Lemano
Lemano (Liamano). In Brazil, the spiritual and temporal head of Muslim slaves brought over during the colonial period. He was the supreme chief and master of worship among the Hausa and Fulani blacks. In religious ceremonies, the lemano directed the prayers and the reading of the Qur’an, while a chorus of women chanted in Arabic.
Liamano see Lemano
Lemano (Liamano). In Brazil, the spiritual and temporal head of Muslim slaves brought over during the colonial period. He was the supreme chief and master of worship among the Hausa and Fulani blacks. In religious ceremonies, the lemano directed the prayers and the reading of the Qur’an, while a chorus of women chanted in Arabic.
Liamano see Lemano
Leo Africanus
Leo Africanus (Joannes Leo Africanus) (Hasan ibn Muhammad al-Wazzan al-Fasi) (1488/1494-1552/1554). Name by which the author of the Descrittione dell’ Africa (The History and Description of Africa and the Notable Things Therein Contained) is generally known. His original name is al-Hasan ibn Muhammad al-Wazzan al-Zayyati (or al-Hasan ibn Muhammad al-Wizaz al-Fasi). He was born in (Granada) Spain to a wealthy family which moved to Fez after the Christian conquest of Spain in 1492. Leo Africanus was educated in Fez. He attended the University of al-Karaouine. He left there to travel in North Africa, working as a clerk and a notary.
As a young man, Leo Africanus accompanied his uncle on diplomatic missions throughout the Maghreb, reaching as far south as Timbuktu. Between 1510 and 1513, he travelled into the Sudanic region of West and Central Africa, crossing the desert via Sijilmasa, Taghaza and Timbuktu. He visited the Songhay empire at its zenith, as well as, Mali, the Hausa states, and the Bulala state which occupied the former Kanem empire. Returning from the pilgrimage to Mecca, he was captured by Sicilian corsairs (Christian pirates) near Tunis and taken to Rome. There he was presented to Pope Leo X. Leo Africanus had carried with him an Arabic draft of his Descrittione. Pope Leo recognizing this achievement, freed Leo Africanus and baptized him in 1520. He was given the name Giovanni Leoni, but became known as Leo Africanus.
He completed his book in 1526; it was published in Italian in 1550 and in English in 1660. The work was of seminal value, although Leo perpetuated the error of al-Idrisi in asserting that the Niger River flowed from east to west. The error was not corrected until Mungo Park saw the Niger in 1796. A misreading of Leo Africanus is also largely responsible for the vaunted reputation which Timbuktu had among Europeans in later years.
Before 1550, Leo Africanus returned to Tunis, and probably spent the last years of his life practicing his ancestral faith, Islam. The Descrittione remained for centuries a major source of the Islamic world, and is still cited by historians and geographers of Africa. As an explorer of Western and Central Sudanic regions, Leo Africanus was the most important chronicler of that part of Africa between Ibn Battuta (c.1350) and the nineteenth century European explorers.
Africanus, Leo see Leo Africanus
Africanus, Joannes Leo see Leo Africanus
Hasan ibn Muhammad al-Wazzan al-Fasi see Leo Africanus
Fasi, Hasan ibn Muhammad al-Wazzan al- see Leo Africanus
Zayyati, al-Hasan ibn Muhammad al-Wazzan al- see Leo Africanus
Leoni, Giovanni see Leo Africanus
Leo Africanus (Joannes Leo Africanus) (Hasan ibn Muhammad al-Wazzan al-Fasi) (1488/1494-1552/1554). Name by which the author of the Descrittione dell’ Africa (The History and Description of Africa and the Notable Things Therein Contained) is generally known. His original name is al-Hasan ibn Muhammad al-Wazzan al-Zayyati (or al-Hasan ibn Muhammad al-Wizaz al-Fasi). He was born in (Granada) Spain to a wealthy family which moved to Fez after the Christian conquest of Spain in 1492. Leo Africanus was educated in Fez. He attended the University of al-Karaouine. He left there to travel in North Africa, working as a clerk and a notary.
As a young man, Leo Africanus accompanied his uncle on diplomatic missions throughout the Maghreb, reaching as far south as Timbuktu. Between 1510 and 1513, he travelled into the Sudanic region of West and Central Africa, crossing the desert via Sijilmasa, Taghaza and Timbuktu. He visited the Songhay empire at its zenith, as well as, Mali, the Hausa states, and the Bulala state which occupied the former Kanem empire. Returning from the pilgrimage to Mecca, he was captured by Sicilian corsairs (Christian pirates) near Tunis and taken to Rome. There he was presented to Pope Leo X. Leo Africanus had carried with him an Arabic draft of his Descrittione. Pope Leo recognizing this achievement, freed Leo Africanus and baptized him in 1520. He was given the name Giovanni Leoni, but became known as Leo Africanus.
He completed his book in 1526; it was published in Italian in 1550 and in English in 1660. The work was of seminal value, although Leo perpetuated the error of al-Idrisi in asserting that the Niger River flowed from east to west. The error was not corrected until Mungo Park saw the Niger in 1796. A misreading of Leo Africanus is also largely responsible for the vaunted reputation which Timbuktu had among Europeans in later years.
Before 1550, Leo Africanus returned to Tunis, and probably spent the last years of his life practicing his ancestral faith, Islam. The Descrittione remained for centuries a major source of the Islamic world, and is still cited by historians and geographers of Africa. As an explorer of Western and Central Sudanic regions, Leo Africanus was the most important chronicler of that part of Africa between Ibn Battuta (c.1350) and the nineteenth century European explorers.
Africanus, Leo see Leo Africanus
Africanus, Joannes Leo see Leo Africanus
Hasan ibn Muhammad al-Wazzan al-Fasi see Leo Africanus
Fasi, Hasan ibn Muhammad al-Wazzan al- see Leo Africanus
Zayyati, al-Hasan ibn Muhammad al-Wazzan al- see Leo Africanus
Leoni, Giovanni see Leo Africanus
Lewend
Lewend. Name given to two kinds of Ottoman daily-wage irregular militia, one sea-going, the other land-based. The word may derive in its maritime sense from the Italian levantino.
Levantino see Lewend.
Lewend. Name given to two kinds of Ottoman daily-wage irregular militia, one sea-going, the other land-based. The word may derive in its maritime sense from the Italian levantino.
Levantino see Lewend.
Liberation Movement of Iran
Liberation Movement of Iran (Freedom Movement of Iran) (Nehzat-e Azadi-e Iran). Iranian political party whose program is based on a modernist interpretation of Islam.
The Liberation Movement of Iran (LMI) was founded in May 1961 by leaders of the former National Resistance Movement (NRM). A few days after the ouster of Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh (Muhammad Musaddiq) in August 1953, with his close collaborators either under arrest of surveillance, some of Mossadegh’s less politically prominent followers founded the NRM as a secret organization to uphold the nationalist cause under the repressive conditions of the new dictatorship. Among its leaders were the cleric Sayyid Riza Zanjani, Mehdi Barargan, the lawyer Hasan Nazih, and Muhammd Rahim ‘Ata’i. The NRM had two social bases: the bazaar and students. Key NRM leaders came from a bazaar background, which facilitated contacts with Mossadeghist merchants who financed the movement; students, for their part, demonstrated. Based in Tehran, the NRM was also present in a few provincial centers, most notably Mashhad, where ‘Ali Shari‘ati was active.
The NRM organized protest demonstrations against the regime on the occasions of Mossadegh’s trial (fall 1953), Vice President Richard Nixon’s visit to Iran (December 1953), sham parliamentary elections (winter 1954), and the new oil agreement that resolved Iran’s dispute with Great Britain (spring 1954). Internal disagreements -- between secular and Islamist activists, between opponents and proponents of collaboration with the communists -- weakened the movement, and after 1954 the increasing efficiency of the shah’s security apparatus caused NRM activity to decline, until the organization was crushed in 1957 when all top activists were arrested and held prisoner for eight months.
When in 1960, Mossadeghists became active again in the course of the shah’s liberalization policies, carried out in response to President John F. Kennedy’s election, conflict arose between erstwhile NRM leaders and the National Front’s old guard of former cabinet members. Two issues were at stake. First, NRM veterans and their young sympathizers in the National Front wanted to target the shah personally, whereas the more moderate National Front leaders tried to spare him, hoping that he would become a constitutional monarch. Second, the core members of the former NRM, most whom were also active in Islamic circles, wanted to mobilize Iranians by appealing to their religious values, a policy the National Front’s secular leadership rejected. The dispute came to a head in May 1961 when Mehdi Bazargan, Sayyid Mahmud Taleqani, Hazan Nazih, Yad Allah Sahabi, and eight other men formed a separate party, the LMI. The party was defined as Muslim, Iranian, constitutionalist, and Mossadeghist.
During the nineteen months of its activity, the LMI opposed the shah’s regime and its policies, calling on the ruler to respect the constitution. When the shah named the independent politician ‘Ali Amini prime minister, the LMI tried to accommodate him so as to weaken the shah, unlike the National Front, which considered Amini too pro-American. Amini’s resignation in July 1962, heralded the end of liberalization in Iran. In January 1963, the shah had the entire leadership of the LMI and the National Front arrested, after both had sharply criticized his planned referendum on what would become the “White Revolution.” Although the secular politicians were soon released, the LMI leaders were sentenced to several years’ imprisonment.
After the violent repression of the June 1963 riots, which propelled Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini into the political limelight and in which certain lower level LMI activists participated, the shah’s rule became increasingly autocratic. This made any oppositional party activity in Iran impossible. Several young LMI militants concluded that the legal constitutional methods of their elders having failed, armed struggle was now called for: they formed the Mujahidin-i Khalq. Others decided to continue the struggle against the shah abroad and formed an LMI-in-exile. The chief initiators of this move were ‘Ali Shari‘ati, Ibrahim Yazdi, and Mustafa Chamran. The first was active in Paris until his return to Iran in 1964. Yazdi’s base was Houston, Texas, but he was also in close contact with Khomeini in Iraq. Chamran first worked in the United States but then moved to Lebanon, where he had a leading role in the formation of the Amal movement.
The LMI reconstituted itself in 1977 with Bazargan as chairman. In 1978, the party would have preferred to accept the shah’s offer of free elections, but recognizing Khomeini’s hold on Iranian public opinion, it went along with Bazargan’s rejection of elections. In the last weeks of the shah’s regime, LMI figures played a leading role in negotiating with striking oil workers, military leaders, and United States diplomats to smooth the transfer of power to the revolutionaries. In 1979, most LMI leaders held key positions in the provisional government. After its ouster in the wake of the seizure of the United States hostages in November, the LMI gradually became an oppositional force. It was represented in the first parliament of the Islamic Republic but barred from presenting candidates in subsequent elections. After 1982, it sharply criticized Khomeini’s unwillingness to end the Iran-Iraq War. After that its activities were sharply restricted, and many of its leaders were in and out of prison.
Remarkable continuity characterizes the LMI in its two periods of activity. The party’s program derives from a liberal interpretation of Shi‘a Islam that rejects both royal and clerical dictatorship in favor of political and economic liberalism, which are both considered more conducive to the flowering of Islamic values than coercion. Based on a relatively narrow constituency of religiously inclined professionals, the party’s major weakness has been its inability to engender mass support.
Freedom Movement of Iran see Liberation Movement of Iran
FMI see Liberation Movement of Iran
LMI see Liberation Movement of Iran
Nehzat-e Azadi-e Iran see Liberation Movement of Iran
Liberation Movement of Iran (Freedom Movement of Iran) (Nehzat-e Azadi-e Iran). Iranian political party whose program is based on a modernist interpretation of Islam.
The Liberation Movement of Iran (LMI) was founded in May 1961 by leaders of the former National Resistance Movement (NRM). A few days after the ouster of Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh (Muhammad Musaddiq) in August 1953, with his close collaborators either under arrest of surveillance, some of Mossadegh’s less politically prominent followers founded the NRM as a secret organization to uphold the nationalist cause under the repressive conditions of the new dictatorship. Among its leaders were the cleric Sayyid Riza Zanjani, Mehdi Barargan, the lawyer Hasan Nazih, and Muhammd Rahim ‘Ata’i. The NRM had two social bases: the bazaar and students. Key NRM leaders came from a bazaar background, which facilitated contacts with Mossadeghist merchants who financed the movement; students, for their part, demonstrated. Based in Tehran, the NRM was also present in a few provincial centers, most notably Mashhad, where ‘Ali Shari‘ati was active.
The NRM organized protest demonstrations against the regime on the occasions of Mossadegh’s trial (fall 1953), Vice President Richard Nixon’s visit to Iran (December 1953), sham parliamentary elections (winter 1954), and the new oil agreement that resolved Iran’s dispute with Great Britain (spring 1954). Internal disagreements -- between secular and Islamist activists, between opponents and proponents of collaboration with the communists -- weakened the movement, and after 1954 the increasing efficiency of the shah’s security apparatus caused NRM activity to decline, until the organization was crushed in 1957 when all top activists were arrested and held prisoner for eight months.
When in 1960, Mossadeghists became active again in the course of the shah’s liberalization policies, carried out in response to President John F. Kennedy’s election, conflict arose between erstwhile NRM leaders and the National Front’s old guard of former cabinet members. Two issues were at stake. First, NRM veterans and their young sympathizers in the National Front wanted to target the shah personally, whereas the more moderate National Front leaders tried to spare him, hoping that he would become a constitutional monarch. Second, the core members of the former NRM, most whom were also active in Islamic circles, wanted to mobilize Iranians by appealing to their religious values, a policy the National Front’s secular leadership rejected. The dispute came to a head in May 1961 when Mehdi Bazargan, Sayyid Mahmud Taleqani, Hazan Nazih, Yad Allah Sahabi, and eight other men formed a separate party, the LMI. The party was defined as Muslim, Iranian, constitutionalist, and Mossadeghist.
During the nineteen months of its activity, the LMI opposed the shah’s regime and its policies, calling on the ruler to respect the constitution. When the shah named the independent politician ‘Ali Amini prime minister, the LMI tried to accommodate him so as to weaken the shah, unlike the National Front, which considered Amini too pro-American. Amini’s resignation in July 1962, heralded the end of liberalization in Iran. In January 1963, the shah had the entire leadership of the LMI and the National Front arrested, after both had sharply criticized his planned referendum on what would become the “White Revolution.” Although the secular politicians were soon released, the LMI leaders were sentenced to several years’ imprisonment.
After the violent repression of the June 1963 riots, which propelled Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini into the political limelight and in which certain lower level LMI activists participated, the shah’s rule became increasingly autocratic. This made any oppositional party activity in Iran impossible. Several young LMI militants concluded that the legal constitutional methods of their elders having failed, armed struggle was now called for: they formed the Mujahidin-i Khalq. Others decided to continue the struggle against the shah abroad and formed an LMI-in-exile. The chief initiators of this move were ‘Ali Shari‘ati, Ibrahim Yazdi, and Mustafa Chamran. The first was active in Paris until his return to Iran in 1964. Yazdi’s base was Houston, Texas, but he was also in close contact with Khomeini in Iraq. Chamran first worked in the United States but then moved to Lebanon, where he had a leading role in the formation of the Amal movement.
The LMI reconstituted itself in 1977 with Bazargan as chairman. In 1978, the party would have preferred to accept the shah’s offer of free elections, but recognizing Khomeini’s hold on Iranian public opinion, it went along with Bazargan’s rejection of elections. In the last weeks of the shah’s regime, LMI figures played a leading role in negotiating with striking oil workers, military leaders, and United States diplomats to smooth the transfer of power to the revolutionaries. In 1979, most LMI leaders held key positions in the provisional government. After its ouster in the wake of the seizure of the United States hostages in November, the LMI gradually became an oppositional force. It was represented in the first parliament of the Islamic Republic but barred from presenting candidates in subsequent elections. After 1982, it sharply criticized Khomeini’s unwillingness to end the Iran-Iraq War. After that its activities were sharply restricted, and many of its leaders were in and out of prison.
Remarkable continuity characterizes the LMI in its two periods of activity. The party’s program derives from a liberal interpretation of Shi‘a Islam that rejects both royal and clerical dictatorship in favor of political and economic liberalism, which are both considered more conducive to the flowering of Islamic values than coercion. Based on a relatively narrow constituency of religiously inclined professionals, the party’s major weakness has been its inability to engender mass support.
Freedom Movement of Iran see Liberation Movement of Iran
FMI see Liberation Movement of Iran
LMI see Liberation Movement of Iran
Nehzat-e Azadi-e Iran see Liberation Movement of Iran
Limba
Limba. The oldest but third largest ethnic group in the Republic of Sierra Leone (after the Temne and Mende) are the Limba. Perhaps seventy percent (70%) of the Limba are Muslims. Except for a handful in Guinea, all live within Sierra Leone’s borders.
Limba traditions connect them with archaeological discoveries dating back to the seventh and eighth centuries. Limba claim they originated from roughly what is Limba country today. But the original Limba clan, which appears to have been the Kamara, gradually expanded with infusion from Manding-speaking peoples coming from the north, from the direction of the Mali Empire in about the eighteenth century. This gave rise to new ruling families among the various Limba subgroups, who now hold the positions of paramount chiefs, as the traditional rulers, usually descended from pre-colonial kings and rulers, are now called. Among the Wara Wara, the Mansaray clan holds this position. Among the Biriwa, it is the Conteh (or Konde, as it is called in Francophone areas). The Safroko have the Bangura as the ruling clan, while the Kargbo clan dominates the Tonko Limba.
These Mandinka related clans were bearers of at least rudimentary elements of Islam as they migrated southward. Some, like the Conteh of Biriwa, were said to be Muslims when they reached Limba country, though they quickly abandoned Islam. Some Islamic words and elements like baraka (blessing) and almamy (chief) were thus initially brought into Limba culture. Traders, clerics and karamokos (Islamic teachers and sometimes charm makers) visiting these areas also contributed to the Islamization process.
Large scale conversion to Islam, however, occurred in the late nineteenth century with the wars of expansion of the Mandinka conqueror, Samory Toure of Konyan country, presently in the Republic of Guinea. Samory’s empire, in 1886, embraced the entire Limba country, and one element of his control was conversion to Islam. Today, although Christianity has taken some root, especially among the Tonko and Sela Limba, the majority of Limba are Muslims. Among the more prominent Limba is Siaka Stevens, the first president of Sierra Leone, and Joseph Momoh, the second president of Sierra Leone.
Limba. The oldest but third largest ethnic group in the Republic of Sierra Leone (after the Temne and Mende) are the Limba. Perhaps seventy percent (70%) of the Limba are Muslims. Except for a handful in Guinea, all live within Sierra Leone’s borders.
Limba traditions connect them with archaeological discoveries dating back to the seventh and eighth centuries. Limba claim they originated from roughly what is Limba country today. But the original Limba clan, which appears to have been the Kamara, gradually expanded with infusion from Manding-speaking peoples coming from the north, from the direction of the Mali Empire in about the eighteenth century. This gave rise to new ruling families among the various Limba subgroups, who now hold the positions of paramount chiefs, as the traditional rulers, usually descended from pre-colonial kings and rulers, are now called. Among the Wara Wara, the Mansaray clan holds this position. Among the Biriwa, it is the Conteh (or Konde, as it is called in Francophone areas). The Safroko have the Bangura as the ruling clan, while the Kargbo clan dominates the Tonko Limba.
These Mandinka related clans were bearers of at least rudimentary elements of Islam as they migrated southward. Some, like the Conteh of Biriwa, were said to be Muslims when they reached Limba country, though they quickly abandoned Islam. Some Islamic words and elements like baraka (blessing) and almamy (chief) were thus initially brought into Limba culture. Traders, clerics and karamokos (Islamic teachers and sometimes charm makers) visiting these areas also contributed to the Islamization process.
Large scale conversion to Islam, however, occurred in the late nineteenth century with the wars of expansion of the Mandinka conqueror, Samory Toure of Konyan country, presently in the Republic of Guinea. Samory’s empire, in 1886, embraced the entire Limba country, and one element of his control was conversion to Islam. Today, although Christianity has taken some root, especially among the Tonko and Sela Limba, the majority of Limba are Muslims. Among the more prominent Limba is Siaka Stevens, the first president of Sierra Leone, and Joseph Momoh, the second president of Sierra Leone.
Lipqa
Lipqa (Lipka) (Lubqa) (Lipkowie) (Lipcani) (Muslimi). Name given to the Tatars who since the fourteenth century inhabited Lithuania, and later the eastern and southeastern lands of old Poland up to Podolia, and after 1672 also partly Moldavia and Dobruja.
The Lipka Tatars are a group of Tatars who originally settled in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania at the beginning of 14th century. The first settlers tried to preserve their shamanistic religion and sought asylum amongst the non-Christian Lithuanians. Towards the end of the 14th century, another wave of Tatars - this time, Muslims, were invited into the Grand Duchy by Vytautas the Great. These Tatars first settled around Vilnius, Trakai, Hrodna and Kaunas and later spread to other parts of the Grand Duchy that later became part of Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth. These areas comprise present-day Lithuania, Belarus and Poland. From the very beginning of their settlement in Lithuania they were known as the Lipka Tatars. While maintaining their religion, they united their fate with that of the mainly Christian Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. From the Battle of Grunwald onwards the Lipka Tatar light cavalry regiments participated in every significant military campaign of Lithuania and Poland.
The Lipka Tatar origins can be traced back to the descendant states of the Mongol Empire of Genghis Khan - the White Horde, the Golden Horde, the Crimean Khanate and Kazan Khanate. They initially served as a noble military caste but later they became urban-dwellers known for their crafts, horses and gardening skills. Throughout centuries they resisted assimilation and kept their traditional lifestyle. Over time, they lost their original Tatar language and for the most part adopted Polish. There are still small groups of Lipka Tatars living in today's Belarus, Lithuania, Ukraine and Poland, as well as their communities in the United States and Canada.
Lubqa see Lipqa
Lipka see Lipqa
Lipkowie see Lipqa
Lipcani see Lipqa
Muslimi see Lipqa
Lipqa (Lipka) (Lubqa) (Lipkowie) (Lipcani) (Muslimi). Name given to the Tatars who since the fourteenth century inhabited Lithuania, and later the eastern and southeastern lands of old Poland up to Podolia, and after 1672 also partly Moldavia and Dobruja.
The Lipka Tatars are a group of Tatars who originally settled in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania at the beginning of 14th century. The first settlers tried to preserve their shamanistic religion and sought asylum amongst the non-Christian Lithuanians. Towards the end of the 14th century, another wave of Tatars - this time, Muslims, were invited into the Grand Duchy by Vytautas the Great. These Tatars first settled around Vilnius, Trakai, Hrodna and Kaunas and later spread to other parts of the Grand Duchy that later became part of Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth. These areas comprise present-day Lithuania, Belarus and Poland. From the very beginning of their settlement in Lithuania they were known as the Lipka Tatars. While maintaining their religion, they united their fate with that of the mainly Christian Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. From the Battle of Grunwald onwards the Lipka Tatar light cavalry regiments participated in every significant military campaign of Lithuania and Poland.
The Lipka Tatar origins can be traced back to the descendant states of the Mongol Empire of Genghis Khan - the White Horde, the Golden Horde, the Crimean Khanate and Kazan Khanate. They initially served as a noble military caste but later they became urban-dwellers known for their crafts, horses and gardening skills. Throughout centuries they resisted assimilation and kept their traditional lifestyle. Over time, they lost their original Tatar language and for the most part adopted Polish. There are still small groups of Lipka Tatars living in today's Belarus, Lithuania, Ukraine and Poland, as well as their communities in the United States and Canada.
Lubqa see Lipqa
Lipka see Lipqa
Lipkowie see Lipqa
Lipcani see Lipqa
Muslimi see Lipqa
Liu Chih
Liu Chih (Liu Chiai-lien). Eighteenth century Chinese Muslim scholar who was active as translator, theologian, philosopher and biographer of the Prophet.
Liu Chiai-lien see Liu Chih
Chih, Liu see Liu Chih
Chiai-lien, Liu see Liu Chih
Liu Chih (Liu Chiai-lien). Eighteenth century Chinese Muslim scholar who was active as translator, theologian, philosopher and biographer of the Prophet.
Liu Chiai-lien see Liu Chih
Chih, Liu see Liu Chih
Chiai-lien, Liu see Liu Chih
Liyaqat ‘Ali Khan
Liyaqat ‘Ali Khan (Liaqat ‘Ali Khan) (Liaquat Ali Khan) (b. October 1, 1895, Karnal, India - d.
October 16, 1951, Rawalpindi, Pakistan). Chief lieutenant in the All-India Muslim League and the first prime minister of Pakistan. A member of a wealthy, landed family, he was educated at Aligarh and Oxford, and trained as a lawyer before entering politics. He joined the Muslim League in 1923 and sided with Muhammad Ali Jinnah when the party temporarily split four years later. As the general-secretary of the league from 1936 to independence, he played an influential role in shaping the party’s program. Like Jinnah, his political views changed from seeking safeguards for Muslims within a united India to advocating partition and the creation of Pakistan. Liaqat served in the legislature of the United Provinces from 1926 to 1940 and in the Indian Legislative Assembly from 1940 to 1947, where he was the deputy leader of the league’s parliamentary party. In 1946, he was appointed the finance minister in the interim government of India created under the Cabinet Mission Plan. With independence, he became the prime minister of Pakistan and, following Jinnah’s death in 1948, the leader of the country. In that capacity, he was instrumental in organizing Pakistan’s new government and defining its policies. He continued to serve as prime minister until his assassination in 1951.
Liaquat Ali Khan (Liāqat Alī Khān) rose to political prominence as a member of the All India Muslim League. He played a vital role in the independence of India and Pakistan. In 1947, he became the prime minister of Pakistan. He was regarded as the right-hand man of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the leader of the Muslim League and first governor-general of Pakistan. Liaquat was given the titles of Quaid-e-Millat (Leader of the Nation), and posthumously Shaheed-e-Millat (Martyr of the Nation).
Liaquat was a graduate of Aligarh Muslim University, Oxford University and Middle Temple, London. He rose into prominence within the Muslim League during the 1930s. Significantly, he is credited with persuading Jinnah to return to India, an event which marked the beginning of the Muslim League's ascendancy and paved the way for the Pakistan movement. Following the passage of the Pakistan Resolution in 1940, Liaquat assisted Jinnah in campaigning for the creation of a separate state for Indian Muslims. In 1947, the British Raj was divided into the modern-day states of India and Pakistan.
Following independence, India and Pakistan came into conflict over the fate of Kashmir. Khan negotiated extensively with India's then Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, and pushed for the referral of the problem to the United Nations. During his tenure, Pakistan pursued close ties with the United Kingdom and the United States. The aftermath of Pakistan's independence also saw internal political unrest and even a foiled military coup against his government. After Jinnah's death, Khan assumed a more influential role in the government and passed the Objectives Resolution, a precursor to the Constitution of Pakistan. He was assassinated in 1951.
Liaqat 'Ali Khan see Liyaqat ‘Ali Khan
Liaquat Ali Khan see Liyaqat ‘Ali Khan
Liaquat Ali Khan (Liāqat Alī Khān) rose to political prominence as a member of the All India Muslim League. He played a vital role in the independence of India and Pakistan. In 1947, he became the prime minister of Pakistan. He was regarded as the right-hand man of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the leader of the Muslim League and first governor-general of Pakistan. Liaquat was given the titles of Quaid-e-Millat (Leader of the Nation), and posthumously Shaheed-e-Millat (Martyr of the Nation).
Liaquat was a graduate of Aligarh Muslim University, Oxford University and Middle Temple, London. He rose into prominence within the Muslim League during the 1930s. Significantly, he is credited with persuading Jinnah to return to India, an event which marked the beginning of the Muslim League's ascendancy and paved the way for the Pakistan movement. Following the passage of the Pakistan Resolution in 1940, Liaquat assisted Jinnah in campaigning for the creation of a separate state for Indian Muslims. In 1947, the British Raj was divided into the modern-day states of India and Pakistan.
Following independence, India and Pakistan came into conflict over the fate of Kashmir. Khan negotiated extensively with India's then Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, and pushed for the referral of the problem to the United Nations. During his tenure, Pakistan pursued close ties with the United Kingdom and the United States. The aftermath of Pakistan's independence also saw internal political unrest and even a foiled military coup against his government. After Jinnah's death, Khan assumed a more influential role in the government and passed the Objectives Resolution, a precursor to the Constitution of Pakistan. He was assassinated in 1951.
Liaqat 'Ali Khan see Liyaqat ‘Ali Khan
Liaquat Ali Khan see Liyaqat ‘Ali Khan
Lodis
Lodis (Lodhis). Afghan tribe and dynasty which ruled over parts of north India (r.1451-1526). The first ruler Bahlul (r. 1451-1489) captured Delhi in 1451. He saw himself as a chief of chiefs rather than an absolute autocrat, but his son Sikandar II (r. 1489-1517) considered himself a fully-fledged Sultan. Sultan Ibrahim II (r. 1517-1526) fell in battle, and the sultanate passed into the hands of the Mughals.
Afghan migrations to India began during the early Turkish period. By the time of Muhammad ibn Tughluq the Afghans constituted an important segment of the nobility. An Afghan merchant, Malik Bahram, joined the service of a governor of Multan and served him so devotedly that he entrusted his son Malik Kala with the administration of Daurala. Malik Kala’s son Bahlul founded the Lodi dynasty in 1451 and ruled until 1489. He was followed by Sikandar (1489-1519) and Ibrahim (1517-1526). Ibrahim met his end at the hands of Babur at the Battle of Panipat (1526), following which the Lodi dynasty yielded its place in India to the Mughal empire.
The Lodis had come to power at a time when the Delhi sultanate had shrunk in dimensions and the contumacious activities of chieftains in the Punjab and the growing ambitions of the Sharqis in the east had created formidable problems. The Lodis sought to introduce principles characteristic of Afghan tribalism into Indian polity. In matters of succession, suitability rather than the principle of heredity guided their action. The army of the Delhi sultanate under them changed its character from “the king’s army” to “tribal militia.” Some of the privileges and prerogatives of the sultan came to be commonly used by the nobles, and the king came to be looked upon as primus inter pares -- "first among equals". The three Lodi rulers, however, demonstrated different attitudes in dealing with the nobility – Bahlul’s despotism was tempered by Afghan traditions of tribal equality; Sikandar made the nobles recognize the superior status of the monarch; and Ibrahim’s overbearing attitude alienated them.
Lodi is a common family name amongst Pashtuns, often linked with the title "Khan" to form the surname "Lodi Khan" or "Khan Lodi".
However, the surname "Khan" alone does not necessarily mean that the individual is Lodi.
Today, the Lodi are found primarily in Afghanistan, the North West Frontier Province of Pakistan, and the Punjab region. They usually practice Islam, the majority being Sunni.
Lodhis see Lodis
Lodis (Lodhis). Afghan tribe and dynasty which ruled over parts of north India (r.1451-1526). The first ruler Bahlul (r. 1451-1489) captured Delhi in 1451. He saw himself as a chief of chiefs rather than an absolute autocrat, but his son Sikandar II (r. 1489-1517) considered himself a fully-fledged Sultan. Sultan Ibrahim II (r. 1517-1526) fell in battle, and the sultanate passed into the hands of the Mughals.
Afghan migrations to India began during the early Turkish period. By the time of Muhammad ibn Tughluq the Afghans constituted an important segment of the nobility. An Afghan merchant, Malik Bahram, joined the service of a governor of Multan and served him so devotedly that he entrusted his son Malik Kala with the administration of Daurala. Malik Kala’s son Bahlul founded the Lodi dynasty in 1451 and ruled until 1489. He was followed by Sikandar (1489-1519) and Ibrahim (1517-1526). Ibrahim met his end at the hands of Babur at the Battle of Panipat (1526), following which the Lodi dynasty yielded its place in India to the Mughal empire.
The Lodis had come to power at a time when the Delhi sultanate had shrunk in dimensions and the contumacious activities of chieftains in the Punjab and the growing ambitions of the Sharqis in the east had created formidable problems. The Lodis sought to introduce principles characteristic of Afghan tribalism into Indian polity. In matters of succession, suitability rather than the principle of heredity guided their action. The army of the Delhi sultanate under them changed its character from “the king’s army” to “tribal militia.” Some of the privileges and prerogatives of the sultan came to be commonly used by the nobles, and the king came to be looked upon as primus inter pares -- "first among equals". The three Lodi rulers, however, demonstrated different attitudes in dealing with the nobility – Bahlul’s despotism was tempered by Afghan traditions of tribal equality; Sikandar made the nobles recognize the superior status of the monarch; and Ibrahim’s overbearing attitude alienated them.
Lodi is a common family name amongst Pashtuns, often linked with the title "Khan" to form the surname "Lodi Khan" or "Khan Lodi".
However, the surname "Khan" alone does not necessarily mean that the individual is Lodi.
Today, the Lodi are found primarily in Afghanistan, the North West Frontier Province of Pakistan, and the Punjab region. They usually practice Islam, the majority being Sunni.
Lodhis see Lodis
Loya Jirga
Loya Jirga. Councils summoned by Afghan rulers over the past century to consolidate their authority and nationalist programs. The term loya jirga means “grand assembly” in Pashtu. Modernist Afghans and historians have attempted to trace loya jirga into the distant past and indigenous tribal custom, but loya jirga differ from tribal jirga in fundamental ways. Tribal jirga are a Pashtun custom of communal assembly for deciding on collective undertakings or settling internal conflicts. Decisions are reached by a consensus ofr those attending. Loya jirga are bodies of delegates summoned by the ruler and limited to his initiatives. They include religious leaders, who have only ratifying roles in tribal jirga. A more proximate model would be the majlis, for loya jirga belong to the history and centralization of government in modern Afghanistan.
The format was set by Amir ‘Abd al-Rahman Khan (1880-1901), who initiated several consultative bodies to check the quasi-feudal jagir system of titleholders adopted by previous amirs and to assert power over officeholders and local leaders. His arrangement of loya jirga as “national” assemblies alongside assemblies of titleholders (darbari shahi) and of local leaders (khawanin mulki) was formalized in the first constitution of Afghanistan proclaimed by Amir Amanullah (1919-1929) in 1923.
Boundaries of the nation and ther ruler’s authority have been the constants of loya jirga. ‘Abd al-Rahman held three, according to Hasan Kakar, to affirm his negotiations of Afghanistan’s modern borders and his paramount authority within them. Amanullah summoned a loya jirga in 1921 to ratify his treaty with Britain recognizing Afghanistan’s independence, again in 1924 after a rebellion against his efforts to modernize Afghanistan, and in 1928 to press reforms; the last provoked a civil war. After its conclusion, Nadir Shah (1930-1933) called a loya jirga in 1930 to affirm his proclamation as ruler by a jirga of tribal militia. Another was summoned in 1941 to accept British demands (to expel Axis nationals) that infringed Afghan sovereignty. Loya jirga were convened again in 1949 and 1955 to press nationalist claims to tribal territories in Pakistan. These were reaffirmed by a loya jirga summoned in 1964 to ratify a new constitution.
The last provides a picture of loya jirga at work. Of more than 450 delegates, 176 were elected for the event, to offset 176 who were members of the National Assembly, with the balance drawn from appointed legislators, officials, and the committees that had drafted the constitution. Although the delegates were not “king’s men,” it was the ruler’s assembly. It was composed to check entrenched interests and to establish the authority of the center.
Whatever loya jirgas employ of regional traditions and techniques, their specific features belong to the history of modern Afghan government, not to tribal models. Loya jirga have never assembled to settle conflicts or to decide a course of collective action, but only on a ruler’s intiative, and then more for communication than for consultation between the ruler and constituent communities. Apparently formulated by Amir Abd al-Rahman as a check on title holders and local leaders, the loya jirga has been a device for nationalizing the boundaries of the country and authority within it.
Loya jirgas in the history of Afghanistan include:
* 1707-1709 — Loya jirga was gathered in Shahri Safa, according to Said Kasim, Rishtia in 1707, but according to Mir Ghulam M. Ghobar, this loya jirga was gathered in Manja in 1709.
* October 1747 — A jirga at Kandahar was attended by Pashtun representatives who appointed Ahmad Shah Durrani as their new leader.
* 1793 — A jirga called by Timur Shah Durrani, the son of Ahmad Shah Durrani, who wanted to transfer the capital of the Durrani Empire from Kandahar to Kabul.
* 1880 — A jirga called by Abdur Rahman Khan.
* September 1928 — A jirga at Paghman, called by King Amanullah, the third loya jirga of his reign (1919-1929) to discuss reforms.
* September 1930 — A jirga a meeting of 286 called by Mohammed Nadir Shah to confirm his accession to the throne.
* 1941 — Called by Mohammed Zahir Shah to approve neutrality in World War II.
* 1947 — Held by Pashtuns in the Tribal Agencies to choose between joining India or Pakistan.
* July 26, 1949 — Afghanistan-Pakistan relations rapidly deteriorated over a dispute, officially declared that it did not recognize the 1893 Durand Line border any longer between the two countries.
* September 1964 — A meeting of 452 called by Mohammed Zahir Shah to approve a new constitution.
* July 1974 — A meeting with Pakistan over the Duran Line.
* January 1977 — Approved the new constitution of Mohammed Daoud Khan establishing one-party rule in the Republic of Afghanistan.
* April 1985 — To ratify the new constitution of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan.
* September 2001 — Four different loya jirga movements anticipating the end of Taliban rule. Little communication took place between each of them.
o The first was based in Rome around Mohammed Zahir Shah, and it reflected the interests of moderate Pashtuns from Afghanistan. The Rome initiative called for fair elections, support for Islam as the foundation of the Afghan state, and respect for human rights.
o The second was based in Cyprus and led by Homayoun Jarir, a member of the Islamic Party of his father-in-law, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. Critics of the Cyprus initiative suspected that it served the interests of Iran. The members of the Cyprus initiative, however, considered themselves closer to the Afghan people and regard the Rome group as too close to the long-isolated nobility.
o The most significant was based in Germany, which resulted in the Bonn Agreement (Afghanistan). This agreement was made under United Nations auspices, established the Afghan Interim Authority and paved the way for the later jirgas that established the Constitution of Afghanistan.
o A lesser initiative based in Pakistan.
* June 13, 2002, The loya jirga of Afghanistan elected Hamid Karzai to oversee it. This was possible only because in the fall of 2001, Karzai was able to successfully lead one of the largest southern Afghanistan tribes against the draconian rule of the Taliban.
* July 13, 2002 — Organized by the interim administration of Hamid Karzai, with about 2000 delegates, either selected through elections in various regions of the country or allocated to various political, cultural, and religious groups. It was held in a large tent in the grounds of Kabul Polytechnic from June 11 and was scheduled to last about a week. It formed a new Transitional Administration which took office shortly thereafter.
* December 2003 — To consider the Proposed Afghan Constitution.
* 2006 — Afghan president Hamid Karzai said that he and the Pakistani president will jointly lead a loya jirga to end a dispute over border attacks.
* December 2009, after his disputed re-election, President Hamid Karzai announced to move ahead with a plan for a Loya Jirga to discuss the Taliban insurgency. The Taliban would be invited to take part in this Jirga.
Grand Assembly see Loya Jirga.
Loya Jirga. Councils summoned by Afghan rulers over the past century to consolidate their authority and nationalist programs. The term loya jirga means “grand assembly” in Pashtu. Modernist Afghans and historians have attempted to trace loya jirga into the distant past and indigenous tribal custom, but loya jirga differ from tribal jirga in fundamental ways. Tribal jirga are a Pashtun custom of communal assembly for deciding on collective undertakings or settling internal conflicts. Decisions are reached by a consensus ofr those attending. Loya jirga are bodies of delegates summoned by the ruler and limited to his initiatives. They include religious leaders, who have only ratifying roles in tribal jirga. A more proximate model would be the majlis, for loya jirga belong to the history and centralization of government in modern Afghanistan.
The format was set by Amir ‘Abd al-Rahman Khan (1880-1901), who initiated several consultative bodies to check the quasi-feudal jagir system of titleholders adopted by previous amirs and to assert power over officeholders and local leaders. His arrangement of loya jirga as “national” assemblies alongside assemblies of titleholders (darbari shahi) and of local leaders (khawanin mulki) was formalized in the first constitution of Afghanistan proclaimed by Amir Amanullah (1919-1929) in 1923.
Boundaries of the nation and ther ruler’s authority have been the constants of loya jirga. ‘Abd al-Rahman held three, according to Hasan Kakar, to affirm his negotiations of Afghanistan’s modern borders and his paramount authority within them. Amanullah summoned a loya jirga in 1921 to ratify his treaty with Britain recognizing Afghanistan’s independence, again in 1924 after a rebellion against his efforts to modernize Afghanistan, and in 1928 to press reforms; the last provoked a civil war. After its conclusion, Nadir Shah (1930-1933) called a loya jirga in 1930 to affirm his proclamation as ruler by a jirga of tribal militia. Another was summoned in 1941 to accept British demands (to expel Axis nationals) that infringed Afghan sovereignty. Loya jirga were convened again in 1949 and 1955 to press nationalist claims to tribal territories in Pakistan. These were reaffirmed by a loya jirga summoned in 1964 to ratify a new constitution.
The last provides a picture of loya jirga at work. Of more than 450 delegates, 176 were elected for the event, to offset 176 who were members of the National Assembly, with the balance drawn from appointed legislators, officials, and the committees that had drafted the constitution. Although the delegates were not “king’s men,” it was the ruler’s assembly. It was composed to check entrenched interests and to establish the authority of the center.
Whatever loya jirgas employ of regional traditions and techniques, their specific features belong to the history of modern Afghan government, not to tribal models. Loya jirga have never assembled to settle conflicts or to decide a course of collective action, but only on a ruler’s intiative, and then more for communication than for consultation between the ruler and constituent communities. Apparently formulated by Amir Abd al-Rahman as a check on title holders and local leaders, the loya jirga has been a device for nationalizing the boundaries of the country and authority within it.
Loya jirgas in the history of Afghanistan include:
* 1707-1709 — Loya jirga was gathered in Shahri Safa, according to Said Kasim, Rishtia in 1707, but according to Mir Ghulam M. Ghobar, this loya jirga was gathered in Manja in 1709.
* October 1747 — A jirga at Kandahar was attended by Pashtun representatives who appointed Ahmad Shah Durrani as their new leader.
* 1793 — A jirga called by Timur Shah Durrani, the son of Ahmad Shah Durrani, who wanted to transfer the capital of the Durrani Empire from Kandahar to Kabul.
* 1880 — A jirga called by Abdur Rahman Khan.
* September 1928 — A jirga at Paghman, called by King Amanullah, the third loya jirga of his reign (1919-1929) to discuss reforms.
* September 1930 — A jirga a meeting of 286 called by Mohammed Nadir Shah to confirm his accession to the throne.
* 1941 — Called by Mohammed Zahir Shah to approve neutrality in World War II.
* 1947 — Held by Pashtuns in the Tribal Agencies to choose between joining India or Pakistan.
* July 26, 1949 — Afghanistan-Pakistan relations rapidly deteriorated over a dispute, officially declared that it did not recognize the 1893 Durand Line border any longer between the two countries.
* September 1964 — A meeting of 452 called by Mohammed Zahir Shah to approve a new constitution.
* July 1974 — A meeting with Pakistan over the Duran Line.
* January 1977 — Approved the new constitution of Mohammed Daoud Khan establishing one-party rule in the Republic of Afghanistan.
* April 1985 — To ratify the new constitution of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan.
* September 2001 — Four different loya jirga movements anticipating the end of Taliban rule. Little communication took place between each of them.
o The first was based in Rome around Mohammed Zahir Shah, and it reflected the interests of moderate Pashtuns from Afghanistan. The Rome initiative called for fair elections, support for Islam as the foundation of the Afghan state, and respect for human rights.
o The second was based in Cyprus and led by Homayoun Jarir, a member of the Islamic Party of his father-in-law, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. Critics of the Cyprus initiative suspected that it served the interests of Iran. The members of the Cyprus initiative, however, considered themselves closer to the Afghan people and regard the Rome group as too close to the long-isolated nobility.
o The most significant was based in Germany, which resulted in the Bonn Agreement (Afghanistan). This agreement was made under United Nations auspices, established the Afghan Interim Authority and paved the way for the later jirgas that established the Constitution of Afghanistan.
o A lesser initiative based in Pakistan.
* June 13, 2002, The loya jirga of Afghanistan elected Hamid Karzai to oversee it. This was possible only because in the fall of 2001, Karzai was able to successfully lead one of the largest southern Afghanistan tribes against the draconian rule of the Taliban.
* July 13, 2002 — Organized by the interim administration of Hamid Karzai, with about 2000 delegates, either selected through elections in various regions of the country or allocated to various political, cultural, and religious groups. It was held in a large tent in the grounds of Kabul Polytechnic from June 11 and was scheduled to last about a week. It formed a new Transitional Administration which took office shortly thereafter.
* December 2003 — To consider the Proposed Afghan Constitution.
* 2006 — Afghan president Hamid Karzai said that he and the Pakistani president will jointly lead a loya jirga to end a dispute over border attacks.
* December 2009, after his disputed re-election, President Hamid Karzai announced to move ahead with a plan for a Loya Jirga to discuss the Taliban insurgency. The Taliban would be invited to take part in this Jirga.
Grand Assembly see Loya Jirga.
Lufti
Lufti (c.1367-1463). Chaghatay Turkish poet of Herat in western Afghanistan. He was a great master of the ghazal and a close friend of the Persian poet and mystic Jami.
Lufti (c.1367-1463). Chaghatay Turkish poet of Herat in western Afghanistan. He was a great master of the ghazal and a close friend of the Persian poet and mystic Jami.
Lufti al-Sayyid, Ahmad
Lufti al-Sayyid, Ahmad (Ahmad Lufti al-Sayyid) (Ahmed Lufti al-Sayed) (Ahmed Lutfi el-Sayed Pasha) (January 15, 1872 - 1963). Egyptian intellectual and anti-colonial activist.
Ahmed Lutfi el-Sayed Pasha was an Egyptian intellectual, anti-colonial activist, and the first director of Cairo University. He was also one of the architects of modern Egyptian nationalism as well as the architect of Egyptian secularism and liberalism. He was fondly known as the Professor of the Generation. He was one of the fiercest opponents of pan-Arabism, insisting that Egyptians are Egyptians and not Arabs.
Lutfi was born to a family of land owners in the village of Berqin, near Al Senbellawein in the Dakahlia Governorate on January 15, 1872. He was educated at Al-Azhar University where he attended lectures by Muhammad Abduh. Abduh came to have a profound influence on Lutfi's reformist thinking in later years. Ahmed Lufti el-Sayed subsequently attended the School of Law from which he graduated in 1894.
In 1907, Ahmed Lufti el-Sayed founded Egypt's first political party, el-Umma (the Nation), which came as a reaction to the 1906 Dinshaway Incident and the rise of Egyptian nationalist sentiment. He also founded the Umma Party newspaper, el-Garida, whose statement of purpose read: "El-Garida is a purely Egyptian party which aims to defend Egyptian interests of all kinds."
He was a member of the Egyptian delegation to the Paris Peace Conference held in Versailles in 1919, where he pleaded for the independence of Egypt from Britain.
Ahmed Lufti el-Sayed was also the first director of the Egyptian University, inaugurated on Monday May 11, 1925. He was a close friend of Taha Hussein, and resigned his post as university director as a protest against the Egyptian government's decision to transfer Hussein from his university position in 1932. He resigned again in 1937 when the Egyptian police broke into the court of the Egyptian University. During his presidency of the Egyptian University, the first class of females graduated with a university degree.
In addition, Ahmed Lufti el-Sayed held various positions such as the minister of education, the minister of interior, the director of the Arabic language assembly, and the director of House of Books. He died in 1963.
Ahmad Lufti al-Sayyid see Lufti al-Sayyid, Ahmad
Ahmed Lufti al-Sayed see Lufti al-Sayyid, Ahmad
Sayyid, Ahmad Lufti al- see Lufti al-Sayyid, Ahmad
Sayed, Ahmed Lufti al- see Lufti al-Sayyid, Ahmad
Ahmed Lutfi el-Sayed Pasha see Lufti al-Sayyid, Ahmad
Professor of the Generation see Lufti al-Sayyid, Ahmad
Lufti al-Sayyid, Ahmad (Ahmad Lufti al-Sayyid) (Ahmed Lufti al-Sayed) (Ahmed Lutfi el-Sayed Pasha) (January 15, 1872 - 1963). Egyptian intellectual and anti-colonial activist.
Ahmed Lutfi el-Sayed Pasha was an Egyptian intellectual, anti-colonial activist, and the first director of Cairo University. He was also one of the architects of modern Egyptian nationalism as well as the architect of Egyptian secularism and liberalism. He was fondly known as the Professor of the Generation. He was one of the fiercest opponents of pan-Arabism, insisting that Egyptians are Egyptians and not Arabs.
Lutfi was born to a family of land owners in the village of Berqin, near Al Senbellawein in the Dakahlia Governorate on January 15, 1872. He was educated at Al-Azhar University where he attended lectures by Muhammad Abduh. Abduh came to have a profound influence on Lutfi's reformist thinking in later years. Ahmed Lufti el-Sayed subsequently attended the School of Law from which he graduated in 1894.
In 1907, Ahmed Lufti el-Sayed founded Egypt's first political party, el-Umma (the Nation), which came as a reaction to the 1906 Dinshaway Incident and the rise of Egyptian nationalist sentiment. He also founded the Umma Party newspaper, el-Garida, whose statement of purpose read: "El-Garida is a purely Egyptian party which aims to defend Egyptian interests of all kinds."
He was a member of the Egyptian delegation to the Paris Peace Conference held in Versailles in 1919, where he pleaded for the independence of Egypt from Britain.
Ahmed Lufti el-Sayed was also the first director of the Egyptian University, inaugurated on Monday May 11, 1925. He was a close friend of Taha Hussein, and resigned his post as university director as a protest against the Egyptian government's decision to transfer Hussein from his university position in 1932. He resigned again in 1937 when the Egyptian police broke into the court of the Egyptian University. During his presidency of the Egyptian University, the first class of females graduated with a university degree.
In addition, Ahmed Lufti el-Sayed held various positions such as the minister of education, the minister of interior, the director of the Arabic language assembly, and the director of House of Books. He died in 1963.
Ahmad Lufti al-Sayyid see Lufti al-Sayyid, Ahmad
Ahmed Lufti al-Sayed see Lufti al-Sayyid, Ahmad
Sayyid, Ahmad Lufti al- see Lufti al-Sayyid, Ahmad
Sayed, Ahmed Lufti al- see Lufti al-Sayyid, Ahmad
Ahmed Lutfi el-Sayed Pasha see Lufti al-Sayyid, Ahmad
Professor of the Generation see Lufti al-Sayyid, Ahmad
Lufti Efendi, Ahmed
Lufti Efendi, Ahmed (Ahmed Lufti Efendi) (1816-1907). Ottoman court historiographer and poet. His most famous work is the continuation of the history of Ahmed Jewdet Pasha. The work, in 15 volumes, covers the events between 1825 and 1876.
Ahmed Lufti Efendi see Lufti Efendi, Ahmed
Lufti Efendi, Ahmed (Ahmed Lufti Efendi) (1816-1907). Ottoman court historiographer and poet. His most famous work is the continuation of the history of Ahmed Jewdet Pasha. The work, in 15 volumes, covers the events between 1825 and 1876.
Ahmed Lufti Efendi see Lufti Efendi, Ahmed
Lufti Pasha
Lufti Pasha (c. 1488-1562). Ottoman statesman and Grand Vizier. In 1539, he led the negotiations which ended the war with Venice and headed negotiations with the Habsburgs over Ferdinand’s claims to territory in Hungary whose issue eventually led to war in 1541.
Lufti Pasha (c. 1488-1562). Ottoman statesman and Grand Vizier. In 1539, he led the negotiations which ended the war with Venice and headed negotiations with the Habsburgs over Ferdinand’s claims to territory in Hungary whose issue eventually led to war in 1541.
Luqman
Luqman (Luqman The Wise) (Luqmaan) (Lukman) (Luqman al-Hakeem) (c.1100 B.C.T.). Legendary hero and sage of pre-Islamic Arabia. He appears in the Qur’an as a monotheist and a wise father giving pious admonitions to his son. In later Islamic lore, he became the creator of fables par excellence and a striking parallel of Aesop.
Luqman is believed to have come from Nubia (present day Ethiopia). He was a perceptive man, always watching the animals and plants of his surroundings, and he tried to understand the world based on what he saw. One day, whilst sleeping under a tree, an angel came to him and said God wanted to bestow a gift upon Luqman: either to be a prophet or a wise man. Luqman chose to be a wise man, and when he awoke from his slumber, he was aware of his senses and his understanding had sharpened. He felt in complete harmony with nature and could understand the inner meaning of things, beyond their physical reality. Immediately he bowed down, and thanked and praised God for this wonderful gift. Unfortunately, Luqman was captured by slavers and sold as a slave. However, his master was a kind man and ordered that immediately after his death, Luqman should be freed.
Once Luqman became a freed man, he travelled and settled in the district of the Elah and Midian. He was appointed as a judge during King David's time. According to Sunni belief, Luqman was once asked "What has brought you what we see?" meaning his high rank. Luqman said "Truthful speech, fulfilling the trust, and leaving what does not concern me." Luqman had become what he set out to be -- a wise man, but not a prophet.
Luqman was a wise man for whom Surat Luqman, the thirty-first sura (chapter) of the Qur'an, was named. There are many stories about Luqman in Arabic and Turkish literature and the primary historical source is the Tafsir ibn Kathir. The Quran does not state whether or not Luqman was a prophet, but some people believe him to be a prophet and thus write Alayhis salaam (A.S.) with his name.
Luqman the Wise see Luqman
Luqmaan see Luqman
Lukman see Luqman
Luqman al-Hakeem see Luqman
Luqman (Luqman The Wise) (Luqmaan) (Lukman) (Luqman al-Hakeem) (c.1100 B.C.T.). Legendary hero and sage of pre-Islamic Arabia. He appears in the Qur’an as a monotheist and a wise father giving pious admonitions to his son. In later Islamic lore, he became the creator of fables par excellence and a striking parallel of Aesop.
Luqman is believed to have come from Nubia (present day Ethiopia). He was a perceptive man, always watching the animals and plants of his surroundings, and he tried to understand the world based on what he saw. One day, whilst sleeping under a tree, an angel came to him and said God wanted to bestow a gift upon Luqman: either to be a prophet or a wise man. Luqman chose to be a wise man, and when he awoke from his slumber, he was aware of his senses and his understanding had sharpened. He felt in complete harmony with nature and could understand the inner meaning of things, beyond their physical reality. Immediately he bowed down, and thanked and praised God for this wonderful gift. Unfortunately, Luqman was captured by slavers and sold as a slave. However, his master was a kind man and ordered that immediately after his death, Luqman should be freed.
Once Luqman became a freed man, he travelled and settled in the district of the Elah and Midian. He was appointed as a judge during King David's time. According to Sunni belief, Luqman was once asked "What has brought you what we see?" meaning his high rank. Luqman said "Truthful speech, fulfilling the trust, and leaving what does not concern me." Luqman had become what he set out to be -- a wise man, but not a prophet.
Luqman was a wise man for whom Surat Luqman, the thirty-first sura (chapter) of the Qur'an, was named. There are many stories about Luqman in Arabic and Turkish literature and the primary historical source is the Tafsir ibn Kathir. The Quran does not state whether or not Luqman was a prophet, but some people believe him to be a prophet and thus write Alayhis salaam (A.S.) with his name.
Luqman the Wise see Luqman
Luqmaan see Luqman
Lukman see Luqman
Luqman al-Hakeem see Luqman
Luqman ibn Sayyid Huseyin
Luqman ibn Sayyid Huseyin (d. 1601). Ottoman poet and historian who wrote in Persian and Turkish.
Luqman ibn Sayyid Huseyin (d. 1601). Ottoman poet and historian who wrote in Persian and Turkish.
Lur
Lur (Lor) (Luri). The Lur of Iran are concentrated in three major areas: Lurestan, Bakhtiari and Kuhgiluyeh, located along a northwest-southeast axis of the Zagros range and its southern foothills. These mountains, from 100 to 200 miles wide, extend southeastward from Lake Van in Turkey to near Bandar Abbas in southern Iran, a distance of about 1,000 miles. Throughout the system the intermontane valleys hold seasonally rich pastures, which have made possible the development of several nomadic pastoral societies such as the Kurds and Lur.
The Lur primarily inhabit the provinces of Luristan, Khuzestan, Hamadan, Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari, Isfahan and Ilam of Iran.
Like most Iranians, the Lur are a mixture of indigenous inhabitants of the Zagros Mountain and Iranian speaking tribes migrating from Central Asia. Luri language, which is closely related to Persian, has two distinct dialects: (1) Lur-i-Buzurg (Greater Lur), which is spoken by the Bakhtiaris (mainly in Khuzestan, Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari), parts of Luristan, and parts of Isfahan and (2) Lur-i-Kuchik (Lesser Lur), spoken by the Lur themselves (mainly in Luristan).
The overwhelming majority of Lurs are Shi'a Muslims. In Khuzestan, Lur tribes are primarily concentrated in the northern part of the province, while in Ilam they are mainly in the southern region. Prior to the twentieth century of the Christian calendar, the majority of Lur were nomadic herders, with an urban minority residing in the city of Khorramabad.
There is a plethora of historical speculation as to the origins of the Lur people. One widely accepted theory is that they were Kurds similar to their present neighbors, who migrated from Syria into the western Zagros Mountains sometime after the Arab invasion of Iran in the seventh century of the Christian calendar. Another somewhat indigenous people who were nomadic herders and spoke an Indo-Iranian language. This territory served as no man’s land between the Medes, whose hegemony extended from Lake Urmia to the north of Kermanshah, and the area of the Persians, including present day Khuzistan, Kuhgiluyeh, and Fars Province. The Achaemenians, the Sassanians and finally the Arabs held intermittent control over this rugged land and its warlike inhabitants.
Around the tenth century, perhaps for administrative reasons, the whole region was broken into what became known as the Lurestan-e-Bozorg (“the large Lurestan”), the present Bakhtiari territory, and the Lurestan-e-Kuchak (“the small Lurestan”), the present province of Lurestan. Presumably, owing to internecine conflicts among the constituent tribes, each of the two Lurestans was subsequently further subdivided into smaller political units. Today the Lurestan-e-Kuchak consists of two ecological and cultural zones. Pusht Kuh (“behind the mountain”) and Peesh Kuh (“in front of the mountain”).
The recent history of relations between the central government and the tribal groups in this region has seen fundamental changes in many areas of tribal life. During the early part of Reza Shah’s reign (1925-1942) pacification and elimination of tribes received priority. The tribes, often mutually hostile and disunited, proved no match for the Shah’s relatively modernized army. The oath of loyalty by the defeated chiefs was not sufficient to placate the Shah. Nearly all central leaders net summary executions. To force the transformation of the nomads into permanently settled farming peasants, annual migrations between the winter and summer pastures were banned. In little more than 12 years the nomads lost about ninety percent of their livestock with untold human suffering.
The abdication of Reza Shah in 1942 and the ensuing political vacuum presented the long-awaited opportunity for the nomads to resume annual migrations and rebuild their vitiated pastoral economy. With few exceptions, the new tribal leaders, perhaps naively, envisioned a smooth and constructive integration of the tribal societies into the national structure, with shared rights and responsibilities as full citizens.
The tribal policies of Mohammed Reza Shah (1942-1979) were scarcely less ruthless than those of his father. The decade between 1953 and 1963 witnessed a renewed reign of terror for the tribes, as indeed for the entire country. This is often attributed to (1) the Shah’s personal insecurity, which was heightened after the coup of 1953, which overthrew the nationalist government of Muhammad Mossadeq and reinstituted monarchic absolutism, and (2) his much revitalized army and his intelligence apparatus, the SAVAK.
From 1963 to 1978 the Pahlavi regime adopted a reformist strategy to deal with the tribes, introduced under the aegis of the Shah’s “White Revolution.” Despite much publicity and fanfare, in reality the main objective of the planners was not so much modernization and development as the resurrection of the panacea of settling the tribes.
The much celebrated land reform, for example, created ecological disasters when impoverished nomads began a frantic conversion of steep mountain pastures into farmlands in order to qualify for individualized ownership of land. Meanwhile, the introduction of the national system of education undermined the normative foundation of the traditional social and economic systems. After 12 years of a primary and secondary education, the price of literacy was often alienation from the only available life-style.
The revolution of 1978-1979 ended the Pahlavi regime and brought a halt to at least some of the tragic waste of human and natural resources in the tribal enclaves. Some progress was made in resuscitating the pastoral economy by eradicating the exploitive commercial practices of the town merchants while making interest free loans available to nomads. Health clinics, electrification of villages and sanitization of drinking water received some attention from the authorities. The educated tribesmen enjoyed a relatively more equal opportunity in finding employment in the local government agencies, although the higher-echelon positions were still the exclusive purview of the non-tribal Persian-speaking bureaucrats. Tribal education still suffered from a heavy emphasis on indoctrination at the expense of a pragmatic approach which could in time ameliorate the material conditions of life.
Lor see Lur
Lors see Lur
Lurs see Lur
Luri see Lur
Lur (Lor) (Luri). The Lur of Iran are concentrated in three major areas: Lurestan, Bakhtiari and Kuhgiluyeh, located along a northwest-southeast axis of the Zagros range and its southern foothills. These mountains, from 100 to 200 miles wide, extend southeastward from Lake Van in Turkey to near Bandar Abbas in southern Iran, a distance of about 1,000 miles. Throughout the system the intermontane valleys hold seasonally rich pastures, which have made possible the development of several nomadic pastoral societies such as the Kurds and Lur.
The Lur primarily inhabit the provinces of Luristan, Khuzestan, Hamadan, Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari, Isfahan and Ilam of Iran.
Like most Iranians, the Lur are a mixture of indigenous inhabitants of the Zagros Mountain and Iranian speaking tribes migrating from Central Asia. Luri language, which is closely related to Persian, has two distinct dialects: (1) Lur-i-Buzurg (Greater Lur), which is spoken by the Bakhtiaris (mainly in Khuzestan, Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari), parts of Luristan, and parts of Isfahan and (2) Lur-i-Kuchik (Lesser Lur), spoken by the Lur themselves (mainly in Luristan).
The overwhelming majority of Lurs are Shi'a Muslims. In Khuzestan, Lur tribes are primarily concentrated in the northern part of the province, while in Ilam they are mainly in the southern region. Prior to the twentieth century of the Christian calendar, the majority of Lur were nomadic herders, with an urban minority residing in the city of Khorramabad.
There is a plethora of historical speculation as to the origins of the Lur people. One widely accepted theory is that they were Kurds similar to their present neighbors, who migrated from Syria into the western Zagros Mountains sometime after the Arab invasion of Iran in the seventh century of the Christian calendar. Another somewhat indigenous people who were nomadic herders and spoke an Indo-Iranian language. This territory served as no man’s land between the Medes, whose hegemony extended from Lake Urmia to the north of Kermanshah, and the area of the Persians, including present day Khuzistan, Kuhgiluyeh, and Fars Province. The Achaemenians, the Sassanians and finally the Arabs held intermittent control over this rugged land and its warlike inhabitants.
Around the tenth century, perhaps for administrative reasons, the whole region was broken into what became known as the Lurestan-e-Bozorg (“the large Lurestan”), the present Bakhtiari territory, and the Lurestan-e-Kuchak (“the small Lurestan”), the present province of Lurestan. Presumably, owing to internecine conflicts among the constituent tribes, each of the two Lurestans was subsequently further subdivided into smaller political units. Today the Lurestan-e-Kuchak consists of two ecological and cultural zones. Pusht Kuh (“behind the mountain”) and Peesh Kuh (“in front of the mountain”).
The recent history of relations between the central government and the tribal groups in this region has seen fundamental changes in many areas of tribal life. During the early part of Reza Shah’s reign (1925-1942) pacification and elimination of tribes received priority. The tribes, often mutually hostile and disunited, proved no match for the Shah’s relatively modernized army. The oath of loyalty by the defeated chiefs was not sufficient to placate the Shah. Nearly all central leaders net summary executions. To force the transformation of the nomads into permanently settled farming peasants, annual migrations between the winter and summer pastures were banned. In little more than 12 years the nomads lost about ninety percent of their livestock with untold human suffering.
The abdication of Reza Shah in 1942 and the ensuing political vacuum presented the long-awaited opportunity for the nomads to resume annual migrations and rebuild their vitiated pastoral economy. With few exceptions, the new tribal leaders, perhaps naively, envisioned a smooth and constructive integration of the tribal societies into the national structure, with shared rights and responsibilities as full citizens.
The tribal policies of Mohammed Reza Shah (1942-1979) were scarcely less ruthless than those of his father. The decade between 1953 and 1963 witnessed a renewed reign of terror for the tribes, as indeed for the entire country. This is often attributed to (1) the Shah’s personal insecurity, which was heightened after the coup of 1953, which overthrew the nationalist government of Muhammad Mossadeq and reinstituted monarchic absolutism, and (2) his much revitalized army and his intelligence apparatus, the SAVAK.
From 1963 to 1978 the Pahlavi regime adopted a reformist strategy to deal with the tribes, introduced under the aegis of the Shah’s “White Revolution.” Despite much publicity and fanfare, in reality the main objective of the planners was not so much modernization and development as the resurrection of the panacea of settling the tribes.
The much celebrated land reform, for example, created ecological disasters when impoverished nomads began a frantic conversion of steep mountain pastures into farmlands in order to qualify for individualized ownership of land. Meanwhile, the introduction of the national system of education undermined the normative foundation of the traditional social and economic systems. After 12 years of a primary and secondary education, the price of literacy was often alienation from the only available life-style.
The revolution of 1978-1979 ended the Pahlavi regime and brought a halt to at least some of the tragic waste of human and natural resources in the tribal enclaves. Some progress was made in resuscitating the pastoral economy by eradicating the exploitive commercial practices of the town merchants while making interest free loans available to nomads. Health clinics, electrification of villages and sanitization of drinking water received some attention from the authorities. The educated tribesmen enjoyed a relatively more equal opportunity in finding employment in the local government agencies, although the higher-echelon positions were still the exclusive purview of the non-tribal Persian-speaking bureaucrats. Tribal education still suffered from a heavy emphasis on indoctrination at the expense of a pragmatic approach which could in time ameliorate the material conditions of life.
Lor see Lur
Lors see Lur
Lurs see Lur
Luri see Lur
Lur-i Buzurg
Lur-i Buzurg (Lor-e-Bozorg) (Lur-e-Bozourg) ("Greater Lur"). Dynasty of atabegs which flourished in eastern and southern Luristan between 1155 and 1423. The capital of the Lur-i Buzurg was Idhaj or Malamir.
Greater Lur see Lur-i Buzurg
Lor-e-Bozorg see Lur-i Buzurg
Lur-e-Bozourg see Lur-i Buzurg
Lur-i Buzurg (Lor-e-Bozorg) (Lur-e-Bozourg) ("Greater Lur"). Dynasty of atabegs which flourished in eastern and southern Luristan between 1155 and 1423. The capital of the Lur-i Buzurg was Idhaj or Malamir.
Greater Lur see Lur-i Buzurg
Lor-e-Bozorg see Lur-i Buzurg
Lur-e-Bozourg see Lur-i Buzurg
Lurs
Lurs (in Persian, Lors). See Lur.
Lors see Lurs
Lur see Lurs
Lurs (in Persian, Lors). See Lur.
Lors see Lurs
Lur see Lurs
Lutf ‘Ali Beg
Lutf ‘Ali Beg (Adhar) (1722-1781). Persian anthologist and poet. His fame rests primarily on an anthology of the poets of previous times and of the poets of Persia, Turan and Hindustan.
Adhar see Lutf ‘Ali Beg
Beg, Lutf 'Ali see Lutf ‘Ali Beg
Lutf ‘Ali Beg (Adhar) (1722-1781). Persian anthologist and poet. His fame rests primarily on an anthology of the poets of previous times and of the poets of Persia, Turan and Hindustan.
Adhar see Lutf ‘Ali Beg
Beg, Lutf 'Ali see Lutf ‘Ali Beg
No comments:
Post a Comment