Widodo, Joko
Joko Widodo (b. June 21, 1961) is an Indonesian politician who became the governor of Jakarta. He was often better known by his nickname Jokowi. He was previously the mayor of Surakarta (often also known as Solo in Indonesia). He was nominated by his party, the Indonesian Democratic Party - Struggle (PDI-P), to run in the 2012 Jakarta gubernatorial election with Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (often known as Ahok) as his running mate. He was elected governor of Jakarta on September 20, 2012 after a second round runoff election in which he defeated the incumbent governor Fauzi Bowo. Jokowi's win was widely seen as reflecting popular voter support for "new" or "clean" leaders rather than the "old" style of politics in Indonesia, even though Jokowi was over 50 years old at the time.
Joko Widodo (b. June 21, 1961) is an Indonesian politician who became the governor of Jakarta. He was often better known by his nickname Jokowi. He was previously the mayor of Surakarta (often also known as Solo in Indonesia). He was nominated by his party, the Indonesian Democratic Party - Struggle (PDI-P), to run in the 2012 Jakarta gubernatorial election with Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (often known as Ahok) as his running mate. He was elected governor of Jakarta on September 20, 2012 after a second round runoff election in which he defeated the incumbent governor Fauzi Bowo. Jokowi's win was widely seen as reflecting popular voter support for "new" or "clean" leaders rather than the "old" style of politics in Indonesia, even though Jokowi was over 50 years old at the time.
Jokowi's popularity rose sharply after his election to the high-profile position of governor of Jakarta in 2012. During 2013 and early 2014, he was seen as a potential PDI-P candidate for the Indonesian presidential election in 2014.
Wilopo
Wilopo (b. 1908/1909, Purworejo, Central Java, Dutch East Indies - b. 1981). Indonesian nationalist politician. Wilopo trained as a lawyer and was active in both Taman Siswa and the nationalist Partindo and Gerindo. He helped found the postwar Partai Nasional Indonesia (PNI) and was a leading figure on its liberal-socialist wing. He was minister in the Hatta and Sukiman cabinets and from April 1952 to August 1953 headed a PNI-Masjumi coalition government that introduced austerity measures in the army and bureaucracy, prompting army sponsored agitation in October 1952 for the dissolution of Parliament. His cabinet fell over its handling of the shooting of squatters being removed by police from Dutch estates in East Sumatra.
Wilopo served as prime minister of Indonesia from April 1952 to August 1953.
Wilopo (b. 1908/1909, Purworejo, Central Java, Dutch East Indies - b. 1981). Indonesian nationalist politician. Wilopo trained as a lawyer and was active in both Taman Siswa and the nationalist Partindo and Gerindo. He helped found the postwar Partai Nasional Indonesia (PNI) and was a leading figure on its liberal-socialist wing. He was minister in the Hatta and Sukiman cabinets and from April 1952 to August 1953 headed a PNI-Masjumi coalition government that introduced austerity measures in the army and bureaucracy, prompting army sponsored agitation in October 1952 for the dissolution of Parliament. His cabinet fell over its handling of the shooting of squatters being removed by police from Dutch estates in East Sumatra.
Wilopo served as prime minister of Indonesia from April 1952 to August 1953.
Wolof
Wolof (Ouolof). Ethnic group and language of Senegal that became the principal national language of Senegal. The Wolof inhabit Senegambia in West Africa, from the river Senegal in the north to the river Gambia in the south. They form thirty-six percent of the population of Senegal and fifteen percent of the population of Gambia. The region is ethnically mixed and also includes Mandinka (Soose), Fulani (Fulbe) and Serer. The Wolof are the dominant element in the former states of Waalo (Oualo), Kahoor (Kayor), Jolof, Baol, Sin (Sine) and Saalum (Saloum) and were already occupying this portion of West Africa when the first Portuguese voyagers reached the coast in the middle of the fifteenth century.
Practically all Wolof are Muslim, with a small number of Christian Wolof found mainly in the coastal cities (Dakar, Goree, Banjul). Islam came to northern Senegal about the eleventh century, and the early Portuguese travellers of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries mention that most Wolof rulers, even though they generally followed traditional ways, had religious teachers at their courts. One of the functions of such men was to provide supernatural protection against evil forces -- malicious spirits, witchcraft and the evil eye. However, Islam was slow in reaching the mass of the people, and Muslim converts often had to form separate communities of their own. It was not until the religious wars of the nineteenth century, particularly as a result of the jihad of El Hadj Omar, who was followed by such warriors as Ma Ba in southern Senegal, that widespread conversion took place. Muslim religious leaders were then engaged in a struggle both with traditional rulers, who were opposed to this new threat to their power, as well as with the French. Ironically, though the French were opposed to the expansion of Islam, the period of peace and improved communications that followed the success of the French conquest enabled religious teachers to move more freely, and Islam spread rapidly and widely. A Wolof usually belongs to one the three main brotherhoods: Tijani (brought by El Hadj Omar), to which about sixty percent of the Wolof owe allegiance; Mouridism, which includes thirty percent of the Wolof (a group founded by Ahmadou Bamba at Touba, where there is now one of the largest mosques in sub-Saharan Africa and which has become the center of an important annual pilgrimage); and Qadiri, to which about ten percent belong.
The Wolof are a Muslim people of Senegal and The Gambia who speak the Wolof language of the Atlantic branch of the Niger-Congo language family.
The typical rural community is small (about 100 persons). Most Wolof are farmers, growing peanuts (groundnuts) as a cash crop and millet and sorghum as staples. Many, however, live and work in Dakar and Banjul as traders, goldsmiths, tailors, carpenters, teachers, and civil servants. Traditional groups were characterized by a markedly hierarchical social stratification, including royalty, an aristocracy, a warrior class, commoners, slaves, and members of low-status artisan castes. At their head was a paramount chief.
In the past, the Wolof observed double descent; i.e., descent was traced through both the male and female lines. Islamic influence, however, has tended to make the male line dominant. A household unit may consist of a nuclear family (husband, wife, and minor children) or a polygynous family (a husband, his several wives, and their children). Other close kin, however, may sometimes be found together with the nuclear family. Wolof women are renowned for their elaborate hairstyles, abundant gold ornaments, and voluminous dresses.
Wolof (Ouolof). Ethnic group and language of Senegal that became the principal national language of Senegal. The Wolof inhabit Senegambia in West Africa, from the river Senegal in the north to the river Gambia in the south. They form thirty-six percent of the population of Senegal and fifteen percent of the population of Gambia. The region is ethnically mixed and also includes Mandinka (Soose), Fulani (Fulbe) and Serer. The Wolof are the dominant element in the former states of Waalo (Oualo), Kahoor (Kayor), Jolof, Baol, Sin (Sine) and Saalum (Saloum) and were already occupying this portion of West Africa when the first Portuguese voyagers reached the coast in the middle of the fifteenth century.
Practically all Wolof are Muslim, with a small number of Christian Wolof found mainly in the coastal cities (Dakar, Goree, Banjul). Islam came to northern Senegal about the eleventh century, and the early Portuguese travellers of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries mention that most Wolof rulers, even though they generally followed traditional ways, had religious teachers at their courts. One of the functions of such men was to provide supernatural protection against evil forces -- malicious spirits, witchcraft and the evil eye. However, Islam was slow in reaching the mass of the people, and Muslim converts often had to form separate communities of their own. It was not until the religious wars of the nineteenth century, particularly as a result of the jihad of El Hadj Omar, who was followed by such warriors as Ma Ba in southern Senegal, that widespread conversion took place. Muslim religious leaders were then engaged in a struggle both with traditional rulers, who were opposed to this new threat to their power, as well as with the French. Ironically, though the French were opposed to the expansion of Islam, the period of peace and improved communications that followed the success of the French conquest enabled religious teachers to move more freely, and Islam spread rapidly and widely. A Wolof usually belongs to one the three main brotherhoods: Tijani (brought by El Hadj Omar), to which about sixty percent of the Wolof owe allegiance; Mouridism, which includes thirty percent of the Wolof (a group founded by Ahmadou Bamba at Touba, where there is now one of the largest mosques in sub-Saharan Africa and which has become the center of an important annual pilgrimage); and Qadiri, to which about ten percent belong.
The Wolof are a Muslim people of Senegal and The Gambia who speak the Wolof language of the Atlantic branch of the Niger-Congo language family.
The typical rural community is small (about 100 persons). Most Wolof are farmers, growing peanuts (groundnuts) as a cash crop and millet and sorghum as staples. Many, however, live and work in Dakar and Banjul as traders, goldsmiths, tailors, carpenters, teachers, and civil servants. Traditional groups were characterized by a markedly hierarchical social stratification, including royalty, an aristocracy, a warrior class, commoners, slaves, and members of low-status artisan castes. At their head was a paramount chief.
In the past, the Wolof observed double descent; i.e., descent was traced through both the male and female lines. Islamic influence, however, has tended to make the male line dominant. A household unit may consist of a nuclear family (husband, wife, and minor children) or a polygynous family (a husband, his several wives, and their children). Other close kin, however, may sometimes be found together with the nuclear family. Wolof women are renowned for their elaborate hairstyles, abundant gold ornaments, and voluminous dresses.
Woman’s Action Forum
Woman’s Action Forum (WAF) (Khavatin Mahaz-i 'Amal). Formed in 1981 in response to th government of Pakistan’s implementation of an Islamic penal code, the Women’s Action Forum (WAF; Khavatin Mahaz-i ‘Amal) sought the strengthening of women’s position in society. Members feared that many of the proposed laws being put forward by the martial law government of General Zia ul-Haq might be discriminatory against women and compromise their civil status, as they had seen with the promulgation of the Hudud Ordinances in 1979 when women were indicted after having been raped. Women, most from elite families, banded together on the principal of collective leadership in the three major cities of Karachi, Lahore, and Islamabad to formulate policy statements and engage in political action to safeguard women’s legal position.
In its charter, the WAF asserts that it is “committed to protecting and promoting the rights of women by countering all forms of oppression” by being a consciousness-raising group and acting as a lobby and pressure group, in order to create a heightened awareness of women’s rights and mobilize support for promoting these rights and “counter adverse propaganda against women.” The WAF has played a central role in the public exposure of the controversy regarding various interpretations of Islamic law, its role in a modern state, and ways in which women can play a more active role in political matters.
The WAF’s first major political action was in early 1983 when members in Lahore and Karachi openly marched in protest against the Majlis-i Shura’s (Consultative Assembly) recommendation to President Zia that he promulgate the Qanun-i Shahadat (Law of Evidence). As initially proposed, the law would require oral testimony and attestation of either two male witnesses or that of one male and two females; the witness of two or more females without corroboration by a male would not be sufficient, and no testimony by a woman would be admissible in the most severe hudud cases (cases that require mandatory punishments for crimes against Allah) as stipulated in the sunnah. A revised evidence law, eventually promulgated in October 1984 following nearly two years of protests, modifies the one previously enacted during the British Raj.
WAF members used Islamic precepts as the basis of their protest. They argued that the proposed Qanun-i Shahadat was not the only acceptable evidence law in Islam, and that there is only one instance in the Qur’an (see Sura 2:282) in which two women are called to testify in the place of one man. But, they contended, the latter was in regard to a specific financial matter and the role of the second woman was to remind the first about points that she may have forgotten. The intent (niyah) of the law must be taken into consideration, as it was initially intended to help women and not discriminate against them. The protesters claimed that criteria for witnesses as stated in the Qur’an are possession of sight, memory and the ability to communicate; as long as witnesses have these, testimony should be equally weighed regardless of gender. They also argued that the rigid interpretation of the Qur’an that would support the Qanun-i Shahadat (reading “male” for the generic word “man”) would virtually exclude women from being members of the religion. Opponents of the evidence law also feared that women might be restricted from testifying in certain kinds of hudud cases at all, such as when a woman is the sole witness to her father’s or husband’s murder.
The final adopted version restricts to financial cases the testimony of two women being equal to that of one man. In other instances, acceptance of a single woman’s testimony has been left to the discretion of the judge. Even though the final evidence law was modified substantially from the initial proposal, the WAF held the position that the state’s declaring a woman’s evidence in financial cases unequal to that of a man’s would constrain women’s economic participation and was symbolic of an ideological perspective that could not perceive women as equal economic participants with men. They argued that for the first time in Pakistan’s history, the laws regard men and women as having different legal rights, and, despite the rhetoric that such laws were being promulgated to protect women, they were indeed constraining women’s power and participation in the larger society.
At protests in Lahore and Karachi in February 1983, women demonstrators were attacked by police, prompting much public outcry. The WAF’s lawyers countered the martial law government’s actions on Islamic grounds by claiming that the police, as unrelated men, had no right to physically touch the protesting women.
In fall 1983, the WAF and other women’s groups organized demonstrations throughout the country to protest both the Qanun-i Shahadat andt eh public flogging of women. The following year, in 1984, the now separate WAF groups mounted a campaign against the promulgation of the proposed Qisas and Diyat (Retaliation and Blood Money) Ordinance, which stated tht the compensation to the family of a female victim be only half that given to the family of a male victim.
In the aftermath of the lifting of martial law in December 1985, the WAF became instrumental in organizing protests (which included nearly thirty other groups) in the wake of the debate over the Shariat Bill and the Ninth Amendment. WAF argued that in their proposed forms, both negated principles of justice, democracy, and fundamental rights of citizens, and that their passage would give rise to sectarianism and serve to divide the nation. The remaining years of the Zia regime (until fall 1988) found WAF members focused on protesting against the Ninth Amendment, instituting legal aid cells for indigent women, opposing the gendered segregation of universities, and playing an active role in condemning the growing incidents of violence against women and bringing them to the attention of the public.
During the tenure of Benazir Bhutto’s Pakistan People’s Party’s first government (December 1988 - August 1990), the WAF was faced with the difficult task of transforming itself from a protest movement based on a collective moral conscience to an advocate, lobbying a more sympathetic government. With the displacement of that government, it then focused its activities on three goals: to secure women’s political representation in the parliament; to work to raise women’s consciousness, particularly in the realm of family planning; and to counter suppression and raise public awareness by taking stands and issuing statements on events as they occur.
Women's Action Forum (WAF) is a women's rights organization and has a presence in several cities in Pakistan. It is a non-partisan, non-hierarchical and non-funded organization. It is supportive of all aspects of women's rights and related issues, irrespective of political affiliations, belief system, or ethnicity.
Women's Action Forum came into being in Karachi in September 1981. The following year, the Lahore and then the Islamabad Chapters were formed. Some years later, the Peshawar chapter came into being. And in May 2008, a Chapter of WAF started in Hyderabad, in the Province of Sindh.
Women's Action Forum engaged in active lobbying and advocacy on behalf of women in Pakistan. It held demonstrations and public-awareness campaigns. It was committed to a just and peaceful society based on democracy. The issues picked up by WAF have included challenging discriminatory legislation against women, the invisibility of women in government plans and policies, the exclusion of women from media, sports and cultural activities, dress codes for women, violence against women and the seclusion of women. WAF's activism has led to the birth of many women's rights groups and resource centers thereby increasing its outreach. WAF considers all issues as "women's issues" and has taken positions on national and global developments. It allies itself with democratic and progressive forces in the country as well as linking its struggle with that of minorities and other oppressed peoples.
WAF see Woman’s Action Forum
Khavatin Mahaz-i 'Amal see Woman’s Action Forum
Woman’s Action Forum (WAF) (Khavatin Mahaz-i 'Amal). Formed in 1981 in response to th government of Pakistan’s implementation of an Islamic penal code, the Women’s Action Forum (WAF; Khavatin Mahaz-i ‘Amal) sought the strengthening of women’s position in society. Members feared that many of the proposed laws being put forward by the martial law government of General Zia ul-Haq might be discriminatory against women and compromise their civil status, as they had seen with the promulgation of the Hudud Ordinances in 1979 when women were indicted after having been raped. Women, most from elite families, banded together on the principal of collective leadership in the three major cities of Karachi, Lahore, and Islamabad to formulate policy statements and engage in political action to safeguard women’s legal position.
In its charter, the WAF asserts that it is “committed to protecting and promoting the rights of women by countering all forms of oppression” by being a consciousness-raising group and acting as a lobby and pressure group, in order to create a heightened awareness of women’s rights and mobilize support for promoting these rights and “counter adverse propaganda against women.” The WAF has played a central role in the public exposure of the controversy regarding various interpretations of Islamic law, its role in a modern state, and ways in which women can play a more active role in political matters.
The WAF’s first major political action was in early 1983 when members in Lahore and Karachi openly marched in protest against the Majlis-i Shura’s (Consultative Assembly) recommendation to President Zia that he promulgate the Qanun-i Shahadat (Law of Evidence). As initially proposed, the law would require oral testimony and attestation of either two male witnesses or that of one male and two females; the witness of two or more females without corroboration by a male would not be sufficient, and no testimony by a woman would be admissible in the most severe hudud cases (cases that require mandatory punishments for crimes against Allah) as stipulated in the sunnah. A revised evidence law, eventually promulgated in October 1984 following nearly two years of protests, modifies the one previously enacted during the British Raj.
WAF members used Islamic precepts as the basis of their protest. They argued that the proposed Qanun-i Shahadat was not the only acceptable evidence law in Islam, and that there is only one instance in the Qur’an (see Sura 2:282) in which two women are called to testify in the place of one man. But, they contended, the latter was in regard to a specific financial matter and the role of the second woman was to remind the first about points that she may have forgotten. The intent (niyah) of the law must be taken into consideration, as it was initially intended to help women and not discriminate against them. The protesters claimed that criteria for witnesses as stated in the Qur’an are possession of sight, memory and the ability to communicate; as long as witnesses have these, testimony should be equally weighed regardless of gender. They also argued that the rigid interpretation of the Qur’an that would support the Qanun-i Shahadat (reading “male” for the generic word “man”) would virtually exclude women from being members of the religion. Opponents of the evidence law also feared that women might be restricted from testifying in certain kinds of hudud cases at all, such as when a woman is the sole witness to her father’s or husband’s murder.
The final adopted version restricts to financial cases the testimony of two women being equal to that of one man. In other instances, acceptance of a single woman’s testimony has been left to the discretion of the judge. Even though the final evidence law was modified substantially from the initial proposal, the WAF held the position that the state’s declaring a woman’s evidence in financial cases unequal to that of a man’s would constrain women’s economic participation and was symbolic of an ideological perspective that could not perceive women as equal economic participants with men. They argued that for the first time in Pakistan’s history, the laws regard men and women as having different legal rights, and, despite the rhetoric that such laws were being promulgated to protect women, they were indeed constraining women’s power and participation in the larger society.
At protests in Lahore and Karachi in February 1983, women demonstrators were attacked by police, prompting much public outcry. The WAF’s lawyers countered the martial law government’s actions on Islamic grounds by claiming that the police, as unrelated men, had no right to physically touch the protesting women.
In fall 1983, the WAF and other women’s groups organized demonstrations throughout the country to protest both the Qanun-i Shahadat andt eh public flogging of women. The following year, in 1984, the now separate WAF groups mounted a campaign against the promulgation of the proposed Qisas and Diyat (Retaliation and Blood Money) Ordinance, which stated tht the compensation to the family of a female victim be only half that given to the family of a male victim.
In the aftermath of the lifting of martial law in December 1985, the WAF became instrumental in organizing protests (which included nearly thirty other groups) in the wake of the debate over the Shariat Bill and the Ninth Amendment. WAF argued that in their proposed forms, both negated principles of justice, democracy, and fundamental rights of citizens, and that their passage would give rise to sectarianism and serve to divide the nation. The remaining years of the Zia regime (until fall 1988) found WAF members focused on protesting against the Ninth Amendment, instituting legal aid cells for indigent women, opposing the gendered segregation of universities, and playing an active role in condemning the growing incidents of violence against women and bringing them to the attention of the public.
During the tenure of Benazir Bhutto’s Pakistan People’s Party’s first government (December 1988 - August 1990), the WAF was faced with the difficult task of transforming itself from a protest movement based on a collective moral conscience to an advocate, lobbying a more sympathetic government. With the displacement of that government, it then focused its activities on three goals: to secure women’s political representation in the parliament; to work to raise women’s consciousness, particularly in the realm of family planning; and to counter suppression and raise public awareness by taking stands and issuing statements on events as they occur.
Women's Action Forum (WAF) is a women's rights organization and has a presence in several cities in Pakistan. It is a non-partisan, non-hierarchical and non-funded organization. It is supportive of all aspects of women's rights and related issues, irrespective of political affiliations, belief system, or ethnicity.
Women's Action Forum came into being in Karachi in September 1981. The following year, the Lahore and then the Islamabad Chapters were formed. Some years later, the Peshawar chapter came into being. And in May 2008, a Chapter of WAF started in Hyderabad, in the Province of Sindh.
Women's Action Forum engaged in active lobbying and advocacy on behalf of women in Pakistan. It held demonstrations and public-awareness campaigns. It was committed to a just and peaceful society based on democracy. The issues picked up by WAF have included challenging discriminatory legislation against women, the invisibility of women in government plans and policies, the exclusion of women from media, sports and cultural activities, dress codes for women, violence against women and the seclusion of women. WAF's activism has led to the birth of many women's rights groups and resource centers thereby increasing its outreach. WAF considers all issues as "women's issues" and has taken positions on national and global developments. It allies itself with democratic and progressive forces in the country as well as linking its struggle with that of minorities and other oppressed peoples.
WAF see Woman’s Action Forum
Khavatin Mahaz-i 'Amal see Woman’s Action Forum
Women in Islam
Women in Islam. The revelation of Muhammad that gave rise to Islam called for a massive restructuring of the social order. In Islam’s early years this effectively improved the status of women, placing new restraints on divorce and polygamy and requiring husbands to support their wives, as well as bringing women the right to inherit and retain control of their dowries. The Qur’an still taught, nonetheless, that “men are in charge of women, because Allah hath made the one of them to excel the other.” {See Sura 4:34.}
To temper the dangers of sexual attraction and also to protect women followers of the faith from insult, the Qur’an called for modesty in the form of covering one’s inner dress and ornaments in public. In time, however, and under pressure of local custom, such teachings were cited to justify demands that women be veiled from head to foot in public. In some regions, and especially among the upper social classes, women were totally secluded in the home.
Muslim popular culture also preserved strict menstrual taboos; among other prohibitions, these excluded from the mosques both menstruating women and those who had recently given birth. Menstrual taboos also closed to women some religious offices, such as that of imam, or prayer leader.
As in Christianity, and in many other new religions that challenge repressive establishments, women such as Khadija and ‘A’isha were very prominent in the early Muslim community. In later centuries, some women became prominent scholars.
Women such as the mystic poetess Rabia were important to the Sufi orders. Indeed, a number of Sufi orders even had women’s branches and convents from very early times. Even though largely restricted to the home, many women of traditional Muslim countries have elaborated their own religious networks and practices, transmitting religious instruction and holding gatherings in their homes.
The study of women in Islam investigates the role status of women within the religion of Islam. The complex relationship between women and Islam is defined by both Islamic texts and the history and culture of the Muslim world.
Sharia (Islamic law) provides for differences between women's and men's roles, rights, and obligations. Majority Muslim countries give women varying degrees of rights without regards to marriage, divorce, civil rights, legal status, dress code, and education based on different interpretations. Scholars and other commentators vary as to whether they are just and whether they are a correct interpretation of religious imperatives. Conservatives argue that differences between men and women are due to different status while liberal Muslims, Muslim feminists, and others argue in favor of other interpretations. Despite the obstacles, some women have achieved high political office in Muslim majority states.
Women in Islam. The revelation of Muhammad that gave rise to Islam called for a massive restructuring of the social order. In Islam’s early years this effectively improved the status of women, placing new restraints on divorce and polygamy and requiring husbands to support their wives, as well as bringing women the right to inherit and retain control of their dowries. The Qur’an still taught, nonetheless, that “men are in charge of women, because Allah hath made the one of them to excel the other.” {See Sura 4:34.}
To temper the dangers of sexual attraction and also to protect women followers of the faith from insult, the Qur’an called for modesty in the form of covering one’s inner dress and ornaments in public. In time, however, and under pressure of local custom, such teachings were cited to justify demands that women be veiled from head to foot in public. In some regions, and especially among the upper social classes, women were totally secluded in the home.
Muslim popular culture also preserved strict menstrual taboos; among other prohibitions, these excluded from the mosques both menstruating women and those who had recently given birth. Menstrual taboos also closed to women some religious offices, such as that of imam, or prayer leader.
As in Christianity, and in many other new religions that challenge repressive establishments, women such as Khadija and ‘A’isha were very prominent in the early Muslim community. In later centuries, some women became prominent scholars.
Women such as the mystic poetess Rabia were important to the Sufi orders. Indeed, a number of Sufi orders even had women’s branches and convents from very early times. Even though largely restricted to the home, many women of traditional Muslim countries have elaborated their own religious networks and practices, transmitting religious instruction and holding gatherings in their homes.
The study of women in Islam investigates the role status of women within the religion of Islam. The complex relationship between women and Islam is defined by both Islamic texts and the history and culture of the Muslim world.
Sharia (Islamic law) provides for differences between women's and men's roles, rights, and obligations. Majority Muslim countries give women varying degrees of rights without regards to marriage, divorce, civil rights, legal status, dress code, and education based on different interpretations. Scholars and other commentators vary as to whether they are just and whether they are a correct interpretation of religious imperatives. Conservatives argue that differences between men and women are due to different status while liberal Muslims, Muslim feminists, and others argue in favor of other interpretations. Despite the obstacles, some women have achieved high political office in Muslim majority states.
No comments:
Post a Comment