to fight back, but she was only an old women struggling against the eunuchs. One of the eunuchs strangled Kosem with a curtain. After she had gasped her last breath, Kosem’s naked, bleeding body was dragged outside and flaunted before the janissaries.
Kosem had enjoyed the longest reign of any of the harem women. She had reigned there for almost fifty years.
As for Turhan, with her son a child, she assumed absolute power. While she was well liked in the harem, Turhan was a simple woman, unsophisticated in state affairs. With her death in 1687, the Reign of Women came to an end.
Kosem Sultana see Kosem Walide
Mahpaykar see Kosem Walide
Kosem Walide (Kosem Sultana) (Mahpaykar) (c. 1589-1651). Wife of the Ottoman sultan Ahmed I and the mother of the sultans of Murad IV and Ibrahim I. She was Greek by birth, and achieved power in the first place through the harem, exercising a decisive influence in the state during the reigns of her two sons and of her grandson Muhammad IV.
The Sultana Kosem exerted her greatest influence over the Ottoman Empire during the reign of her deranged son Ibrahim I (1640-1648). With the help of the grand vizier, Mustafa Pasha, the Ottoman Empire was hers to rule. The feeble Ibrahim, was entirely absorbed in the joys of the harem, and was, therefore, devoured by lust and debauchery. The French came to call Ibrahim “Le Fou de Fourrures” because of his obsession with furs. Furs were everywhere in the harem.
Ibrahim searched the Empire for its fattest woman. She was an Armenian and Ibrahim became infatuated with her, even to the extent of declaring her to be the Governor General of Damascus. Ibrahim’s favorite ladies were allowed to take what they pleased from the bazaars, while Ibrahim’s sisters were reduced to serving the odalisques -- the slaves. In one night of madness, Ibrahim had his entire harem put in sacks and drowned.
Tales of Ibrahim’s madness spread over the empire, finally provoking the janissaries to mutiny. They marched to the Gates of Felicity and demanded the Sultan’s head. Kosem pleaded with them for several hours. Kosem finally surrendered when the janissaries promised not to kill Ibrahim but rather to re-confine him in the Golden Cage.
Once back in the Golden Cage, Ibrahim became a raving lunatic. His cries pierced through the thick walls day and night. Ten days after his incarceration, he was strangled by order of the mufti -- the chief imam.
Upon Ibrahim’s deposition, Ibrahim’s seven year old son, Muhammad (Mehmet), by Turhan Sultana, became the new sultan. However, Kosem, Muhammad’s grandmother, had no intention of relinquishing power or the office of valide sultana to either Muhammad or Turhan. Kosem refused to leave the Grand Seraglio. She refused to move to the House of Tears. Instead, she schemed to have Muhammad poisoned, so that she could elevate to the throne a young orphan prince whom she could manipulate.
By 1651, a state of war existed within the Grand Seraglio between the Kosem and Turhan camps. The janissaries supported Kosem but the new grand vizier, Koprulu Mehmed Pasha, and the rest of the palace administration favored Turhan.
Kosem conspired to admit the janissaries into the harem one night to kill the young sultan and his mother. However, Turhan had been tipped off concerning the conspiracy. Instead of her loyal janissaries, Kosem found herself confronted by the eunuch corps which was supporting Turhan and which was there to take her life.
Kosem suddenly went mad. She began stuffing precious jewels into her pockets and fled through the intricate mazes of the harem which she had known so well. Kosem crept into a small cabinet, hoping that the eunuchs would go past her and that she could hide until her janissaries came to her rescue. But a piece of her skirt caught in the door, betraying her hiding place. The eunuchs dragged her out, tore off her clothes, and took her jewels. Kosem tried to fight back, but she was only an old women struggling against the eunuchs. One of the eunuchs strangled Kosem with a curtain. After she had gasped her last breath, Kosem’s naked, bleeding body was dragged outside and flaunted before the janissaries.
Kosem had enjoyed the longest reign of any of the harem women. She had reigned there for almost fifty years.
As for Turhan, with her son a child, she assumed absolute power. While she was well liked in the harem, Turhan was a simple woman, unsophisticated in state affairs. With her death in 1687, the Reign of Women came to an end.
Kosem Sultana see Kosem Walide
Mahpaykar see Kosem Walide
Kotal
Kotal (d. 1545). Founder of the Hausa state of Kebbi, which dominated Hausaland in the early sixteenth century. He was a local chief who became the first kanta (ruler) of Kebbi after he built up an army and subjugated the western Hausa states (around 1512). In 1514 to 1515, he joined Askia Muhammad, ruler of Songhay, to conquer the Tuareg to the north. The two quarrelled over division of spoils, and Kotal defeated Muhammad in battle, frustrating Songhay’s ambitions to control Hausaland. Later (around 1535), Askia Muhammad Bunkan of Songhay attacked him, but suffered a major defeat. Kotal established hs capital at Surame and ruled the Hausa states through a tribute system. Around 1545, he defeated the forces of ‘Ali ibn Idris of Bornu, but was killed in Katsina on the way home. He was succeeded by his son, Muhammad (Hamadu).
Kotal (d. 1545). Founder of the Hausa state of Kebbi, which dominated Hausaland in the early sixteenth century. He was a local chief who became the first kanta (ruler) of Kebbi after he built up an army and subjugated the western Hausa states (around 1512). In 1514 to 1515, he joined Askia Muhammad, ruler of Songhay, to conquer the Tuareg to the north. The two quarrelled over division of spoils, and Kotal defeated Muhammad in battle, frustrating Songhay’s ambitions to control Hausaland. Later (around 1535), Askia Muhammad Bunkan of Songhay attacked him, but suffered a major defeat. Kotal established hs capital at Surame and ruled the Hausa states through a tribute system. Around 1545, he defeated the forces of ‘Ali ibn Idris of Bornu, but was killed in Katsina on the way home. He was succeeded by his son, Muhammad (Hamadu).
Kotoko
Kotoko. People of Africa living south of Lake Chad. In the sixteenth century, the northern principalities, Makari and Afade, were brought under the cultural and Islamic influence of the Kanuri, while the ruler of the southern Kotoko was converted to Islam towards the end of the eighteenth century. Most of the Kotoko are now considered Muslims, and the number of those more fully committed to Islam grows steadily.
The Kotoko are primarily a riverine townspeople residing in Cameroon, Chad and Nigeria. They live along the Logone River from Bongor to Kusseri, the Chari River below Lake Chad and such rivers and tributaries as the Makari, Mani, Kusseri, Logone-Birni and Logone-Gana. There are three Kotoko villages near the Chadian capital of N’Djamena, and a member of the group is prominent in the government, but his power is limited because his ethnic backing is relatively small.
The Kotoko appear to be descendants of the Sao. At least, the Sao were there before them -- and about everyone else in this part of Africa. The Sao are said to have been giants with extraordinary strength who apparently settled in the Chari River region as far back as the fifth century. Archaeologists have found some 637 settlements in mounds, complete with ceramics, tools, weapons and statuettes. It appears the Sao were able to resist attacks by migrating groups and did not disappear until the rise of the Bornu Empire in the sixteenth century.
The modern history of the Kotoko is blended with that of the Bornu Empire, of which they were vassals or, sometimes, allies. In their fortified towns (with enormous walls sometimes 30 feet high and miles in length) along the Chari River they were able to defend themselves against the encroachments of outsiders. They claim ownership to all the land around each city, controlling its lands (and charging fees for its use) and traffic on the river, for which they charge tolls.
Legends, usually involving mythical Sao hunters, are rife about the founders of the various Kotoko towns. The leader of one town was presumably a snake whose accession to power symbolized the failure of the Sao.
Islam came to the Kotoko probably in the sixteenth century during the rise of the Bornu Empire with its many Muslim traders and mallamai (clerics). The Kusseri, (those who live along the Kusseri River) only adopted Islam in the eighteenth century.
Kotoko. People of Africa living south of Lake Chad. In the sixteenth century, the northern principalities, Makari and Afade, were brought under the cultural and Islamic influence of the Kanuri, while the ruler of the southern Kotoko was converted to Islam towards the end of the eighteenth century. Most of the Kotoko are now considered Muslims, and the number of those more fully committed to Islam grows steadily.
The Kotoko are primarily a riverine townspeople residing in Cameroon, Chad and Nigeria. They live along the Logone River from Bongor to Kusseri, the Chari River below Lake Chad and such rivers and tributaries as the Makari, Mani, Kusseri, Logone-Birni and Logone-Gana. There are three Kotoko villages near the Chadian capital of N’Djamena, and a member of the group is prominent in the government, but his power is limited because his ethnic backing is relatively small.
The Kotoko appear to be descendants of the Sao. At least, the Sao were there before them -- and about everyone else in this part of Africa. The Sao are said to have been giants with extraordinary strength who apparently settled in the Chari River region as far back as the fifth century. Archaeologists have found some 637 settlements in mounds, complete with ceramics, tools, weapons and statuettes. It appears the Sao were able to resist attacks by migrating groups and did not disappear until the rise of the Bornu Empire in the sixteenth century.
The modern history of the Kotoko is blended with that of the Bornu Empire, of which they were vassals or, sometimes, allies. In their fortified towns (with enormous walls sometimes 30 feet high and miles in length) along the Chari River they were able to defend themselves against the encroachments of outsiders. They claim ownership to all the land around each city, controlling its lands (and charging fees for its use) and traffic on the river, for which they charge tolls.
Legends, usually involving mythical Sao hunters, are rife about the founders of the various Kotoko towns. The leader of one town was presumably a snake whose accession to power symbolized the failure of the Sao.
Islam came to the Kotoko probably in the sixteenth century during the rise of the Bornu Empire with its many Muslim traders and mallamai (clerics). The Kusseri, (those who live along the Kusseri River) only adopted Islam in the eighteenth century.
Kubra, Shaykh Abu’l-Jannab
Kubra, Shaykh Abu’l-Jannab (Shaykh Abu’l-Jannab Kubra) (Najm al-Din Kubra) (1145-1221). Eponymous founder of the Kubrawiyya Sufi order. The order was one of the major ones of the Mongol period in Central Asia and Khurasan.
Najm al-Din Kubra was one of the leading shaykhs of Sufism. He was born in Khwarazm. In his youth, he traveled widely but spent a significant amount of time in Egypt under the mentorship of Shaykh Ruzbahan Misri, a Sufi master who also became Najm al-Din's father-in-law.
Najm al-Din left Egypt and returned to Khwarazm where he set up a hospice (khaniqah) and founded a number of Sufi orders. He trained many disciples who later became Sufi saints (wali) and teachers (murshid). Historians report that he was martyred, along with his disciples, on the tenth of Jamadi al-'Awwal in 1221, while defending his city against the attack by the Mongols.
There are eight works attributed to Najm al-Din Kubra, one of which Fi adab al-salikin ("The Rules of the Wayfarers"), resides in the Asian Museum. .
Shaykh Abu'l-Jannab Kubra see Kubra, Shaykh Abu’l-Jannab
Najm al-Din Kubra see Kubra, Shaykh Abu’l-Jannab
Kubra, Najm al-Din see Kubra, Shaykh Abu’l-Jannab
Kubra, Shaykh Abu’l-Jannab (Shaykh Abu’l-Jannab Kubra) (Najm al-Din Kubra) (1145-1221). Eponymous founder of the Kubrawiyya Sufi order. The order was one of the major ones of the Mongol period in Central Asia and Khurasan.
Najm al-Din Kubra was one of the leading shaykhs of Sufism. He was born in Khwarazm. In his youth, he traveled widely but spent a significant amount of time in Egypt under the mentorship of Shaykh Ruzbahan Misri, a Sufi master who also became Najm al-Din's father-in-law.
Najm al-Din left Egypt and returned to Khwarazm where he set up a hospice (khaniqah) and founded a number of Sufi orders. He trained many disciples who later became Sufi saints (wali) and teachers (murshid). Historians report that he was martyred, along with his disciples, on the tenth of Jamadi al-'Awwal in 1221, while defending his city against the attack by the Mongols.
There are eight works attributed to Najm al-Din Kubra, one of which Fi adab al-salikin ("The Rules of the Wayfarers"), resides in the Asian Museum. .
Shaykh Abu'l-Jannab Kubra see Kubra, Shaykh Abu’l-Jannab
Najm al-Din Kubra see Kubra, Shaykh Abu’l-Jannab
Kubra, Najm al-Din see Kubra, Shaykh Abu’l-Jannab
Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza
Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza (Mirza Kucak Khan Jangali) (Mirza Kuchak Khan) (Mīrzā Kūchik Khān) (Shaykh Yunus) (1880 - December 2, 1921). Persian revolutionary from Rasht. He took an active interest in the idea of Pan-Islamism, and proclaimed the Socialist Republic of Gilan ("The Red Republic of the Jungle") in 1920.
Kucak Khan was born Yunus (Younes), son of Mirza "Bozorg" (meaning "big", i.e., "Senior" in Persian), and was thus nicknamed Mirza "Kucak" (meaning "small", i.e., "Junior" in Persian) in the city of Rasht in northern Iran. He was the founder of a revolutionary movement based in the forest of Gilan in northern Iran that became known as the Nehzat-e Jangal ("Jungle movement"). This movement was an uprising against the monarchist rule of the Qajar central government of Iran. The uprising began in 1914 and lasted until 1921 when government forces led by Reza Khan crushed the dispersed forces of the "Jungle Republic."
Mirza Kucak Khan and his Russian companion were left alone in the Khalkhal mountains where they died of frostbite. His body was decapitated by a local landlord and his head was displayed in Rasht to establish the government's new hegemony over revolution and revolutionary ideas.
Today, Mirza Kucak Khan is considered to be a national hero in modern Iranian history.
Mirza Kucak Khan Jangali see Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza
Jangali, Mirza Kucak Khan see Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza
Shaykh Yunus see Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza
Yunus see Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza
Mirza Kuchak Khan see Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza
Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza (Mirza Kucak Khan Jangali) (Mirza Kuchak Khan) (Mīrzā Kūchik Khān) (Shaykh Yunus) (1880 - December 2, 1921). Persian revolutionary from Rasht. He took an active interest in the idea of Pan-Islamism, and proclaimed the Socialist Republic of Gilan ("The Red Republic of the Jungle") in 1920.
Kucak Khan was born Yunus (Younes), son of Mirza "Bozorg" (meaning "big", i.e., "Senior" in Persian), and was thus nicknamed Mirza "Kucak" (meaning "small", i.e., "Junior" in Persian) in the city of Rasht in northern Iran. He was the founder of a revolutionary movement based in the forest of Gilan in northern Iran that became known as the Nehzat-e Jangal ("Jungle movement"). This movement was an uprising against the monarchist rule of the Qajar central government of Iran. The uprising began in 1914 and lasted until 1921 when government forces led by Reza Khan crushed the dispersed forces of the "Jungle Republic."
Mirza Kucak Khan and his Russian companion were left alone in the Khalkhal mountains where they died of frostbite. His body was decapitated by a local landlord and his head was displayed in Rasht to establish the government's new hegemony over revolution and revolutionary ideas.
Today, Mirza Kucak Khan is considered to be a national hero in modern Iranian history.
Mirza Kucak Khan Jangali see Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza
Jangali, Mirza Kucak Khan see Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza
Shaykh Yunus see Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza
Yunus see Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza
Mirza Kuchak Khan see Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza
Kucuk Sa‘id Pasha
Kucuk Sa‘id Pasha (Kucuk Mehmet Sait Pasha -- "Mehmet Sait Pasha the Small") (1830-1914). Ottoman statesman and editor of the Turkish newspaper Jerid-i-Havadis. He was seven times the Grand Vizier under Sultan Abdulhamid II, and once in the Young Turk era. He was known for his opposition to the extension of foreign influence in Turkey.
Küçük Mehmet Sait Pasha became first secretary to Sultan Abdul Hamid II shortly after the Sultan's accession, and is said to have contributed to the realizations of his majesty's design of concentrating power in his own hands. Later he became successively minister of the interior and then governor of Bursa, reaching the high post of grand vizier in 1879. He was grand vizier seven more times under Abdul Hamid, and once under his successor, Mehmed V Reşat. He was known for his opposition to the extension of foreign influence in Turkey.
In 1896, he took refuge at the British embassy at Istanbul, and, though then assured of his personal liberty and safety, remained practically a prisoner in his own house. He came into temporary prominence again during the revolution of 1908. On July 22, he succeeded Fuat Pasha as grand vizier, but on August 6 was replaced by the more liberal Kamil Pasha, at the insistence of the young Turkish committee. During the Italian crisis in 1911-12 he was again called to the grand-viziership.
Kucuk Mehmet Sait Pasha see Kucuk Sa‘id Pasha
Mehmet Sait Pasha the Small see Kucuk Sa‘id Pasha
Kucuk Sa‘id Pasha (Kucuk Mehmet Sait Pasha -- "Mehmet Sait Pasha the Small") (1830-1914). Ottoman statesman and editor of the Turkish newspaper Jerid-i-Havadis. He was seven times the Grand Vizier under Sultan Abdulhamid II, and once in the Young Turk era. He was known for his opposition to the extension of foreign influence in Turkey.
Küçük Mehmet Sait Pasha became first secretary to Sultan Abdul Hamid II shortly after the Sultan's accession, and is said to have contributed to the realizations of his majesty's design of concentrating power in his own hands. Later he became successively minister of the interior and then governor of Bursa, reaching the high post of grand vizier in 1879. He was grand vizier seven more times under Abdul Hamid, and once under his successor, Mehmed V Reşat. He was known for his opposition to the extension of foreign influence in Turkey.
In 1896, he took refuge at the British embassy at Istanbul, and, though then assured of his personal liberty and safety, remained practically a prisoner in his own house. He came into temporary prominence again during the revolution of 1908. On July 22, he succeeded Fuat Pasha as grand vizier, but on August 6 was replaced by the more liberal Kamil Pasha, at the insistence of the young Turkish committee. During the Italian crisis in 1911-12 he was again called to the grand-viziership.
Kucuk Mehmet Sait Pasha see Kucuk Sa‘id Pasha
Mehmet Sait Pasha the Small see Kucuk Sa‘id Pasha
Kufr
Kufr. Arabic word meaning “covering or concealing” as in the covering or concealing of God’s blessings. The word kufr has become synonymous with unbelief and unfaithfulness. An infidel -- an unbeliever -- is a kafir. Kufr and its synonyms are very frequently encountered in the Qur’an, where “ingratitude” is sometimes the basic meaning. The kafir will go to Jahannam -- to "Hell."
In the hadith, Muhammad is reported to have said: “When one commits fornication he is not a believer, when one steals he is not a believer, when one drinks wine he is not a believer, when one takes plunder on account of which men raise their eyes at him he is not a believer, and when one of you defrauds he is not a believer; so beware, beware!”
In early Islam, there was much controversy over what made one a kafir. Muhammad declared that even charging a fellow Muslim with kufr brings the same sin down on one’s own head if the accusation proves unfounded. It is common nonetheless to encounter denunciations of fellow Muslims as kafirs in the literature of theological dispute. The lawbooks consider the kafir to be unclean, but Jews and Christians are generally regarded less harshly in this respect, being People of the Book -- ahl al-kitab.
Kufr. Arabic word meaning “covering or concealing” as in the covering or concealing of God’s blessings. The word kufr has become synonymous with unbelief and unfaithfulness. An infidel -- an unbeliever -- is a kafir. Kufr and its synonyms are very frequently encountered in the Qur’an, where “ingratitude” is sometimes the basic meaning. The kafir will go to Jahannam -- to "Hell."
In the hadith, Muhammad is reported to have said: “When one commits fornication he is not a believer, when one steals he is not a believer, when one drinks wine he is not a believer, when one takes plunder on account of which men raise their eyes at him he is not a believer, and when one of you defrauds he is not a believer; so beware, beware!”
In early Islam, there was much controversy over what made one a kafir. Muhammad declared that even charging a fellow Muslim with kufr brings the same sin down on one’s own head if the accusation proves unfounded. It is common nonetheless to encounter denunciations of fellow Muslims as kafirs in the literature of theological dispute. The lawbooks consider the kafir to be unclean, but Jews and Christians are generally regarded less harshly in this respect, being People of the Book -- ahl al-kitab.
Kulayni, al-
Kulayni, al- (al-Kulini),Abu Ja‘far Muhammad) (Abu Ja‘far Muhammad al-Kulayni) (Muhammad ibn Ya'qub al-Kulayni) (Abu Ja'far Muhammad ibn Ya'qub ibn Ishaq al-Kulayni al-Razi) (Thiqat ul-Islam) (864- 940/941). Imami transmitter of hadith. His work, known as al-Kafi, is mostly a collection of hadith of the Imams. It gained popularity through the influence of Muhammad ibn al-Hasan al-Tusi, and came to be considered one of the most authoritative collections of hadith on which Imami jurisprudence is based.
Al-Kulayni's work had great influence on his contemporaries and on successive generations, especially among the followers of the Shi'a Imamia faith. He took up the work of compiling hadith for the sake of arming believers with a sufficient body of traditions that could serve as a guide. While he did not write commentaries on the traditions, his preference in the traditions emphasizing reason and knowledge demonstrate his inclination towards rationalism. His work and his ratioonalistic approach in dealing with various problems paved the way for future generations in such varied fields as Islamic Science and Philosophy. This may be one of the reasons why the Shi'a have been at the forefront of developments in Islamic Science and Philosophy even though they are a historical minority.
Al-Kulayni's work and contributions include:
* Kitab al-Kafi / al-shafi (Usul al-Kafi al-shafi) - is the book of traditions.
* Kitab al-Rijal - is the assessment of persons as authorities on traditions.
* al-Radd 'ala 'l-Qaramata - "Refutation of the Carmatians",
* Rasa' il al-a'immata - "Letters of the Imams" and an anthology of poetry about the Shia Imams. Of these only Kitab al-Kafi has survived. It has eight chapters or kutubs (sing: kitab). Each kitab is divided into sections.
Kulini, al- see Kulayni, al-
Abu Ja'far Muhammad see Kulayni, al-
Abu Ja'far Muhammad al-Kulayni see Kulayni, al-
Muhammad ibn Ya'qub al-Kulayni see Kulayni, al-
Abu Ja'far Muhammad ibn Ya'qub ibn Ishaq al-Kulayni al-Razi see Kulayni, al-
Thiqat ul-Islam see Kulayni, al-
Kulayni, al- (al-Kulini),Abu Ja‘far Muhammad) (Abu Ja‘far Muhammad al-Kulayni) (Muhammad ibn Ya'qub al-Kulayni) (Abu Ja'far Muhammad ibn Ya'qub ibn Ishaq al-Kulayni al-Razi) (Thiqat ul-Islam) (864- 940/941). Imami transmitter of hadith. His work, known as al-Kafi, is mostly a collection of hadith of the Imams. It gained popularity through the influence of Muhammad ibn al-Hasan al-Tusi, and came to be considered one of the most authoritative collections of hadith on which Imami jurisprudence is based.
Al-Kulayni's work had great influence on his contemporaries and on successive generations, especially among the followers of the Shi'a Imamia faith. He took up the work of compiling hadith for the sake of arming believers with a sufficient body of traditions that could serve as a guide. While he did not write commentaries on the traditions, his preference in the traditions emphasizing reason and knowledge demonstrate his inclination towards rationalism. His work and his ratioonalistic approach in dealing with various problems paved the way for future generations in such varied fields as Islamic Science and Philosophy. This may be one of the reasons why the Shi'a have been at the forefront of developments in Islamic Science and Philosophy even though they are a historical minority.
Al-Kulayni's work and contributions include:
* Kitab al-Kafi / al-shafi (Usul al-Kafi al-shafi) - is the book of traditions.
* Kitab al-Rijal - is the assessment of persons as authorities on traditions.
* al-Radd 'ala 'l-Qaramata - "Refutation of the Carmatians",
* Rasa' il al-a'immata - "Letters of the Imams" and an anthology of poetry about the Shia Imams. Of these only Kitab al-Kafi has survived. It has eight chapters or kutubs (sing: kitab). Each kitab is divided into sections.
Kulini, al- see Kulayni, al-
Abu Ja'far Muhammad see Kulayni, al-
Abu Ja'far Muhammad al-Kulayni see Kulayni, al-
Muhammad ibn Ya'qub al-Kulayni see Kulayni, al-
Abu Ja'far Muhammad ibn Ya'qub ibn Ishaq al-Kulayni al-Razi see Kulayni, al-
Thiqat ul-Islam see Kulayni, al-
Kumayt ibn Zayd al-Asadi, al-
Kumayt ibn Zayd al-Asadi, al- (680-743). Arab poet of Kufa. His renown, maintained by Shi‘a circles, rests on his praises aimed principally at the Prophet and at ‘Ali and his descendants.
Al-Kumayt lamented, in his poetry, that the Umayyad caliphs were not swearing allegiance to the Prophet, but rather to themselves. For this criticism, al-Kumayt was imprisoned by the Umayyads and later murdered. The poems of al-Kumayt are highly regarded by the Shi'a, in particular his lengthy composition, al-Hashimiyyat, which is among the earliest literary records of a distinctive Muslim piety towards the ahl al-bayt, the Prophet and his family.
Al-Kumayt ibn Zayd al-Asadi was an Arab poet from Kufa that used the language of the Bedouins to write poems in praise of the Umayyads, as well as ‘Ali and his family (The Great Revolutionary...). He was a schoolteacher at a local mosque until he was encouraged to write poetry instead. He wrote several series of poems including: his Mudhahhaba, his Malhama, and, arguably his most famous series, the Hashimayyat. Al-Kumayt was imprisoned by the caliph for his writings and escaped through the help of his wife. He later received a pardon from the caliph and was allowed to return to Kufa. While going to recite a poem, al-Kumayt was attacked by his Yemeni guards and killed. It is believed that the Hashimayyat and it’s supposedly pro-‘Ali poetry led to his assassination. While much of his poetry is controversial, it is generally not disputed that he wrote well of both the ‘Alids and the Umayyads.
Asadi, al-Kumayt ibn Zayd al- see Kumayt ibn Zayd al-Asadi, al-
Kumayt ibn Zayd al-Asadi, al- (680-743). Arab poet of Kufa. His renown, maintained by Shi‘a circles, rests on his praises aimed principally at the Prophet and at ‘Ali and his descendants.
Al-Kumayt lamented, in his poetry, that the Umayyad caliphs were not swearing allegiance to the Prophet, but rather to themselves. For this criticism, al-Kumayt was imprisoned by the Umayyads and later murdered. The poems of al-Kumayt are highly regarded by the Shi'a, in particular his lengthy composition, al-Hashimiyyat, which is among the earliest literary records of a distinctive Muslim piety towards the ahl al-bayt, the Prophet and his family.
Al-Kumayt ibn Zayd al-Asadi was an Arab poet from Kufa that used the language of the Bedouins to write poems in praise of the Umayyads, as well as ‘Ali and his family (The Great Revolutionary...). He was a schoolteacher at a local mosque until he was encouraged to write poetry instead. He wrote several series of poems including: his Mudhahhaba, his Malhama, and, arguably his most famous series, the Hashimayyat. Al-Kumayt was imprisoned by the caliph for his writings and escaped through the help of his wife. He later received a pardon from the caliph and was allowed to return to Kufa. While going to recite a poem, al-Kumayt was attacked by his Yemeni guards and killed. It is believed that the Hashimayyat and it’s supposedly pro-‘Ali poetry led to his assassination. While much of his poetry is controversial, it is generally not disputed that he wrote well of both the ‘Alids and the Umayyads.
Asadi, al-Kumayt ibn Zayd al- see Kumayt ibn Zayd al-Asadi, al-
Kumyk
Kumyk. The largest Turkic group in the Daghestan region is the Kumyk, whose territory includes the northeast Caucasus Mountains between the Terek and Samur rivers. While most remain agriculturalists, many have moved to the cities, especially Makhachkala, on the Caspian Sea.
The Kumyk appear to have their origins in the large waves of Turkic and Mongolian peoples who began pushing westward across the great steppes of Central Asia as early as the fifth century of the Christian calendar. As early as the middle of the eighth century, they located where many of them live today. It is possible that the Kumyk were part of the Kazi-Kumyk (Lak) Confederation, which had its capital in the town of Kumuk. Prior to their Islamization, the Kumyk were pagans, shamanists, Jews and Christians. The Arab geographer, Mas’udi, recorded that a Christian Kumyk state existed under Khazar domination in the ninth and tenth centuries.
The Kumyk were part of the Kuman-Polovtsi-Khazar-Kipchak-Turkic Confederation, which occupied the great steppes north of the Black and Caspian seas from the eighth to the sixteenth century. They separated from these larger confederations and were pushed to the lowlands of the North Caucasus steppes in the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries.
In the thirteenth century, as the Golden Horde empire was consolidating in the southern steppes of Russia, the Kumyk were pushed into the areas where they live today. Forced into geographically more cramped quarters and among non-Turkic peoples, the Kumyk began to emerge as a community with a distinct sense of identity, if not yet a nationality. Also at this time, the Kumyk began to convert to Islam, again largely through the influence of the Golden Horde. The pressure from the Golden Horde on the Kumyk to become Muslims became particularly intense after Ozbek, the Khan of the Golden Horde, converted to Islam in 1313.
During the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the Kumyk were part of the Kazi-Kumyk (Lak) principality, one of the three feudal principalities controlling Daghestan. When the leader, Shamkhol Choban, died in 1578, the Laks refused to accept the rule of his son, Sultan-But, and the center of government was moved to Buynaksh (Boynak), a major city of the Kumyk. This development further strengthened the Kumyk and allowed them to play an important role in the ensuing battles between the sons of Shamkhol Choban as well as against the advances of the Russians in the last decades of the sixteenth century, forcing the Russians to retreat temporarily in 1604. In 1640, Makhachkala became the capital of the principality. In spite of and because of the persistent Russian invasions, the Kumyk-centered principality acknowledged the sovereignty of the Safavid dynasty of Persia throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Oddly enough, it was not the direct threat and conquests of the Russians which weakened the Kumyk-centered principality but its involvement in wars with fellow Caucasians, the Kabardins and the Georgians. As a result of these intra-Caucasus wars, the Kumyk principality lost control of the lands between the Terek and Sulak rivers and lands which were largely settled by Kumyk themselves. Throughout the seventeenth century, the Kumyk participated in the wars between Russian and Ottoman empires as vassals of the Crimean Khanate.
Peter the Great (1689-1725), the first great Russian czar who sought to modernize the Russian Empire, occupied Derbend in 1722 and defeated the ailing Safavid dynasty of Persia. Peter the Great defeated the Ottomans as well, and by the Treaty of 1724 Russia secured rights to the western littoral of the Caspian Sea, which in effect ended the independence of the Kumyk principality. From this date onwards, the fortunes of the Kumyk began to decline, and by 1765 they controlled only the long strip of land along the coast. Nevertheless, despite the demise of their independence, the inability of any successor to consolidate power in Persia and the dire straits of the Ottoman Empire after the shattering rebellion of Patrona Halil in 1730 allowed the Kumyk to maintain a good deal of autonomy over their affairs.
The most significant event of nineteenth century Caucasian history was the heroic resistance of Shah Shamil (d. 1871), often referred to as the Imam, a title which reflected the messianic furor with which he fought against the Russian advances into the Caucasus during the years 1834 to 1869. The increase in the strength of the Naqshbandiyya, a militant Islamic brotherhood, in the nineteenth century additionally served as a rallying point for the forces of Shah Shamil. While the main leaders of the Shah Shamil rebellion were Avars and Chechens, many other peoples of the Caucasus joined his cause, notable among them the Kumyk. The Shah Shamil resistance movement to the Russians was the greatest Islamic and Turkic response to the Russians until the Basmachi rebellions against the Soviets after the Russian Revolution. At times Shah Shamil tied up the entire Russian armed forces. During the Crimean War (1853-1856) the Russians were forced to station nearly 250,000 men in the Caucasus, which greatly contributed to their defeat. Shah Shamil surrendered to the Russians on September 6, 1859, and this date also marks the incorporation of the Kumyk and other Daghestani peoples into the Russian empire.
Some Kumyk played a role in the early revolutionary movements which occurred in Russia in 1904-1905, especialy in Derbend. Kumyk participation in workers’ movements was influenced by the urbanization and industrialization which the Caucasus was undergoing during the twentieth century, especially in Makhachkala and Derbend and the oil-related industries in those two cities. In spite of some Kumyk participation in these revolutionary movements, most Kumyk preferred an Islamic/Turkic nationalism to communism or national socialism. On the eve of the Russian Revolution, the Kumyk played an important role in the North Caucasus peoples’ move for independence. Influenced by their deep involvement in the industrialization of the western coast of the Caspian Sea, most Kumyk favored a Turkic independence movement over an Islamic one. The common language to be adopted was Kumyk or Azeri, which would have given the Turkic peoples of the Caucasus solid linguistic ties and access to the literature of the Pan-Turanism movements centered in Baku, Kazan and the Crimea. By April 1918, after a protracted conflict with the Islamists, the Turkic group of nationalists proved successful and consolidated their ranks with the Bolsheviks, which shortly thereafter were defeated by General Bicherahov’s White Army equipped by the British in Iran. In 1920, the Bolsheviks re-established themselves in Daghestan, where the Eleventh Army defeated General Denikin’s White Army and forced the Islamists led by Imam Gotinski to retreat to the mountains. The Kumyk on January 20, 1921, became part of the Soviet system of government.
The vast majority of Kumyk are Sunni Muslims of the Hanafi school. Some, however, especially in the cities of Makhachkala and Derbend who have had close contact with the Azeri, are Shi'a.
Yirchi Kazak (born in 1830 or 1839) is considered the father of Kumyk literature. Some of his original work is incorporated in a volume of poetry and letters edited by the Kumyk author, Osmanov Muhammad (1840-1904) and published in 1873 in Saint Petersburg under the title, Collection of Nogay and Kumyk Folksongs. His volume includes pieces written after the Crimean War and reflects ideas of Kumyk scholars in the latter nineteenth century. The Kumyk established a press in Buynaksk early in the latter nineteenth century. The Kumyk established a press in Buynaksk early in the twentieth century, which contributed to strengthening the Kumyk language. Two of the most important and significant prose writers were Nuray Batirnurzayov and his son Zeynel-abid, both of whom wrote many works before they were shot by the White Russian forces on September 18, 1919. The literary journal Tang-Cholpan ("Morning Star") which they established had a lasting effect on Kumyk literature.
Kumyk. The largest Turkic group in the Daghestan region is the Kumyk, whose territory includes the northeast Caucasus Mountains between the Terek and Samur rivers. While most remain agriculturalists, many have moved to the cities, especially Makhachkala, on the Caspian Sea.
The Kumyk appear to have their origins in the large waves of Turkic and Mongolian peoples who began pushing westward across the great steppes of Central Asia as early as the fifth century of the Christian calendar. As early as the middle of the eighth century, they located where many of them live today. It is possible that the Kumyk were part of the Kazi-Kumyk (Lak) Confederation, which had its capital in the town of Kumuk. Prior to their Islamization, the Kumyk were pagans, shamanists, Jews and Christians. The Arab geographer, Mas’udi, recorded that a Christian Kumyk state existed under Khazar domination in the ninth and tenth centuries.
The Kumyk were part of the Kuman-Polovtsi-Khazar-Kipchak-Turkic Confederation, which occupied the great steppes north of the Black and Caspian seas from the eighth to the sixteenth century. They separated from these larger confederations and were pushed to the lowlands of the North Caucasus steppes in the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries.
In the thirteenth century, as the Golden Horde empire was consolidating in the southern steppes of Russia, the Kumyk were pushed into the areas where they live today. Forced into geographically more cramped quarters and among non-Turkic peoples, the Kumyk began to emerge as a community with a distinct sense of identity, if not yet a nationality. Also at this time, the Kumyk began to convert to Islam, again largely through the influence of the Golden Horde. The pressure from the Golden Horde on the Kumyk to become Muslims became particularly intense after Ozbek, the Khan of the Golden Horde, converted to Islam in 1313.
During the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the Kumyk were part of the Kazi-Kumyk (Lak) principality, one of the three feudal principalities controlling Daghestan. When the leader, Shamkhol Choban, died in 1578, the Laks refused to accept the rule of his son, Sultan-But, and the center of government was moved to Buynaksh (Boynak), a major city of the Kumyk. This development further strengthened the Kumyk and allowed them to play an important role in the ensuing battles between the sons of Shamkhol Choban as well as against the advances of the Russians in the last decades of the sixteenth century, forcing the Russians to retreat temporarily in 1604. In 1640, Makhachkala became the capital of the principality. In spite of and because of the persistent Russian invasions, the Kumyk-centered principality acknowledged the sovereignty of the Safavid dynasty of Persia throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Oddly enough, it was not the direct threat and conquests of the Russians which weakened the Kumyk-centered principality but its involvement in wars with fellow Caucasians, the Kabardins and the Georgians. As a result of these intra-Caucasus wars, the Kumyk principality lost control of the lands between the Terek and Sulak rivers and lands which were largely settled by Kumyk themselves. Throughout the seventeenth century, the Kumyk participated in the wars between Russian and Ottoman empires as vassals of the Crimean Khanate.
Peter the Great (1689-1725), the first great Russian czar who sought to modernize the Russian Empire, occupied Derbend in 1722 and defeated the ailing Safavid dynasty of Persia. Peter the Great defeated the Ottomans as well, and by the Treaty of 1724 Russia secured rights to the western littoral of the Caspian Sea, which in effect ended the independence of the Kumyk principality. From this date onwards, the fortunes of the Kumyk began to decline, and by 1765 they controlled only the long strip of land along the coast. Nevertheless, despite the demise of their independence, the inability of any successor to consolidate power in Persia and the dire straits of the Ottoman Empire after the shattering rebellion of Patrona Halil in 1730 allowed the Kumyk to maintain a good deal of autonomy over their affairs.
The most significant event of nineteenth century Caucasian history was the heroic resistance of Shah Shamil (d. 1871), often referred to as the Imam, a title which reflected the messianic furor with which he fought against the Russian advances into the Caucasus during the years 1834 to 1869. The increase in the strength of the Naqshbandiyya, a militant Islamic brotherhood, in the nineteenth century additionally served as a rallying point for the forces of Shah Shamil. While the main leaders of the Shah Shamil rebellion were Avars and Chechens, many other peoples of the Caucasus joined his cause, notable among them the Kumyk. The Shah Shamil resistance movement to the Russians was the greatest Islamic and Turkic response to the Russians until the Basmachi rebellions against the Soviets after the Russian Revolution. At times Shah Shamil tied up the entire Russian armed forces. During the Crimean War (1853-1856) the Russians were forced to station nearly 250,000 men in the Caucasus, which greatly contributed to their defeat. Shah Shamil surrendered to the Russians on September 6, 1859, and this date also marks the incorporation of the Kumyk and other Daghestani peoples into the Russian empire.
Some Kumyk played a role in the early revolutionary movements which occurred in Russia in 1904-1905, especialy in Derbend. Kumyk participation in workers’ movements was influenced by the urbanization and industrialization which the Caucasus was undergoing during the twentieth century, especially in Makhachkala and Derbend and the oil-related industries in those two cities. In spite of some Kumyk participation in these revolutionary movements, most Kumyk preferred an Islamic/Turkic nationalism to communism or national socialism. On the eve of the Russian Revolution, the Kumyk played an important role in the North Caucasus peoples’ move for independence. Influenced by their deep involvement in the industrialization of the western coast of the Caspian Sea, most Kumyk favored a Turkic independence movement over an Islamic one. The common language to be adopted was Kumyk or Azeri, which would have given the Turkic peoples of the Caucasus solid linguistic ties and access to the literature of the Pan-Turanism movements centered in Baku, Kazan and the Crimea. By April 1918, after a protracted conflict with the Islamists, the Turkic group of nationalists proved successful and consolidated their ranks with the Bolsheviks, which shortly thereafter were defeated by General Bicherahov’s White Army equipped by the British in Iran. In 1920, the Bolsheviks re-established themselves in Daghestan, where the Eleventh Army defeated General Denikin’s White Army and forced the Islamists led by Imam Gotinski to retreat to the mountains. The Kumyk on January 20, 1921, became part of the Soviet system of government.
The vast majority of Kumyk are Sunni Muslims of the Hanafi school. Some, however, especially in the cities of Makhachkala and Derbend who have had close contact with the Azeri, are Shi'a.
Yirchi Kazak (born in 1830 or 1839) is considered the father of Kumyk literature. Some of his original work is incorporated in a volume of poetry and letters edited by the Kumyk author, Osmanov Muhammad (1840-1904) and published in 1873 in Saint Petersburg under the title, Collection of Nogay and Kumyk Folksongs. His volume includes pieces written after the Crimean War and reflects ideas of Kumyk scholars in the latter nineteenth century. The Kumyk established a press in Buynaksk early in the latter nineteenth century. The Kumyk established a press in Buynaksk early in the twentieth century, which contributed to strengthening the Kumyk language. Two of the most important and significant prose writers were Nuray Batirnurzayov and his son Zeynel-abid, both of whom wrote many works before they were shot by the White Russian forces on September 18, 1919. The literary journal Tang-Cholpan ("Morning Star") which they established had a lasting effect on Kumyk literature.
Kunta
Kunta. Arabic speaking group from the southern Sahara (specifically Mali and Mauritania). Originally from Touat, the Kunta were, beginning in the eighteenth century, a religious and commercial force whose influence was felt throughout most of West Africa. They introduced the Qadiriyya to the southern Sahara.
The Kunta family (the Awlad Sidi al-Wafi) is among the best-known examples of a lineage of Islamic scholarship with widespread influence throughout Mauritania, Senegambia, and other parts of the Western Sudan.
The Kunta shaykhs and the family or clan they represent, are an outgrowth of the Kounta Bedouin peoples (likely of Berber origins) who spread throughout what is today northern Mali and southern Mauritania from the mid-sixteenth to the early eighteenth centuries of the Christian calendar.
The family's history goes back to Sheikh Sidi Ahmad al-Bakka'i (d.1504) who established a Qadiri zawiya (Sufi residence) in Walata. In the 16th century, the family spread across the Sahara to Timbuktu, Agades, Bornu, Hausaland, and other places, and in the 18th century large numbers of Kunta moved to the region of the middle Niger where they established the village of Mabruk. Sidi al-Mukhtar al-Kunti (1728-1811) united the Kunta factions by successful negotiation, and established an extensive confederation. Under his influence the Maliki school of Islamic law was reinvigorated and the Qadiriyyah order spread throughout Mauritania, the middle Niger region, Guinea, the Ivory Coast, Futa Toro, and Futa Jallon. Kunta colonies in the Senegambian region became centers of Muslim teaching.
The Kunta family has historically played a leading role in Timbuktu, and have been power brokers in many states of the upper Niger.
Kunta. Arabic speaking group from the southern Sahara (specifically Mali and Mauritania). Originally from Touat, the Kunta were, beginning in the eighteenth century, a religious and commercial force whose influence was felt throughout most of West Africa. They introduced the Qadiriyya to the southern Sahara.
The Kunta family (the Awlad Sidi al-Wafi) is among the best-known examples of a lineage of Islamic scholarship with widespread influence throughout Mauritania, Senegambia, and other parts of the Western Sudan.
The Kunta shaykhs and the family or clan they represent, are an outgrowth of the Kounta Bedouin peoples (likely of Berber origins) who spread throughout what is today northern Mali and southern Mauritania from the mid-sixteenth to the early eighteenth centuries of the Christian calendar.
The family's history goes back to Sheikh Sidi Ahmad al-Bakka'i (d.1504) who established a Qadiri zawiya (Sufi residence) in Walata. In the 16th century, the family spread across the Sahara to Timbuktu, Agades, Bornu, Hausaland, and other places, and in the 18th century large numbers of Kunta moved to the region of the middle Niger where they established the village of Mabruk. Sidi al-Mukhtar al-Kunti (1728-1811) united the Kunta factions by successful negotiation, and established an extensive confederation. Under his influence the Maliki school of Islamic law was reinvigorated and the Qadiriyyah order spread throughout Mauritania, the middle Niger region, Guinea, the Ivory Coast, Futa Toro, and Futa Jallon. Kunta colonies in the Senegambian region became centers of Muslim teaching.
The Kunta family has historically played a leading role in Timbuktu, and have been power brokers in many states of the upper Niger.
Kurani, Ibrahim ibn al-Shahrazuri al-
Kurani, Ibrahim ibn al-Shahrazuri al- (Ibrahim ibn al-Shahrazuri al-Kurani) (1615-1690). Scholar and mystic of Kurdistan. Because of his special relationship with the Achehnese ‘Abd al-Ra’uf al-Sinkili, he had an important influence on the development of Islam in what is now Indonesia.
Ibrahim al-Kurani is one of the prominent Kurdish Muslim scholars. He became a grand shaykh in Medina. His intellectual thoughts of Sufism strongly influenced a number of his Malay-Indonesian students, including 'Abd al-Ra'uf al-Sinkili (Abdrurrauf ibn Ali al-Jawi).
Al-Kurani was a Sufi 'alim, and also a prolific writer, who mastered both esoteric and exoteric Islamic knowledge. His works involve various Islamic fields such as tafsir, hadith, fiqh, theology and Sufism. It is estimated that al-Kurani's works number close to 100.
Ibrahim ibn al-Shahrazurial-Kurani see Kurani, Ibrahim ibn al-Shahrazuri al-
Kurani, Ibrahim ibn al-Shahrazuri al- (Ibrahim ibn al-Shahrazuri al-Kurani) (1615-1690). Scholar and mystic of Kurdistan. Because of his special relationship with the Achehnese ‘Abd al-Ra’uf al-Sinkili, he had an important influence on the development of Islam in what is now Indonesia.
Ibrahim al-Kurani is one of the prominent Kurdish Muslim scholars. He became a grand shaykh in Medina. His intellectual thoughts of Sufism strongly influenced a number of his Malay-Indonesian students, including 'Abd al-Ra'uf al-Sinkili (Abdrurrauf ibn Ali al-Jawi).
Al-Kurani was a Sufi 'alim, and also a prolific writer, who mastered both esoteric and exoteric Islamic knowledge. His works involve various Islamic fields such as tafsir, hadith, fiqh, theology and Sufism. It is estimated that al-Kurani's works number close to 100.
Ibrahim ibn al-Shahrazurial-Kurani see Kurani, Ibrahim ibn al-Shahrazuri al-
Kurbuqa, Abu Sa‘id
Kurbuqa, Abu Sa‘id (Abu Sa‘id Kurbuqa) (Abu Sa'id Kur-bugha) (d. 1102). Turkish commander of the Saljuq period and lord of Mosul.
Abu Sa'id Kurbuqa see Kurbuqa, Abu Sa‘id
Kur-bugha, Abu Sa'id see Kurbuqa, Abu Sa‘id
Abu Sa'id Kur-bugha see Kurbuqa, Abu Sa‘id
Kurbuqa, Abu Sa‘id (Abu Sa‘id Kurbuqa) (Abu Sa'id Kur-bugha) (d. 1102). Turkish commander of the Saljuq period and lord of Mosul.
Abu Sa'id Kurbuqa see Kurbuqa, Abu Sa‘id
Kur-bugha, Abu Sa'id see Kurbuqa, Abu Sa‘id
Abu Sa'id Kur-bugha see Kurbuqa, Abu Sa‘id
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