Ummah Ansar
Ummah Ansar (Umma Party) (Hizb al-Umma -- Nation Party) . The Sudanese Ummah (“Community”) Party was formed in February 1945 by pro-independence nationalists, most of whom were supporters of Sayyid ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi, the posthumous son of Muhammad Ahmad ibn ‘Abd Allah (d. 1885) who founded the Mahdist movement in that country. The nearly four million followers of this movement, known as Ansar, constitute the bulk of the party’s membership. Although Ummah often gained the greatest number of seats voted to a single party in general elections, it was never the in a position to form an independent government and was forced to participate in coalitions.
Three main factors contributed to the formation of the Ummah Party. The first was the re-emergence of the Ansar as an influential religio-political organization under Sayyid ‘Abd al-Rahman after World War I. Its sectarian followers provided the mass basis of the Ummah Party and their hierarchical structure of command subsequently served as its backbone. Second, following the rift created between the Graduates’ Congress and the Condominium government in 1942, political control of this nationalist organization gradually passed to a militant, and later pro-unionist, faction headed by Isma‘il al-Azhari (d. 1969). This development led ‘Abd al-Rahman to discard the Congress as an instrument for advancing Sudanese independence and to promote the Ummah Party as a substitute. Third, whereas Congress in 1944 boycotted the establishment of an Advisory Council for the Sudan, ‘Abd al-Rahman realized its political significance and was determined to participate in its deliberations. Such participation, however, presupposed the formation of a political organization distinct from the Congress.
‘Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi, imam of the Ansar, was the new party’s patron, while its leadership initially rested with one of his sons, Siddiq. In October 1955, in order to secure the commitment of his sectarian rival to full independence for the Sudan, ‘Abd al-Rahman accepted Sayyid ‘Ali al-Mirghani’s proposal that they pledge themselves and members of their families to refrain from seeking public office. This measure shifted control of the party to the secular wing, then led by ‘Abd Allah Khalil. However, the military regime established all political parties, thereby neutralizing the secularists and restoring the Ummah’s leadership to al-Siddiq al-Mahdi.
Sayyid ‘Abd al-Rahman died in March 1959, and al-Siddiq succeeded him as imam. Almost immediately the latter integrated the party’s hierarchy of institution with the Ansar movement. When al-Siddiq himself died in October 1961, his brother al-Hadi was elected as the new imam and his own Oxford educated son al-Sadiq was designated as leader of the Ummah Party. Thus, the party’s leadership, though retained by the Mahdi family, became essentially divided along functional lines.
This division proved crucial, for al-Hadi was conservative while al-Sadiq was liberal. By 1963, the latter had grown critical of his uncle’s tolerance of ‘Abbud’s regime, and he began to advocate that the Ummah should adopt a more democratic structure and a modern political program. With the restoration of democratic rule in October 1964, the struggle between the conservative and liberal wings intensified and in July 1966 precipitated a split within the party. In April 1969, however, dissatisfied with their reduced political role, al-Hadi and al-Sadiq came to an agreement that reunified the party and prepared it to head a new coalition government. A few weeks thereafter, and partly in reaction to this development, a second military regime was established under Colonel Ja‘far al-Nimeiri (or al-Numayri).
From the outset the Ummah-Ansar leaders were unequivocably opposed to the leftist orientation of the new junta and, failing to change it by persuasion, they resisted it forcibly. The confrontation led to a military attack on Aba Island in March 1970, in which Imam al-Hadi and thousands of his followers were killed. Al-Sadiq was first exiled to Egypt but was later returned to Sudan and kept under house arrest until his release in December 1972.
The Ummah Party participated in setting up the Sudanese National Front in exile to oppose the military regime, and in July 1976 it spearheaded an abortive coup. A year later, al-Sadiq negotiated a reconciliation agreement with Nimeiri, following which the Front was dissolved. This agreement created dissension within the Ummah-Ansar from followers of al-Hadi who were vehemently opposed to Nimeiri and who had not forgotten the bitter split of 1966. Soon, however, al-Sadiq became disillusioned with Nimeiri’s domestic and foreign policies. In 1978, he led his wing of the Ummah Party again into opposition.
In April 1985, Nimeiri’s regime was overthrown and the Ummah joined other parties in forming a transitional regime pending general elections. By March 1986, its various wings were effectively reunited, and al-Sadiq was formally re-elected as its leader. In the elections held a month later, Ummah was able to gain 100 of the 260 contested seats and to head the new coalition government formed with the Democratic Union Party and others. In May 1987, al-Sadiq was elected imam of the Ansar to succeed his uncle al-Hadi, thereby unifying in his person the leadership of the Ummah-Ansar movement.
The instability created by differences over the repeal of Nimeiri’s Islamic legal code and the resolution of conflict in the southern Sudan opened the way for the establishment, in June 1989, of a third military regime under General ‘Umar Hasan Ahmad al-Bashir. Its fundamentalist orientation and its close association with the Muslim Brotherhood drove the Ummah and other parties to form the National Democratic Alliance to oppose it.
Ideologically, the Ummah Party draws its orientation from Sudanese Mahdist thought. Like the Sufi orders and the Muslim Brothers, it believes that Islam plays a major role in the socio-political life of Muslims. But unlike the former, it is strongly committed to political activism; and unlike the latter, it believes that a just social order can only be achieved on the basis of the widest popular participation. Accordingly, it supports the establishment of a modern Islamic state, but one that is based on a constitution that recognizes the ummah as the source of political authority and the possessor of sovereignty. Believing that the institutions of the modern state are new political phenomena with no resemblance to those of the original Islamic polity, the Ummah Party seeks to restore the functions rather than the traditional patterns of ancient Medinese society. Hence, like the Sufi orders but unlike the Muslim Brothers, it recognizes the shari‘a as the main --- but not the sole -- source for legislation. In this connection, it advocates the establishment of a shura (advisory) council vested with adequate legislative powers not only to reenact provisions of the shari‘a in the light of modern conditions, but also to validate existing modern legislation for which no precedent can be found in Islamic law. The application of such an Islamic legal system would be restricted to the Muslim population, and other religious faiths would be formally recognized rather than suppressed or simply tolerated, and their members would be guaranteed full freedom of religious conscience and practice. In this way, Ummah believes, Sudanese national unity and territorial integrity can be preserved.
The Umma Party is an Islamic centrist political party in Sudan. It was formed in 1945 as the party striving after independence of Sudan. Sadiq al Mahdi was a prominent leader of the faction through much of the last century.
Today there are five active political factions of the Umma Party each claiming political legitimacy.
The most prominent of these factions is the Umma Party (Reform and Renewal).
Another faction of the Umma Party (General Leadership). The Umma Party (General Leadership) became part of the government and agreed to continue cooperation with Sudan's ruling National Congress Party in the mid-interim period after 2008.
The third major faction of the Umma Party is the Federal Umma Party.
Community Party see Ummah Ansar
Umma Party see Ummah Ansar
Hizb al-Umma see Ummah Ansar
Nation Party see Ummah Ansar
Ummah Ansar (Umma Party) (Hizb al-Umma -- Nation Party) . The Sudanese Ummah (“Community”) Party was formed in February 1945 by pro-independence nationalists, most of whom were supporters of Sayyid ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi, the posthumous son of Muhammad Ahmad ibn ‘Abd Allah (d. 1885) who founded the Mahdist movement in that country. The nearly four million followers of this movement, known as Ansar, constitute the bulk of the party’s membership. Although Ummah often gained the greatest number of seats voted to a single party in general elections, it was never the in a position to form an independent government and was forced to participate in coalitions.
Three main factors contributed to the formation of the Ummah Party. The first was the re-emergence of the Ansar as an influential religio-political organization under Sayyid ‘Abd al-Rahman after World War I. Its sectarian followers provided the mass basis of the Ummah Party and their hierarchical structure of command subsequently served as its backbone. Second, following the rift created between the Graduates’ Congress and the Condominium government in 1942, political control of this nationalist organization gradually passed to a militant, and later pro-unionist, faction headed by Isma‘il al-Azhari (d. 1969). This development led ‘Abd al-Rahman to discard the Congress as an instrument for advancing Sudanese independence and to promote the Ummah Party as a substitute. Third, whereas Congress in 1944 boycotted the establishment of an Advisory Council for the Sudan, ‘Abd al-Rahman realized its political significance and was determined to participate in its deliberations. Such participation, however, presupposed the formation of a political organization distinct from the Congress.
‘Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi, imam of the Ansar, was the new party’s patron, while its leadership initially rested with one of his sons, Siddiq. In October 1955, in order to secure the commitment of his sectarian rival to full independence for the Sudan, ‘Abd al-Rahman accepted Sayyid ‘Ali al-Mirghani’s proposal that they pledge themselves and members of their families to refrain from seeking public office. This measure shifted control of the party to the secular wing, then led by ‘Abd Allah Khalil. However, the military regime established all political parties, thereby neutralizing the secularists and restoring the Ummah’s leadership to al-Siddiq al-Mahdi.
Sayyid ‘Abd al-Rahman died in March 1959, and al-Siddiq succeeded him as imam. Almost immediately the latter integrated the party’s hierarchy of institution with the Ansar movement. When al-Siddiq himself died in October 1961, his brother al-Hadi was elected as the new imam and his own Oxford educated son al-Sadiq was designated as leader of the Ummah Party. Thus, the party’s leadership, though retained by the Mahdi family, became essentially divided along functional lines.
This division proved crucial, for al-Hadi was conservative while al-Sadiq was liberal. By 1963, the latter had grown critical of his uncle’s tolerance of ‘Abbud’s regime, and he began to advocate that the Ummah should adopt a more democratic structure and a modern political program. With the restoration of democratic rule in October 1964, the struggle between the conservative and liberal wings intensified and in July 1966 precipitated a split within the party. In April 1969, however, dissatisfied with their reduced political role, al-Hadi and al-Sadiq came to an agreement that reunified the party and prepared it to head a new coalition government. A few weeks thereafter, and partly in reaction to this development, a second military regime was established under Colonel Ja‘far al-Nimeiri (or al-Numayri).
From the outset the Ummah-Ansar leaders were unequivocably opposed to the leftist orientation of the new junta and, failing to change it by persuasion, they resisted it forcibly. The confrontation led to a military attack on Aba Island in March 1970, in which Imam al-Hadi and thousands of his followers were killed. Al-Sadiq was first exiled to Egypt but was later returned to Sudan and kept under house arrest until his release in December 1972.
The Ummah Party participated in setting up the Sudanese National Front in exile to oppose the military regime, and in July 1976 it spearheaded an abortive coup. A year later, al-Sadiq negotiated a reconciliation agreement with Nimeiri, following which the Front was dissolved. This agreement created dissension within the Ummah-Ansar from followers of al-Hadi who were vehemently opposed to Nimeiri and who had not forgotten the bitter split of 1966. Soon, however, al-Sadiq became disillusioned with Nimeiri’s domestic and foreign policies. In 1978, he led his wing of the Ummah Party again into opposition.
In April 1985, Nimeiri’s regime was overthrown and the Ummah joined other parties in forming a transitional regime pending general elections. By March 1986, its various wings were effectively reunited, and al-Sadiq was formally re-elected as its leader. In the elections held a month later, Ummah was able to gain 100 of the 260 contested seats and to head the new coalition government formed with the Democratic Union Party and others. In May 1987, al-Sadiq was elected imam of the Ansar to succeed his uncle al-Hadi, thereby unifying in his person the leadership of the Ummah-Ansar movement.
The instability created by differences over the repeal of Nimeiri’s Islamic legal code and the resolution of conflict in the southern Sudan opened the way for the establishment, in June 1989, of a third military regime under General ‘Umar Hasan Ahmad al-Bashir. Its fundamentalist orientation and its close association with the Muslim Brotherhood drove the Ummah and other parties to form the National Democratic Alliance to oppose it.
Ideologically, the Ummah Party draws its orientation from Sudanese Mahdist thought. Like the Sufi orders and the Muslim Brothers, it believes that Islam plays a major role in the socio-political life of Muslims. But unlike the former, it is strongly committed to political activism; and unlike the latter, it believes that a just social order can only be achieved on the basis of the widest popular participation. Accordingly, it supports the establishment of a modern Islamic state, but one that is based on a constitution that recognizes the ummah as the source of political authority and the possessor of sovereignty. Believing that the institutions of the modern state are new political phenomena with no resemblance to those of the original Islamic polity, the Ummah Party seeks to restore the functions rather than the traditional patterns of ancient Medinese society. Hence, like the Sufi orders but unlike the Muslim Brothers, it recognizes the shari‘a as the main --- but not the sole -- source for legislation. In this connection, it advocates the establishment of a shura (advisory) council vested with adequate legislative powers not only to reenact provisions of the shari‘a in the light of modern conditions, but also to validate existing modern legislation for which no precedent can be found in Islamic law. The application of such an Islamic legal system would be restricted to the Muslim population, and other religious faiths would be formally recognized rather than suppressed or simply tolerated, and their members would be guaranteed full freedom of religious conscience and practice. In this way, Ummah believes, Sudanese national unity and territorial integrity can be preserved.
The Umma Party is an Islamic centrist political party in Sudan. It was formed in 1945 as the party striving after independence of Sudan. Sadiq al Mahdi was a prominent leader of the faction through much of the last century.
Today there are five active political factions of the Umma Party each claiming political legitimacy.
The most prominent of these factions is the Umma Party (Reform and Renewal).
Another faction of the Umma Party (General Leadership). The Umma Party (General Leadership) became part of the government and agreed to continue cooperation with Sudan's ruling National Congress Party in the mid-interim period after 2008.
The third major faction of the Umma Party is the Federal Umma Party.
Community Party see Ummah Ansar
Umma Party see Ummah Ansar
Hizb al-Umma see Ummah Ansar
Nation Party see Ummah Ansar
Umm al-Walad
Umm al-Walad. Arabic term which means “mother of children” and which was applied to a slave girl who bore her master a child. In the Qur’an her position is not defined. According to the Law, every slave girl, even a non-Muslim, who has borne her master a child, becomes ipso iure free, and a legacy set aside by her master in her favor is therefore valid.
Umm al-Walad. Arabic term which means “mother of children” and which was applied to a slave girl who bore her master a child. In the Qur’an her position is not defined. According to the Law, every slave girl, even a non-Muslim, who has borne her master a child, becomes ipso iure free, and a legacy set aside by her master in her favor is therefore valid.
Umm Kalthum
Umm Kalthum (Umm Kulthum) (Oum Kulthoum) (Om Kalsoum) (Kawkab al-Sharq - “Star of the East”) (Umm Kulthum Ebrahim Elbeltagi) (b. May 4, 1904?, Tummāy al-Zahāyrah, Egypt - d. February 3, 1975, Cairo, Egypt). Indisputably the greatest singer of the Arab world of her generation. Stern and tragic, rigidly in control, this was a woman who, in her heyday, truly had the Arab world in the palm of her hand. With melancholy operettas that seemed to drift on for hours, she encapsulated the love lives of a nation and mesmerized millions.
Rumor had it that Umm Kalthum inhaled gulps of hashish smoke before performing and that the scarf trailing from her right hand was steeped in opium. Her stage presence was charged by a theatrical rapport with the audience. A slight nod of the head or a shake of her shoulders and they were in uproar. She learned to sing by reciting verse at cafes in her village, and sometimes dressed as a boy to escape the religious authorities. It was to her training in religious chanting that she owed her stunning vocal agility and her masterful command of the complex maqamat. She was educated in the secular field by the poet Ahmed Ramy and of her total output of 286 songs, 132 were his poems. Her voice was the epitome of the Arab ideal -- saturated with shaggan, or emotional yearning, and powerful enough on occasion to shatter a glass.
In her long career, Umm Kalthum specialized in love songs that sometimes lasted an hour, improvising and ornamenting on a theme that would bring the audience to a frenzy. She was once asked to sing a line 52 times over, which she did while developing the melody each time. Of this ability she said: “I am greatly influenced by the music found in Arabic poetry. I improvise because my heart rejoices in the richness of this music. If someone went over a song which I sang five times, he would not find any one like the other. I am not a record that repeats itself, I am a human being who is deeply touched by what I sing.” As a childless mother, her songs were her offspring given to the people. For these gifts, they returned total adoration.
Apart from Allah, it is said, that Umm Kalthum is the only subject on which all Arabs agree. This recognition has always given Umm Kalthum a special political significance. She embraced Nasser’s pan-Arab ideals and drew Arabs together by extending a pride to them during their most difficult period in history. Nasser used her nationalistic songs to keep the masses behind him, and times his major political speeches carefully around her broadcasts. The less prescient Anwar Sadat once addressed the nation on the same day as her concert, and ended up without much of an audience, a mistake he only made once.
In her last years, Umm Kalthum visited many other Arab countries and this took the shape of state visitis. Her funeral in 1975 was described as bigger than the one for President Nasser some five years earlier.
The style of Umm Kalthum was influenced by Western popular music of her time. However, her music was firmly and dominantly based upon traditional classical Arab music. She always used large orchestras, but the main force in her performances was always her own powerful voice. She recorded over 300 songs, most famous of which are al-Atlal, Raqqu al-Habib, Inta umri, and Fakarouni.
Umm Kalthum (Umm Kulthum) mesmerized Arab audiences from the Persian Gulf to Morocco for half a century. She was one of the most famous Arab singers and public personalities in the 20th century.
Umm Kulthūm’s father was a village imam who sang traditional religious songs at weddings and holidays to make ends meet. She learned to sing from him, and, when he noticed the strength of her voice, he began taking her with him, dressed as a boy to avoid the opprobrium of displaying a young daughter onstage. Egyptian society during Umm Kulthūm’s youth held singing—even of the religious variety—to be a disreputable occupation, especially for a female. Umm Kulthūm made a name for herself singing in the towns and villages of the Egyptian delta (an area throughout which she retained a great following). By the time she was a teenager, she had become the family star.
Sometime about 1923 the family moved to Cairo, a major center of the lucrative world of entertainment and emerging mass media production in the Middle East. There they were perceived as old-fashioned and countrified. To improve her image and acquire sophistication, Umm Kulthūm studied music and poetry from accomplished performers and literati and copied the manners of the ladies of wealthy homes in which she was invited to sing. She soon made a name in the homes and salons of the wealthy as well as in public venues such as theaters and cabarets. By the mid-1920s she had made her first recordings and had achieved a more polished and sophisticated musical and personal style. By the end of the 1920s, she had become a sought-after performer and was one of the best-paid musicians in Cairo. Her extremely successful career in commercial recording eventually extended to radio, film, and television. In 1936 she made her first motion picture, Wedad, in which she played the title role. It was the first of six motion pictures in which she was to act.
Beginning in 1937, she regularly gave a performance on the first Thursday (which in most Islamic countries is the last day of the workweek) of every month. By this time, she had moved from singing religious songs to performing popular tunes—often in the colloquial dialect and accompanied by a small traditional orchestra—and she became known for her emotive, passionate renditions of arrangements by the best composers, poets, and songwriters of the day. These included the poets Aḥmad Shawqī and Bayrām al-Tūnisī (who wrote many of the singer’s colloquial Egyptian songs) and, later, the noted composer Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Wahhāb, with whom she collaborated on 10 songs. The first of these tunes, “"Inta ʿUmrī"” (“You Are My Life”), remains a modern classic. Her strong and nuanced voice and her ability to fashion multiple iterations of single lines of text drew audiences into the emotion and meaning of the poetic lyrics and extended for hours what often had been written as relatively short compositions.
Known sometimes as Kawkab al-Sharq (“Star of the East”), Umm Kulthūm had an immense repertoire, which included religious, sentimental, and nationalistic songs. In the midst of the turmoil created by two world wars, the Great Depression of the 1930s, and the 1952 Egyptian revolution, she cultivated a public persona as a patriotic Egyptian and a devout Muslim. She sang songs in support of Egyptian independence (“"Nashīd al-Jāmiʿah"” [“"The University Anthem"” ], “"Saʾalu Qalbī"” [“"Ask My Heart"” ]) and in the 1950s sang many songs in support of Egyptian leader Gamal Abdel Nasser, with whom she developed a close friendship. One of her songs associated with Nasser—“"Wallāhi Zamān, Yā Silāḥī"” (“"It’s Been a Long Time, O Weapon of Mine"” )—was adopted as the Egyptian national anthem from 1960 to 1979. She served as president of the Musician’s Union for seven years and held positions on numerous government commissions on the arts. Her popularity was further enhanced by her generous donations to Arab causes. After Egypt’s defeat in the Six-Day War of June 1967, she toured Egypt and the broader Arab world, donating the proceeds of her concerts to the Egyptian government.
Health problems plagued the singer most of her life. During the late 1940s and early ’50s, she worked only on a limited basis, and on a number of occasions throughout her life she traveled to Europe and the United States for treatment of a variety of ailments. Most obviously, problems with her eyes (purportedly from years spent in front of stage lights) forced her to wear heavy sunglasses, which became a hallmark during her later life. Such was her popularity that news of her death provoked a spontaneous outpouring of hysterical grief, and millions of admirers lined the streets for her funeral procession. She remained one of the Arab world’s best-selling singers even decades after her death. In 2001 the Egyptian government established the Kawkab al-Sharq Museum in Cairo to celebrate the singer’s life and accomplishments.
Umm Kulthum see Umm Kalthum
Oum Kulthoum see Umm Kalthum
Om Kalsoum see Umm Kalthum
Kawkab al-Sharq see Umm Kalthum
Star of the East see Umm Kalthum
Umm Kulthum Ebrahim Elbeltagi see Umm Kalthum
Umm Kalthum (Umm Kulthum) (Oum Kulthoum) (Om Kalsoum) (Kawkab al-Sharq - “Star of the East”) (Umm Kulthum Ebrahim Elbeltagi) (b. May 4, 1904?, Tummāy al-Zahāyrah, Egypt - d. February 3, 1975, Cairo, Egypt). Indisputably the greatest singer of the Arab world of her generation. Stern and tragic, rigidly in control, this was a woman who, in her heyday, truly had the Arab world in the palm of her hand. With melancholy operettas that seemed to drift on for hours, she encapsulated the love lives of a nation and mesmerized millions.
Rumor had it that Umm Kalthum inhaled gulps of hashish smoke before performing and that the scarf trailing from her right hand was steeped in opium. Her stage presence was charged by a theatrical rapport with the audience. A slight nod of the head or a shake of her shoulders and they were in uproar. She learned to sing by reciting verse at cafes in her village, and sometimes dressed as a boy to escape the religious authorities. It was to her training in religious chanting that she owed her stunning vocal agility and her masterful command of the complex maqamat. She was educated in the secular field by the poet Ahmed Ramy and of her total output of 286 songs, 132 were his poems. Her voice was the epitome of the Arab ideal -- saturated with shaggan, or emotional yearning, and powerful enough on occasion to shatter a glass.
In her long career, Umm Kalthum specialized in love songs that sometimes lasted an hour, improvising and ornamenting on a theme that would bring the audience to a frenzy. She was once asked to sing a line 52 times over, which she did while developing the melody each time. Of this ability she said: “I am greatly influenced by the music found in Arabic poetry. I improvise because my heart rejoices in the richness of this music. If someone went over a song which I sang five times, he would not find any one like the other. I am not a record that repeats itself, I am a human being who is deeply touched by what I sing.” As a childless mother, her songs were her offspring given to the people. For these gifts, they returned total adoration.
Apart from Allah, it is said, that Umm Kalthum is the only subject on which all Arabs agree. This recognition has always given Umm Kalthum a special political significance. She embraced Nasser’s pan-Arab ideals and drew Arabs together by extending a pride to them during their most difficult period in history. Nasser used her nationalistic songs to keep the masses behind him, and times his major political speeches carefully around her broadcasts. The less prescient Anwar Sadat once addressed the nation on the same day as her concert, and ended up without much of an audience, a mistake he only made once.
In her last years, Umm Kalthum visited many other Arab countries and this took the shape of state visitis. Her funeral in 1975 was described as bigger than the one for President Nasser some five years earlier.
The style of Umm Kalthum was influenced by Western popular music of her time. However, her music was firmly and dominantly based upon traditional classical Arab music. She always used large orchestras, but the main force in her performances was always her own powerful voice. She recorded over 300 songs, most famous of which are al-Atlal, Raqqu al-Habib, Inta umri, and Fakarouni.
Umm Kalthum (Umm Kulthum) mesmerized Arab audiences from the Persian Gulf to Morocco for half a century. She was one of the most famous Arab singers and public personalities in the 20th century.
Umm Kulthūm’s father was a village imam who sang traditional religious songs at weddings and holidays to make ends meet. She learned to sing from him, and, when he noticed the strength of her voice, he began taking her with him, dressed as a boy to avoid the opprobrium of displaying a young daughter onstage. Egyptian society during Umm Kulthūm’s youth held singing—even of the religious variety—to be a disreputable occupation, especially for a female. Umm Kulthūm made a name for herself singing in the towns and villages of the Egyptian delta (an area throughout which she retained a great following). By the time she was a teenager, she had become the family star.
Sometime about 1923 the family moved to Cairo, a major center of the lucrative world of entertainment and emerging mass media production in the Middle East. There they were perceived as old-fashioned and countrified. To improve her image and acquire sophistication, Umm Kulthūm studied music and poetry from accomplished performers and literati and copied the manners of the ladies of wealthy homes in which she was invited to sing. She soon made a name in the homes and salons of the wealthy as well as in public venues such as theaters and cabarets. By the mid-1920s she had made her first recordings and had achieved a more polished and sophisticated musical and personal style. By the end of the 1920s, she had become a sought-after performer and was one of the best-paid musicians in Cairo. Her extremely successful career in commercial recording eventually extended to radio, film, and television. In 1936 she made her first motion picture, Wedad, in which she played the title role. It was the first of six motion pictures in which she was to act.
Beginning in 1937, she regularly gave a performance on the first Thursday (which in most Islamic countries is the last day of the workweek) of every month. By this time, she had moved from singing religious songs to performing popular tunes—often in the colloquial dialect and accompanied by a small traditional orchestra—and she became known for her emotive, passionate renditions of arrangements by the best composers, poets, and songwriters of the day. These included the poets Aḥmad Shawqī and Bayrām al-Tūnisī (who wrote many of the singer’s colloquial Egyptian songs) and, later, the noted composer Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Wahhāb, with whom she collaborated on 10 songs. The first of these tunes, “"Inta ʿUmrī"” (“You Are My Life”), remains a modern classic. Her strong and nuanced voice and her ability to fashion multiple iterations of single lines of text drew audiences into the emotion and meaning of the poetic lyrics and extended for hours what often had been written as relatively short compositions.
Known sometimes as Kawkab al-Sharq (“Star of the East”), Umm Kulthūm had an immense repertoire, which included religious, sentimental, and nationalistic songs. In the midst of the turmoil created by two world wars, the Great Depression of the 1930s, and the 1952 Egyptian revolution, she cultivated a public persona as a patriotic Egyptian and a devout Muslim. She sang songs in support of Egyptian independence (“"Nashīd al-Jāmiʿah"” [“"The University Anthem"” ], “"Saʾalu Qalbī"” [“"Ask My Heart"” ]) and in the 1950s sang many songs in support of Egyptian leader Gamal Abdel Nasser, with whom she developed a close friendship. One of her songs associated with Nasser—“"Wallāhi Zamān, Yā Silāḥī"” (“"It’s Been a Long Time, O Weapon of Mine"” )—was adopted as the Egyptian national anthem from 1960 to 1979. She served as president of the Musician’s Union for seven years and held positions on numerous government commissions on the arts. Her popularity was further enhanced by her generous donations to Arab causes. After Egypt’s defeat in the Six-Day War of June 1967, she toured Egypt and the broader Arab world, donating the proceeds of her concerts to the Egyptian government.
Health problems plagued the singer most of her life. During the late 1940s and early ’50s, she worked only on a limited basis, and on a number of occasions throughout her life she traveled to Europe and the United States for treatment of a variety of ailments. Most obviously, problems with her eyes (purportedly from years spent in front of stage lights) forced her to wear heavy sunglasses, which became a hallmark during her later life. Such was her popularity that news of her death provoked a spontaneous outpouring of hysterical grief, and millions of admirers lined the streets for her funeral procession. She remained one of the Arab world’s best-selling singers even decades after her death. In 2001 the Egyptian government established the Kawkab al-Sharq Museum in Cairo to celebrate the singer’s life and accomplishments.
Umm Kulthum see Umm Kalthum
Oum Kulthoum see Umm Kalthum
Om Kalsoum see Umm Kalthum
Kawkab al-Sharq see Umm Kalthum
Star of the East see Umm Kalthum
Umm Kulthum Ebrahim Elbeltagi see Umm Kalthum
Umm Kulthum
Umm Kulthum (Umm Kulthum bint Muhammad) (d. 630). Daughter of the Prophet. She is said to have married ‘Utba, a son of Abu Lahab, the enemy of Islam, but to have been divorced by him at his father’s orders before the marriage was consummated. After the death of her sister Ruqayya, her brother-in-law ‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan, later the third caliph, married her during the battle of Badr.
Umm Kulthum is viewed as the daughter of Muhammad and Khadijah bint Khuwaylid by Sunni Muslims. Other Muslim sects such as Shia Muslims debate her being a daughter of Muhammed (or even of Khadijah).
Umm Kulthum was first married to Utaybah bin Abu Lahab. His father, Abu Lahab, forced Utbah to repudiate Umm Kulthum due to Abu Lahab's opposition to Muhammad and his teachings. She was subsequently married to Uthman ibn Affan after the death of his first wife Ruqayyah.
Umm Kulthum (Umm Kulthum bint Muhammad) (d. 630). Daughter of the Prophet. She is said to have married ‘Utba, a son of Abu Lahab, the enemy of Islam, but to have been divorced by him at his father’s orders before the marriage was consummated. After the death of her sister Ruqayya, her brother-in-law ‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan, later the third caliph, married her during the battle of Badr.
Umm Kulthum is viewed as the daughter of Muhammad and Khadijah bint Khuwaylid by Sunni Muslims. Other Muslim sects such as Shia Muslims debate her being a daughter of Muhammed (or even of Khadijah).
Umm Kulthum was first married to Utaybah bin Abu Lahab. His father, Abu Lahab, forced Utbah to repudiate Umm Kulthum due to Abu Lahab's opposition to Muhammad and his teachings. She was subsequently married to Uthman ibn Affan after the death of his first wife Ruqayyah.
Union des Organisations Islamiques de France
Union des Organisations Islamiques de France (Union of Islamic Organizations of France). Created in 1983, the Union des Organisations Islamiques de France (UOIF) is a federation of Islamic local associations. Although its seat is in Paris, it is especially active in the east and the center of France. Thirty local associations are full adherents of the UOIF, each of which pays ten percent of its own resources to the organization. There are also about fifty affiliate associations, which contribute five percent of their resources. Each category of association has the right to vote for the administrative council and the governing board of the federation. The board is composed of twelve persons of various nationalities. In 1990, the members of the board were Moroccan, Tunisian, Lebanese, Iraqi, and French. In addition to the contributions of the local associations, the UOIF receives financial help from the Muslim World League and from private individuals from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates.
Although the leaders of this organization are influenced by the ideology of the Egyptian and Tunisian fundamentalist movements, they have not engaged in any political activities in France. Rather, the main goal of the UOIF is to enhance Islamic culture by legal means and to help Muslims practice their religion in France. Its leaders seek to support the Islamic local associations in managing religious and educational activities. For example, an educational commission gives books to the local associations for the teaching of the Qur’an and Arabic. Moreover, they have developed educational methods that relate specifically to the needs of Muslim children living in France. They want to protect these children from the temptations of the Western way of life by bringing them up in the Islamic religion. To this end, each year they organize children’s holiday camps where there is Qur’anic teaching. About six hundred families are normally involved in this activity. At the end of 1991, the UOIF created, with funds from Saudi Arabia, the first Muslim seminary in France for the training of imams. In its first years of operation the seminary had few students and only seven who were not French.
The Union also supports the cause of Islam in France by improving the knowledge of this religion in the country generally. It sought, for instance, the authorization of the French Home Office for Muslim women to sit for their identity card photographs with their hijabs (the Islamic headscarf ) and supports allowing of Muslim girls to wear their hijabs in the classrooms of the state schools. In addition, it organizes a conference on Islam in Paris, where an average of five thousand participants gather and discuss the various forms of Islam in France and in the world.
The UOIF is one of the many federations of Islamic associations in France, testifying to the diversity of French Muslims. These also point to the beginning of institutional answers to Muslim demands for an authentic “Islam for France,” at the same time as their activities become substitutes for direct social and political participation.
The Union des organisations islamiques de France (UOIF, Union of Islamic Organizations of France) is a prominent Muslim umbrella organization, and the French chapter of the Federation of Islamic Organizations in Europe. Its inclusion by then Interior Ministry Nicolas Sarkozy into the Conseil Français du Culte Musulman has been criticized by both left-wing and right-wing members.
The UOIF was founded in 1983 in Meurthe-et-Moselle by two foreign students, Abdallah Ben Mansour (Tunisia) and Mahmoud Zouheir (Iraq) as a federation of about 15 organizations. As of 2005, the UOIF covered around 200 organizations. As objectives, the purpose of the UOIF is to respond to the religious, cultural, educational, social and humanitarian needs of the Muslims of France.
The UOIE is the French chapter of the Federation of Islamic Organizations in Europe, which is partly funded by money from the Gulf States, and whose aim is to promote an Islam adapted to the European context. The UOIE is directed from the United Kingdom and is assisted by the European Council of Research and Fatwa, which studies and issues collective fatwas to answer questions for the Muslims of Europe and solve their problems, in accordance with the rules and aims of the sharia.
Union of Islamic Organizations of France see Union des Organisations Islamiques de France
Union des Organisations Islamiques de France (Union of Islamic Organizations of France). Created in 1983, the Union des Organisations Islamiques de France (UOIF) is a federation of Islamic local associations. Although its seat is in Paris, it is especially active in the east and the center of France. Thirty local associations are full adherents of the UOIF, each of which pays ten percent of its own resources to the organization. There are also about fifty affiliate associations, which contribute five percent of their resources. Each category of association has the right to vote for the administrative council and the governing board of the federation. The board is composed of twelve persons of various nationalities. In 1990, the members of the board were Moroccan, Tunisian, Lebanese, Iraqi, and French. In addition to the contributions of the local associations, the UOIF receives financial help from the Muslim World League and from private individuals from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates.
Although the leaders of this organization are influenced by the ideology of the Egyptian and Tunisian fundamentalist movements, they have not engaged in any political activities in France. Rather, the main goal of the UOIF is to enhance Islamic culture by legal means and to help Muslims practice their religion in France. Its leaders seek to support the Islamic local associations in managing religious and educational activities. For example, an educational commission gives books to the local associations for the teaching of the Qur’an and Arabic. Moreover, they have developed educational methods that relate specifically to the needs of Muslim children living in France. They want to protect these children from the temptations of the Western way of life by bringing them up in the Islamic religion. To this end, each year they organize children’s holiday camps where there is Qur’anic teaching. About six hundred families are normally involved in this activity. At the end of 1991, the UOIF created, with funds from Saudi Arabia, the first Muslim seminary in France for the training of imams. In its first years of operation the seminary had few students and only seven who were not French.
The Union also supports the cause of Islam in France by improving the knowledge of this religion in the country generally. It sought, for instance, the authorization of the French Home Office for Muslim women to sit for their identity card photographs with their hijabs (the Islamic headscarf ) and supports allowing of Muslim girls to wear their hijabs in the classrooms of the state schools. In addition, it organizes a conference on Islam in Paris, where an average of five thousand participants gather and discuss the various forms of Islam in France and in the world.
The UOIF is one of the many federations of Islamic associations in France, testifying to the diversity of French Muslims. These also point to the beginning of institutional answers to Muslim demands for an authentic “Islam for France,” at the same time as their activities become substitutes for direct social and political participation.
The Union des organisations islamiques de France (UOIF, Union of Islamic Organizations of France) is a prominent Muslim umbrella organization, and the French chapter of the Federation of Islamic Organizations in Europe. Its inclusion by then Interior Ministry Nicolas Sarkozy into the Conseil Français du Culte Musulman has been criticized by both left-wing and right-wing members.
The UOIF was founded in 1983 in Meurthe-et-Moselle by two foreign students, Abdallah Ben Mansour (Tunisia) and Mahmoud Zouheir (Iraq) as a federation of about 15 organizations. As of 2005, the UOIF covered around 200 organizations. As objectives, the purpose of the UOIF is to respond to the religious, cultural, educational, social and humanitarian needs of the Muslims of France.
The UOIE is the French chapter of the Federation of Islamic Organizations in Europe, which is partly funded by money from the Gulf States, and whose aim is to promote an Islam adapted to the European context. The UOIE is directed from the United Kingdom and is assisted by the European Council of Research and Fatwa, which studies and issues collective fatwas to answer questions for the Muslims of Europe and solve their problems, in accordance with the rules and aims of the sharia.
Union of Islamic Organizations of France see Union des Organisations Islamiques de France
Unionist Party
Unionist Party (Unionist Muslim League). In India, following the first election in the Punjab under the 1919 reforms, a group of rural Hindus and Muslims worked together to represent agricultural interests agains presumed urban and primarily Hindu exploitation of agriculturists. The group centered around Fazli Hussain (1877-1936) and adopted the name National Unionist Party in 1923. Generally pre-dominant during the dyarchy period, the party swept to power in 1937 under provincial autonomy, first under Sikandar Hayat Khan (1892-1942) and later under Khizr Hayat Khan Tiwana (1900-1975). Although defeated in Muslim seats in 1946, it retained the ministry until April 1947 through a coalition with the Congress and the Akali Dal. The party stood for rural interests throughout, including debt reduction and remission and quotas for “backward groups” in government service and education. It sought a constitutional solution for India short of partition. The party dissolved after independence but many individuals reappeared in the Republican Party and Ayub Khan’s Pakistan Muslim League.
The Unionist Muslim League, also known simply as the Unionist party was a political party based in the province of Punjab during the British Raj in India. The Unionist party mainly represented the interests of the landed gentry and landlords of Punjab, which included Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs. However, the party was an umbrella organization of the All India Muslim League. The Unionists dominated the political scene in Punjab from World War I to the independence of India and Pakistan in 1947.
The Unionist party, like Congress a secular Party, was formed as a political party representing the interests of Punjab's large feudal classes and gentry.Although a majority of Unionists were Muslims, a large number of Hindus and Sikhs also supported and participated in the Unionist party.
The Unionists shared a common constitution with the Muslim League and followed a common policy and agenda for national issues. However, the Unionist organization and activities in Punjab were virtually independent of the League. The Unionists were virtually an independent political party in the 1920s and 1930s, when the Muslim League was unpopular and divided into feuding factions. The links improved after Muhammad Ali Jinnah became the League's president in the mid-1930s. However, the rule of Unionist leader Sikander Hyat Khan was undisputed in the Punjab. Sikander served numerous terms as Punjab's chief minister, often forming alliances with the Congress and the Shiromani Akali Dal despite Jinnah's opposition to both parties. Sikander remained the most popular and influential politician in Punjab during his lifetime, preventing both Jinnah and Muhammad Iqbal from gaining the support of a majority of Punjabi Muslims.
The Unionists grew closer to the All India Muslim League in the late 1930s. Sikander was one of the movers of the Pakistan Resolution that was passed in Lahore, calling for a separate Muslim state. But Sikander formed an alliance with the Akali Dal to govern the province. After Sikander's death in 1942, Chhoturam was invited to be the premier but he declined in favor of the relatively young Khizar[Nawab Sir Malik Khizar Hyat Tiwana], nephew of Sikander Hyat Khan. Chhoturam died of overwork as he held innumerable rallies and undertook a revolutionary blitzkrieg march from Hodal to Peshawar to warn people of the communalism while at the same time he struggled for the approval of Bhakra-Nangal with the unrelenting Raja of Bilaspur.
Chhoturam died the day the Bhakra file was passed and his dream project to irrigate and empower Punjab came through. However, he died before the young Khizar Hyat was ready to lead. Khizar could not match Sikander's popularity and without the guidance of Chhoturam, Khizar soon found it difficult to withstand the tide of the times. The Unionist Party consequently declined as the popularity of Jinnah and his influence on Punjabi politics increased. Although Khizar supported the demand for Pakistan, the Unionists formed an alliance with the Congress and the Akali Dal to rule Punjab in 1946, even though the Congress and the League were hostile to each other on the national stage.
As the demand for Pakistan grew more intense, political loyalties in the Punjab were reshaped along religious lines. The Direct Action Day campaign brought the downfall of Khizar's ministry, which depended on Congress and Akali support. Intense communal violence claimed the lives of tens of thousands of people, destroying inter-community relations. In early 1947, Punjab was partitioned into Muslim-majority West Punjab and Hindu/Sikh-majority East Punjab. The Unionist party's diverse organization was destroyed, with Muslim Unionists integrating themselves into the Muslim League. Thereafter, the party would cease to exist in independent Pakistan.
Unionist Muslim League see Unionist Party
Unionist Party (Unionist Muslim League). In India, following the first election in the Punjab under the 1919 reforms, a group of rural Hindus and Muslims worked together to represent agricultural interests agains presumed urban and primarily Hindu exploitation of agriculturists. The group centered around Fazli Hussain (1877-1936) and adopted the name National Unionist Party in 1923. Generally pre-dominant during the dyarchy period, the party swept to power in 1937 under provincial autonomy, first under Sikandar Hayat Khan (1892-1942) and later under Khizr Hayat Khan Tiwana (1900-1975). Although defeated in Muslim seats in 1946, it retained the ministry until April 1947 through a coalition with the Congress and the Akali Dal. The party stood for rural interests throughout, including debt reduction and remission and quotas for “backward groups” in government service and education. It sought a constitutional solution for India short of partition. The party dissolved after independence but many individuals reappeared in the Republican Party and Ayub Khan’s Pakistan Muslim League.
The Unionist Muslim League, also known simply as the Unionist party was a political party based in the province of Punjab during the British Raj in India. The Unionist party mainly represented the interests of the landed gentry and landlords of Punjab, which included Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs. However, the party was an umbrella organization of the All India Muslim League. The Unionists dominated the political scene in Punjab from World War I to the independence of India and Pakistan in 1947.
The Unionist party, like Congress a secular Party, was formed as a political party representing the interests of Punjab's large feudal classes and gentry.Although a majority of Unionists were Muslims, a large number of Hindus and Sikhs also supported and participated in the Unionist party.
The Unionists shared a common constitution with the Muslim League and followed a common policy and agenda for national issues. However, the Unionist organization and activities in Punjab were virtually independent of the League. The Unionists were virtually an independent political party in the 1920s and 1930s, when the Muslim League was unpopular and divided into feuding factions. The links improved after Muhammad Ali Jinnah became the League's president in the mid-1930s. However, the rule of Unionist leader Sikander Hyat Khan was undisputed in the Punjab. Sikander served numerous terms as Punjab's chief minister, often forming alliances with the Congress and the Shiromani Akali Dal despite Jinnah's opposition to both parties. Sikander remained the most popular and influential politician in Punjab during his lifetime, preventing both Jinnah and Muhammad Iqbal from gaining the support of a majority of Punjabi Muslims.
The Unionists grew closer to the All India Muslim League in the late 1930s. Sikander was one of the movers of the Pakistan Resolution that was passed in Lahore, calling for a separate Muslim state. But Sikander formed an alliance with the Akali Dal to govern the province. After Sikander's death in 1942, Chhoturam was invited to be the premier but he declined in favor of the relatively young Khizar[Nawab Sir Malik Khizar Hyat Tiwana], nephew of Sikander Hyat Khan. Chhoturam died of overwork as he held innumerable rallies and undertook a revolutionary blitzkrieg march from Hodal to Peshawar to warn people of the communalism while at the same time he struggled for the approval of Bhakra-Nangal with the unrelenting Raja of Bilaspur.
Chhoturam died the day the Bhakra file was passed and his dream project to irrigate and empower Punjab came through. However, he died before the young Khizar Hyat was ready to lead. Khizar could not match Sikander's popularity and without the guidance of Chhoturam, Khizar soon found it difficult to withstand the tide of the times. The Unionist Party consequently declined as the popularity of Jinnah and his influence on Punjabi politics increased. Although Khizar supported the demand for Pakistan, the Unionists formed an alliance with the Congress and the Akali Dal to rule Punjab in 1946, even though the Congress and the League were hostile to each other on the national stage.
As the demand for Pakistan grew more intense, political loyalties in the Punjab were reshaped along religious lines. The Direct Action Day campaign brought the downfall of Khizar's ministry, which depended on Congress and Akali support. Intense communal violence claimed the lives of tens of thousands of people, destroying inter-community relations. In early 1947, Punjab was partitioned into Muslim-majority West Punjab and Hindu/Sikh-majority East Punjab. The Unionist party's diverse organization was destroyed, with Muslim Unionists integrating themselves into the Muslim League. Thereafter, the party would cease to exist in independent Pakistan.
Unionist Muslim League see Unionist Party
United Malays National Organization
United Malays National Organization (United Malays National Organisation) (UMNO) (Pertubuhan Kebangsaan Melayu Bersatu). Malaysian political party. Founded in 1946 (May 11, 1946) with Dato Onn bin Ja’afar as president, it gained recognition as the principal defender of Malay interests by leading the protests against the Malayan Union proposal. Dato Onn’s later attempt to turn it into a multi-ethnic party failed, and he was succeeded by Tunku Abdul Rahman, the great ethnic conciliator and father of Malaysian independence. Subsequent leaders have been Tun Abdul Razak (1970-1976), Tun Hussein Onn (1976-1981), and Dato Seri Mahathir Mohamad.
UMNO has two main roles. It is the party of the majority of the Malays. Its main rival, the Alliance Party, was a close contender for that allegiance only at the 1969 election. In this role, the UMNO has fought for Malay rights. However, to overcome competition from the Alliance and fundamentalist Islamic groups, the UMNO has had to be accommodating on Islamic issues, as shown by the creation of the Islamic Bqank and the International Islamic University. In its second role, as the leading component of the governing coalition (Alliance National Front), it has had an allocative and mediating function, ethnically and regionally. Party and government operations are actually closely linked; the UMNO president is always the prime minister. Elections for office in the UMNO (mostly triennial) are relatively open, exhibiting a complex mix of deference and democracy.
The UMNO, is Malaysia's largest political party and a founding member of the Barisan Nasional coalition, which has played a dominant role in Malaysian politics since independence. The UMNO emphasizes protecting Malay culture, Islamic values and pro-business policies. In recent years, the UMNO, under Prime Minister Najib has increasingly emphasized reducing ethnic tensions and protecting minority rights. However, detractors have claimed that UMNO's actions unwittingly propagate racial divisions.
UMNO see United Malays National Organization
United Malays National Organisation see United Malays National Organization
United Malays National Organization (United Malays National Organisation) (UMNO) (Pertubuhan Kebangsaan Melayu Bersatu). Malaysian political party. Founded in 1946 (May 11, 1946) with Dato Onn bin Ja’afar as president, it gained recognition as the principal defender of Malay interests by leading the protests against the Malayan Union proposal. Dato Onn’s later attempt to turn it into a multi-ethnic party failed, and he was succeeded by Tunku Abdul Rahman, the great ethnic conciliator and father of Malaysian independence. Subsequent leaders have been Tun Abdul Razak (1970-1976), Tun Hussein Onn (1976-1981), and Dato Seri Mahathir Mohamad.
UMNO has two main roles. It is the party of the majority of the Malays. Its main rival, the Alliance Party, was a close contender for that allegiance only at the 1969 election. In this role, the UMNO has fought for Malay rights. However, to overcome competition from the Alliance and fundamentalist Islamic groups, the UMNO has had to be accommodating on Islamic issues, as shown by the creation of the Islamic Bqank and the International Islamic University. In its second role, as the leading component of the governing coalition (Alliance National Front), it has had an allocative and mediating function, ethnically and regionally. Party and government operations are actually closely linked; the UMNO president is always the prime minister. Elections for office in the UMNO (mostly triennial) are relatively open, exhibiting a complex mix of deference and democracy.
The UMNO, is Malaysia's largest political party and a founding member of the Barisan Nasional coalition, which has played a dominant role in Malaysian politics since independence. The UMNO emphasizes protecting Malay culture, Islamic values and pro-business policies. In recent years, the UMNO, under Prime Minister Najib has increasingly emphasized reducing ethnic tensions and protecting minority rights. However, detractors have claimed that UMNO's actions unwittingly propagate racial divisions.
UMNO see United Malays National Organization
United Malays National Organisation see United Malays National Organization
Unsuri, Abu’l-Qasim Hasan
Unsuri, Abu’l-Qasim Hasan (Abu’l-Qasim Hasan Unsuri) (Malik-us Shu'ara - King of Poets) (d. 1039/1040/1049). Persian poet. He owes his fame to a collection of poetry, which contains love poems and panegyrics. Among the latter, many are written in praise of the Ghaznavid Mahmud ibn Sebuktigin.
Abul Qasim Hasan Unsuri was a 10-11th century Persian (Tajik) poet. He is said to have been born in Balkh, today located in Afghanistan, and he eventually became a poet of the royal court, where he was given the title Malik-us Shu'ara (King of Poets). His Divan is said to have contained 30,000 distiches, of which only 2500 remain today.
Abu’l-Qasim Hasan Unsuri see Unsuri, Abu’l-Qasim Hasan
Malik-us Shu'ara see Unsuri, Abu’l-Qasim Hasan
King of Poets see Unsuri, Abu’l-Qasim Hasan
Unsuri, Abu’l-Qasim Hasan (Abu’l-Qasim Hasan Unsuri) (Malik-us Shu'ara - King of Poets) (d. 1039/1040/1049). Persian poet. He owes his fame to a collection of poetry, which contains love poems and panegyrics. Among the latter, many are written in praise of the Ghaznavid Mahmud ibn Sebuktigin.
Abul Qasim Hasan Unsuri was a 10-11th century Persian (Tajik) poet. He is said to have been born in Balkh, today located in Afghanistan, and he eventually became a poet of the royal court, where he was given the title Malik-us Shu'ara (King of Poets). His Divan is said to have contained 30,000 distiches, of which only 2500 remain today.
Abu’l-Qasim Hasan Unsuri see Unsuri, Abu’l-Qasim Hasan
Malik-us Shu'ara see Unsuri, Abu’l-Qasim Hasan
King of Poets see Unsuri, Abu’l-Qasim Hasan
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