Pahlavi
Pahlavi. Iranian dynasty of the Shahs of Persia (r. 1925-1979). Their main capital was Tehran. The dynasty’s founder, Reza Khan (1878-1944), was a commander of the Cossack brigade under the Qajars, toppled the government in 1921, was prime minister 1923-1925 and had himself elected shah by the National Assembly in 1925, following the removal of the Qajars. With the support of the military, he conducted an authoritatrian modernization and secularization program based on the Ataturk example, which resulted in ongoing conflict with the Shi‘ite clergy. In 1934, he introduced the name “Iran” (rather than “Persia”) as the country’s official designation. Due to his sympathies with Hitler, he was deposed by the British and Soviets in 1941 during their occupation of the country. His son, Muhammad Reza Pahlavi (r. 1919-1980), ruled under the supervision of the British and Soviets until 1946 and thereafter depended on the United States and the West for his foreign policy. Following a conflict with Prime Minister Mossadegh and a brief departure (in 1953), he eliminated the opposition with the help of the United States (using the SAVAK secret police) and from 1964 forced an authoritarian modernization of the country along Western lines (the “White Revolution”). As part of the ongoing conflict with the bourgeois opposition, the socialites, and the Shi‘ite clergy, he was forced to leave Iran in January 1979, escaping the “Islamic Revolution” inspired by Ayatollah Khomeini.
The Pahlavi dynasty consisted of two Iranian/Persian monarchs, father and son Reza Shah Pahlavi (r. 1925—1941) and Mohammad Reza Pahlavi (r. 1941—1979).
The Pahlavis came to power with the overthrow of Ahmad Shah Qajar, the last ruler of the Qajar dynasty —already weakened by Soviet and British occupation. The National Assembly of Iran, known as the Majlis, convening as a constituent assembly on December 12, 1925, deposed the young Ahmad Shah Qajar, and declared Reza Shah the new monarch of the Imperial State of Persia. In 1935, Reza Shah informed foreign embassies that he had renamed the country that for centuries had been known as Persia. He changed the country name to Iran.
The Pahlavi dynasty ended in 1979 when Reza Shah's son Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was overthrown in the Iranian Revolution.
In 1921, Reza Khan, an officer in Iran's Persian Cossack Brigade, used his troops to support a successful coup against the government of the Qajar dynasty. Within four years he had established himself as the most powerful person in the country by suppressing rebellions and establishing order. In 1925, a specially convened assembly deposed Ahmad Shah Qajar, the last ruler of the Qajar dynasty, and named Reza Khan, who earlier had adopted the surname Pahlavi, as the new shah.
Reza Shah had ambitious plans for modernizing Iran. These plans included developing large-scale industries, implementing major infrastructure projects, building a cross-country railroad system, establishing a national public education system, reforming the judiciary, and improving health care. He believed a strong, centralized government managed by educated personnel could carry out his plans.
He sent hundreds of Iranians, including his son, to Europe for training. During 16 years from 1925 to 1941, Reza Shah's numerous development projects transformed Iran into an urbanized country. Public education progressed rapidly, and new social classes developed. A professional middle class and an industrial working class emerged.
By the mid-1930s, Reza Shah's dictatorial style of rule caused dissatisfaction among some groups, particularly the clergy, which was opposed to his reforms. In 1935, Reza Pahlavi issued a decree asking foreign delegates to use the term Iran in formal correspondence, in accordance with the fact that "Persia" was a term used by Western peoples for the country called "Iran" in Persian. After some scholars protested, his successor, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, announced in 1959 that both Persia and Iran were acceptable and could be used interchangeably.
Reza Shah tried to avoid involvement with Britain and the Soviet Union. Though many of his development projects required foreign technical expertise, he avoided awarding contracts to British and Soviet companies. Although Britain, through its ownership of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, controlled all of Iran's oil resources, Reza Shah preferred to obtain technical assistance from Germany, France, Italy, and other European countries. This created problems for Iran after 1939, when Germany and Britain became enemies in World War II. Reza Shah proclaimed Iran as a neutral country, but Britain insisted that German engineers and technicians in Iran were spies with missions to sabotage British oil facilities in southwestern Iran. Britain demanded that Iran expel all German citizens, but Reza Shah refused, claiming this would adversely impact his development projects.
Following Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941, Britain and the Soviet Union became allies. Both turned their attention to Iran. Britain and the Soviet Union (USSR) saw the newly-opened Trans-Iranian Railway as an attractive route to transport supplies from the Persian Gulf to the Soviet Union. In August 1941, because Reza Shah refused to expel the German nationals, Britain and the Soviet Union invaded Iran, arrested the Shah and sent him into exile, taking control of Iran's communications and railroad. In 1942 the United States, an ally of Britain and the USSR during the war, sent a military force to Iran to help maintain and operate sections of the railroad. Over the next few months, the three nations took control of Iran's oil resources and secured a supply corridor for themselves. Reza Shah's regime collapsed, and the American, British and Soviet authorities limited the powers of the rump government that remained. They permitted Reza Shah's son, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi to accede to the throne.
In January 1942 the three allies signed an agreement with Iran to respect Iran's independence and to withdraw their troops within six months of the war's end. In 1943 at the Tehran Conference, the United States reaffirmed this commitment. In 1945, the USSR refused to announce a timetable to leave Iran's northwestern provinces of East Azerbaijan and West Azerbaijan, where Soviet-supported autonomy movements had developed. At the time, the Tudeh Party of Iran, a communist party that was already influential and had parliamentary representation, was becoming increasingly militant, especially in the North. This promoted actions from the side of the government, including attempts of the Iranian armed forces to restore order in the Northern provinces. While the Tudeh headquarters in Tehran were occupied and the Isfahan branch crushed, the Soviet troops present in the Northern parts of the country prevented the Iranian forces from entering. Thus, by the late autumn of 1945, the North was virtually controlled by the Tudeh and its affiliates.
The USSR withdrew its troops in May 1946, but tensions continued for several months. This episode was one of the precipitating events of the emerging Cold War, the postwar rivalry between the United States and its allies, and the USSR and its allies.
Iran's political system became increasingly open. Political parties were developed, and in 1944 the Majlis election was the first genuinely competitive election in more than 20 years. Foreign influence remained a very sensitive issue for all parties. The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC), which was owned by the British government, continued to produce and market Iranian oil. In the beginning of the 1930s some Iranians began to advocate nationalization of the country's oil fields. After 1946 this became an increasingly popular political movement.
Mohammed Reza Pahlavi and his wife Farah Diba, upon him being proclaimed the Shah of Iran.
Mohammad Reza Pahlavi replaced his father on the throne on September 16, 1941. He wanted to continue the reform policies of his father, but a contest for control of the government soon erupted between the shah and an older professional politician, the nationalistic Mohammad Mosaddegh.
Despite his vow to act as a constitutional monarch who would defer to the power of the parliamentary government, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi increasingly involved himself in governmental affairs. He concentrated on reviving the army and ensuring that it would remain under royal control as the monarchy's main power base. In 1949 an assassination attempt on the Shah, attributed to the pro-Soviet Tudeh Party, resulted in the banning of that party and the expansion of the Shah's constitutional powers.
In 1951, the Majlis (Parliament of Iran) named Mohammad Mossadegh as new prime minister by a vote of 79–12. Shortly afterwards, Mossadegh nationalized the British-owned oil industry. Mossadegh was opposed by the Shah who feared a resulting oil embargo imposed by the west would leave Iran in economic ruin. The Shah fled Iran but returned when the United Kingdom and United States staged a coup against Mossadegh in August 1953. Mossadegh was then arrested by pro-Shah army forces.
In the context of regional turmoil and the Cold War, the Shah established himself as an indispensable ally of the West. Domestically, he advocated reform policies, culminating in the 1963 program known as the White Revolution, which included land reform, extension of voting rights to women, and the elimination of illiteracy. Major plans to build Iran's infrastructure were undertaken, a new middle class began flourishing and in less than two decades Iran became the indisputable major economic and military power of the Middle East.
However, these measures and the increasing arbitrariness of the Shah's rule provoked religious leaders who feared losing their traditional authority, and intellectuals seeking democratic reforms. These opponents criticized the Shah for his reforms or for violation of the constitution, which placed limits on royal power and provided for a representative government.
The Shah saw himself as heir to the kings of ancient Iran, and in 1971 he held a celebration of 2,500 years of Persian monarchy. In 1976 he replaced the calendar (year 1355) with an "Imperial" calendar (year 2535), which began with the foundation of the Persian Empire more than 25 centuries earlier. These actions were viewed as un-Islamic and resulted in more religious opposition by the clergy.
The Shah's government suppressed its opponents with the help of Iran's security and intelligence secret police, SAVAK. Such opponents included members of the Communist Tudeh party, who tried to assassinate the Shah and his son on multiple occasions.
By the mid-1970s, relying on increased oil revenues, the Shah began a series of even more ambitious and bolder plans for the progress of his country and the march toward the "Great Civilization". However, his socioeconomic advances increasingly irritated the clergy. Islamic leaders, particularly the exiled cleric Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, were able to focus this discontent with an ideology tied to Islamic principles that called for the overthrow of the Shah and the return to Islamic traditions. The Shah's government collapsed following widespread uprisings in 1978 and 1979.
The Shah, seeking medical treatment, fled the country to Egypt, Mexico, the United States, and Panama and finally resettled with his family in Egypt as a guest of Anwar Sadat. Upon his death his son Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi succeeded him in absentia as heir apparent to the Pahlavi dynasty.
The Pahlavi dynasty consisted of two Iranian/Persian monarchs, father and son Reza Shah Pahlavi (r. 1925—1941) and Mohammad Reza Pahlavi (r. 1941—1979).
The Pahlavis came to power with the overthrow of Ahmad Shah Qajar, the last ruler of the Qajar dynasty —already weakened by Soviet and British occupation. The National Assembly of Iran, known as the Majlis, convening as a constituent assembly on December 12, 1925, deposed the young Ahmad Shah Qajar, and declared Reza Shah the new monarch of the Imperial State of Persia. In 1935, Reza Shah informed foreign embassies that he had renamed the country that for centuries had been known as Persia. He changed the country name to Iran.
The Pahlavi dynasty ended in 1979 when Reza Shah's son Mohammad Reza Pahlavi was overthrown in the Iranian Revolution.
In 1921, Reza Khan, an officer in Iran's Persian Cossack Brigade, used his troops to support a successful coup against the government of the Qajar dynasty. Within four years he had established himself as the most powerful person in the country by suppressing rebellions and establishing order. In 1925, a specially convened assembly deposed Ahmad Shah Qajar, the last ruler of the Qajar dynasty, and named Reza Khan, who earlier had adopted the surname Pahlavi, as the new shah.
Reza Shah had ambitious plans for modernizing Iran. These plans included developing large-scale industries, implementing major infrastructure projects, building a cross-country railroad system, establishing a national public education system, reforming the judiciary, and improving health care. He believed a strong, centralized government managed by educated personnel could carry out his plans.
He sent hundreds of Iranians, including his son, to Europe for training. During 16 years from 1925 to 1941, Reza Shah's numerous development projects transformed Iran into an urbanized country. Public education progressed rapidly, and new social classes developed. A professional middle class and an industrial working class emerged.
By the mid-1930s, Reza Shah's dictatorial style of rule caused dissatisfaction among some groups, particularly the clergy, which was opposed to his reforms. In 1935, Reza Pahlavi issued a decree asking foreign delegates to use the term Iran in formal correspondence, in accordance with the fact that "Persia" was a term used by Western peoples for the country called "Iran" in Persian. After some scholars protested, his successor, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, announced in 1959 that both Persia and Iran were acceptable and could be used interchangeably.
Reza Shah tried to avoid involvement with Britain and the Soviet Union. Though many of his development projects required foreign technical expertise, he avoided awarding contracts to British and Soviet companies. Although Britain, through its ownership of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, controlled all of Iran's oil resources, Reza Shah preferred to obtain technical assistance from Germany, France, Italy, and other European countries. This created problems for Iran after 1939, when Germany and Britain became enemies in World War II. Reza Shah proclaimed Iran as a neutral country, but Britain insisted that German engineers and technicians in Iran were spies with missions to sabotage British oil facilities in southwestern Iran. Britain demanded that Iran expel all German citizens, but Reza Shah refused, claiming this would adversely impact his development projects.
Following Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941, Britain and the Soviet Union became allies. Both turned their attention to Iran. Britain and the Soviet Union (USSR) saw the newly-opened Trans-Iranian Railway as an attractive route to transport supplies from the Persian Gulf to the Soviet Union. In August 1941, because Reza Shah refused to expel the German nationals, Britain and the Soviet Union invaded Iran, arrested the Shah and sent him into exile, taking control of Iran's communications and railroad. In 1942 the United States, an ally of Britain and the USSR during the war, sent a military force to Iran to help maintain and operate sections of the railroad. Over the next few months, the three nations took control of Iran's oil resources and secured a supply corridor for themselves. Reza Shah's regime collapsed, and the American, British and Soviet authorities limited the powers of the rump government that remained. They permitted Reza Shah's son, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi to accede to the throne.
In January 1942 the three allies signed an agreement with Iran to respect Iran's independence and to withdraw their troops within six months of the war's end. In 1943 at the Tehran Conference, the United States reaffirmed this commitment. In 1945, the USSR refused to announce a timetable to leave Iran's northwestern provinces of East Azerbaijan and West Azerbaijan, where Soviet-supported autonomy movements had developed. At the time, the Tudeh Party of Iran, a communist party that was already influential and had parliamentary representation, was becoming increasingly militant, especially in the North. This promoted actions from the side of the government, including attempts of the Iranian armed forces to restore order in the Northern provinces. While the Tudeh headquarters in Tehran were occupied and the Isfahan branch crushed, the Soviet troops present in the Northern parts of the country prevented the Iranian forces from entering. Thus, by the late autumn of 1945, the North was virtually controlled by the Tudeh and its affiliates.
The USSR withdrew its troops in May 1946, but tensions continued for several months. This episode was one of the precipitating events of the emerging Cold War, the postwar rivalry between the United States and its allies, and the USSR and its allies.
Iran's political system became increasingly open. Political parties were developed, and in 1944 the Majlis election was the first genuinely competitive election in more than 20 years. Foreign influence remained a very sensitive issue for all parties. The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC), which was owned by the British government, continued to produce and market Iranian oil. In the beginning of the 1930s some Iranians began to advocate nationalization of the country's oil fields. After 1946 this became an increasingly popular political movement.
Mohammed Reza Pahlavi and his wife Farah Diba, upon him being proclaimed the Shah of Iran.
Mohammad Reza Pahlavi replaced his father on the throne on September 16, 1941. He wanted to continue the reform policies of his father, but a contest for control of the government soon erupted between the shah and an older professional politician, the nationalistic Mohammad Mosaddegh.
Despite his vow to act as a constitutional monarch who would defer to the power of the parliamentary government, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi increasingly involved himself in governmental affairs. He concentrated on reviving the army and ensuring that it would remain under royal control as the monarchy's main power base. In 1949 an assassination attempt on the Shah, attributed to the pro-Soviet Tudeh Party, resulted in the banning of that party and the expansion of the Shah's constitutional powers.
In 1951, the Majlis (Parliament of Iran) named Mohammad Mossadegh as new prime minister by a vote of 79–12. Shortly afterwards, Mossadegh nationalized the British-owned oil industry. Mossadegh was opposed by the Shah who feared a resulting oil embargo imposed by the west would leave Iran in economic ruin. The Shah fled Iran but returned when the United Kingdom and United States staged a coup against Mossadegh in August 1953. Mossadegh was then arrested by pro-Shah army forces.
In the context of regional turmoil and the Cold War, the Shah established himself as an indispensable ally of the West. Domestically, he advocated reform policies, culminating in the 1963 program known as the White Revolution, which included land reform, extension of voting rights to women, and the elimination of illiteracy. Major plans to build Iran's infrastructure were undertaken, a new middle class began flourishing and in less than two decades Iran became the indisputable major economic and military power of the Middle East.
However, these measures and the increasing arbitrariness of the Shah's rule provoked religious leaders who feared losing their traditional authority, and intellectuals seeking democratic reforms. These opponents criticized the Shah for his reforms or for violation of the constitution, which placed limits on royal power and provided for a representative government.
The Shah saw himself as heir to the kings of ancient Iran, and in 1971 he held a celebration of 2,500 years of Persian monarchy. In 1976 he replaced the calendar (year 1355) with an "Imperial" calendar (year 2535), which began with the foundation of the Persian Empire more than 25 centuries earlier. These actions were viewed as un-Islamic and resulted in more religious opposition by the clergy.
The Shah's government suppressed its opponents with the help of Iran's security and intelligence secret police, SAVAK. Such opponents included members of the Communist Tudeh party, who tried to assassinate the Shah and his son on multiple occasions.
By the mid-1970s, relying on increased oil revenues, the Shah began a series of even more ambitious and bolder plans for the progress of his country and the march toward the "Great Civilization". However, his socioeconomic advances increasingly irritated the clergy. Islamic leaders, particularly the exiled cleric Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, were able to focus this discontent with an ideology tied to Islamic principles that called for the overthrow of the Shah and the return to Islamic traditions. The Shah's government collapsed following widespread uprisings in 1978 and 1979.
The Shah, seeking medical treatment, fled the country to Egypt, Mexico, the United States, and Panama and finally resettled with his family in Egypt as a guest of Anwar Sadat. Upon his death his son Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi succeeded him in absentia as heir apparent to the Pahlavi dynasty.
Pahlavi
Pahlavi. Adjective that, in its Middle Iranian form "pahlavig", designated the Parthians, the politically most prominent ethnic group in Iran during the Arsacid period (c. 250 B.C.T.-226 C.C.), and stood in contrast to Middle Iranian parsig (modern farsi), which designated the Persians, an ethnic group predominant in southwestern Iran that became the most prominent group during the succeeding Sasanid period (226-651). During the early Islamic period (seventh to eleventh century) this contradistinction between pahlavi and farsi retained its chronological implication as the designation for the older literary Persian of the Sasanids and the new literary Persian written in Arabic script, respectively.
Pahlavi, the official Sasanid literary language, represented a variety of Middle Iranian speech of the ethnic Persians in southwestern Iran (Persis) and was distinguished by its heterographic writing system, which was a direct paleographical development of the Achaemenid style of written Aramaic as it persisted and developed in this Persian-speaking area of Iran during the centuries following the end of Achaemenid administration (330 B.C.T.). It was used not only in official circles by the imperial chancellery for royal inscriptions, coins, and other government documents, but also by private individuals for a variety of purposes (e.g., inscriptions and letters). At least two prominent Sasanid religious communities, the Zoroastrians and the Nestorian Christians, used it extensively for religious writings and inscriptions. During the early Islamic period, Pahlavi continued to be used for Zoroastrian writings (ninth century) as well as on the inscriptions and coins of some local Iranian dynasts (seventh to eleventh centuries).
Pahlavi. Adjective that, in its Middle Iranian form "pahlavig", designated the Parthians, the politically most prominent ethnic group in Iran during the Arsacid period (c. 250 B.C.T.-226 C.C.), and stood in contrast to Middle Iranian parsig (modern farsi), which designated the Persians, an ethnic group predominant in southwestern Iran that became the most prominent group during the succeeding Sasanid period (226-651). During the early Islamic period (seventh to eleventh century) this contradistinction between pahlavi and farsi retained its chronological implication as the designation for the older literary Persian of the Sasanids and the new literary Persian written in Arabic script, respectively.
Pahlavi, the official Sasanid literary language, represented a variety of Middle Iranian speech of the ethnic Persians in southwestern Iran (Persis) and was distinguished by its heterographic writing system, which was a direct paleographical development of the Achaemenid style of written Aramaic as it persisted and developed in this Persian-speaking area of Iran during the centuries following the end of Achaemenid administration (330 B.C.T.). It was used not only in official circles by the imperial chancellery for royal inscriptions, coins, and other government documents, but also by private individuals for a variety of purposes (e.g., inscriptions and letters). At least two prominent Sasanid religious communities, the Zoroastrians and the Nestorian Christians, used it extensively for religious writings and inscriptions. During the early Islamic period, Pahlavi continued to be used for Zoroastrian writings (ninth century) as well as on the inscriptions and coins of some local Iranian dynasts (seventh to eleventh centuries).
Pahlavi, Ashraf
Pahlavi, Ashraf (Ashraf Pahlavi) (Ashraf ul-Mulk) (b. October 26, 1919). Twin sister of the Shah of Iran, Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, active in Iranian political and social welfare activities. She founded the Imperial Organization for Social Services in the 1940s and represented the Iranian government in an official trip to the Soviet Union in 1946 to discuss the critical issue of the communist backed Autonomous Republic of Azerbaijan that was established in Iran in 1945. In the 1950s, she formed the Women’s Organization of Iran. The organization was largely responsible for the passage of the Family Protection Act in 1975. She was sent into exile twice, first in 1951 by the Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh, ostensibly because of corruption and her opposition to the oil nationalization bill. She returned to Iran in 1953 after the fall of Mossadegh and resumed her political and social activities. She again followed her brother into exile in 1979.
Ashraf Pahlavi see Pahlavi, Ashraf
Pahlavi, Ashraf (Ashraf Pahlavi) (Ashraf ul-Mulk) (b. October 26, 1919). Twin sister of the Shah of Iran, Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, active in Iranian political and social welfare activities. She founded the Imperial Organization for Social Services in the 1940s and represented the Iranian government in an official trip to the Soviet Union in 1946 to discuss the critical issue of the communist backed Autonomous Republic of Azerbaijan that was established in Iran in 1945. In the 1950s, she formed the Women’s Organization of Iran. The organization was largely responsible for the passage of the Family Protection Act in 1975. She was sent into exile twice, first in 1951 by the Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh, ostensibly because of corruption and her opposition to the oil nationalization bill. She returned to Iran in 1953 after the fall of Mossadegh and resumed her political and social activities. She again followed her brother into exile in 1979.
Ashraf Pahlavi see Pahlavi, Ashraf
Pahlavi, Muhammad Riza Shah
Pahlavi, Muhammad Riza Shah (Muhammad Riza Shah Pahlavi) (Mohamed Reza Pahlavi) (Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlavi) (Mohammad Rezā Shāh Pahlavi) (October 26, 1919 – July 27, 1980). Shah of Iran (r.1941-1979). During his reign, he initiated the White Revolution which emphasized rapid modern development combined with a grandiose military buildup and dictatorial rule. It was this White Revolution which is generally deemed responsible for his downfall.
Mohammed Reza was the shah of Iran from 1941 to 1979 and was the last monarch before the establishment of the Islamic Republic. Mohammed Reza Shah was the son of Reza Shah, the founder of the Pahlavi dynasty. He and his twin sister, Ashraf, were born in Tehran while their father was still an officer with the Cossack Brigade. Mohammed Reza was named crown prince at the coronation of Reza Shah in 1926. His father made a conscious effort to educate him to be a future shah. From 1931 to 1936 Mohammad Reza attended private schools in Switzerland. When he returned to Iran, he studied military science for two years at the Military College in Tehran, then served as inspector of the army for three years.
Mohammed Reza was named shah in September 1941, following the forced abdication of his father under pressure from Great Britain and the Soviet Union, whose forces had jointly invaded Iran. The foreign troops continued to occupy parts of Iran until May 1946. Thus, Mohammed Reza Shah began his reign under the national humiliation of foreign intervention. He and his fellow citizens would continue to be concerned about the role of foreign governmental interference in Iran’s internal affairs thoughout his entire rule.
In the early postwar period Pahlavi’s reign was marked by political unrest generated by Communist and nationalist movements; an attempt was made on his life in 1949.
The forced abdication of Reza Shah and the presence of foreign troops in Iran for more than four years helped to stimulate the revival of political parties opposed to the concentration of power in the hands of the monarch. Consequently, the first twelve years of Mohammed Reza Shah’s reign were characterized by intense rivalry between the shah and his supporters and the elected members of the Majlis who preferred a strictly constitutional king. By 1951, the Majlis was able to nominate its own choice for prime minister, and Mohammed Reza Shah was obliged to acquiesce. In 1953, the Majlis nationalized the petroleum industry, then owned by the British government, precipitating an international crisis. The shah was forced to flee the country, but a pro-royalist, military coup d’etat against the government of Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadegh (Muhammad Mosaddegh) enabled Mohammed Reza to return to reclaim the throne. It is widely reported that Mohammed Reza was restored to his throne with covert United States aid.
After 1953, Mohammed Reza Shah asserted himself more forcefully. Independent political parties were banned, press censorship was imposed, elections to the Majlis were controlled, and political leaders who insisted upon expressing opposition in public were jailed. The repressive measures provoked periodic political disturbances, most notably the riots of June 1963, which spread to several cities and resulted in hundreds of casualties. Nevertheless, until 1977 most of the period after 1953 was characterized by relative political calm despite the general resentment of the shah’s authoritarian rule.
Having begun the distribution of royal lands to tenant farmers in 1951, the shah in 1962 ordered large private landholdings broken up to allow peasant ownership. The following year he revealed his White Revolution program of socioeconomic reforms. He meanwhile delayed his coronation until 1967.
Mohammed Reza Shah was interested, as had been his father, in promoting what he believed was the modernization of his country. Thus, he initiated projects to expand industrial capacity. These included direct government investment in petroleum refineries, steel works, and various heavy industries, as well as easy term loans and subsidies for private investors. The revenues from the sale of oil were used to finance multi-year development plans and major projects such as dam construction, extensions of the Trans-Iranian Railway, and new highways.
Mohammed Reza Shah also was interested in agricultural development. He supported the implementation of a major land reform program that led to the redistribution of approximately one-half of the cultivated land to peasant sharecroppers. Low interest loans to large landowners encouraged the increased production of industrial and export crops. The government also invested in and subsidized the development of agribusinesses, agricultural machinery manufacture, and irrigation networks.
Mohammed Reza Shah also promoted social changes by expanding the state-supported school system, especially at the secondary and college levels, and by supporting legislation to improve the legal status of women. Some of the social changes that occurred as a result of these policies, as well as social changes that resulted from economic development policies, were resented by various classes of people who felt threatened by the rapidity of social change. By 1977, those who opposed social changes have begun to ally with groups who were disaffected on account of political and/or economic grievances.
As the power of the oil-exporting nations grew in the 1970s, the shah became an increasingly important world leader, and Iran became the pre-eminent military power of Southwest Asia. At the same time, strong opposition to his autocratic rule developed, especially among the group of conservative Muslims led by the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.
Consequently, a popular movement against the shah developed in the latter part of 1977 and throughout 1978. In January 1979, Mohammed Reza Shah decided to leave Iran voluntarily in order to stem the tide of discontent. His departure failed to dampen the anti-monarchy sentiments, and in a referendum in April an overwhelming majority of the population voted to abolish the institution of shah and replace it with a republic.
Mohammed Reza Shah did not return to Iran. He lived in exile in various countries and died of cancer in Cairo, Egypt on July 27, 1980.
Muhammad Riza Shah Pahlavi see Pahlavi, Muhammad Riza Shah
Mohamed Reza Pahlavi see Pahlavi, Muhammad Riza Shah
Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlavi see Pahlavi, Muhammad Riza Shah
Pahlavi, Mohamed Reza see Pahlavi, Muhammad Riza Shah
Pahlavi, Muhammad Reza Shah see Pahlavi, Muhammad Riza Shah
Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi see Pahlavi, Muhammad Riza Shah
Pahlavi, Muhammad Riza Shah (Muhammad Riza Shah Pahlavi) (Mohamed Reza Pahlavi) (Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlavi) (Mohammad Rezā Shāh Pahlavi) (October 26, 1919 – July 27, 1980). Shah of Iran (r.1941-1979). During his reign, he initiated the White Revolution which emphasized rapid modern development combined with a grandiose military buildup and dictatorial rule. It was this White Revolution which is generally deemed responsible for his downfall.
Mohammed Reza was the shah of Iran from 1941 to 1979 and was the last monarch before the establishment of the Islamic Republic. Mohammed Reza Shah was the son of Reza Shah, the founder of the Pahlavi dynasty. He and his twin sister, Ashraf, were born in Tehran while their father was still an officer with the Cossack Brigade. Mohammed Reza was named crown prince at the coronation of Reza Shah in 1926. His father made a conscious effort to educate him to be a future shah. From 1931 to 1936 Mohammad Reza attended private schools in Switzerland. When he returned to Iran, he studied military science for two years at the Military College in Tehran, then served as inspector of the army for three years.
Mohammed Reza was named shah in September 1941, following the forced abdication of his father under pressure from Great Britain and the Soviet Union, whose forces had jointly invaded Iran. The foreign troops continued to occupy parts of Iran until May 1946. Thus, Mohammed Reza Shah began his reign under the national humiliation of foreign intervention. He and his fellow citizens would continue to be concerned about the role of foreign governmental interference in Iran’s internal affairs thoughout his entire rule.
In the early postwar period Pahlavi’s reign was marked by political unrest generated by Communist and nationalist movements; an attempt was made on his life in 1949.
The forced abdication of Reza Shah and the presence of foreign troops in Iran for more than four years helped to stimulate the revival of political parties opposed to the concentration of power in the hands of the monarch. Consequently, the first twelve years of Mohammed Reza Shah’s reign were characterized by intense rivalry between the shah and his supporters and the elected members of the Majlis who preferred a strictly constitutional king. By 1951, the Majlis was able to nominate its own choice for prime minister, and Mohammed Reza Shah was obliged to acquiesce. In 1953, the Majlis nationalized the petroleum industry, then owned by the British government, precipitating an international crisis. The shah was forced to flee the country, but a pro-royalist, military coup d’etat against the government of Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadegh (Muhammad Mosaddegh) enabled Mohammed Reza to return to reclaim the throne. It is widely reported that Mohammed Reza was restored to his throne with covert United States aid.
After 1953, Mohammed Reza Shah asserted himself more forcefully. Independent political parties were banned, press censorship was imposed, elections to the Majlis were controlled, and political leaders who insisted upon expressing opposition in public were jailed. The repressive measures provoked periodic political disturbances, most notably the riots of June 1963, which spread to several cities and resulted in hundreds of casualties. Nevertheless, until 1977 most of the period after 1953 was characterized by relative political calm despite the general resentment of the shah’s authoritarian rule.
Having begun the distribution of royal lands to tenant farmers in 1951, the shah in 1962 ordered large private landholdings broken up to allow peasant ownership. The following year he revealed his White Revolution program of socioeconomic reforms. He meanwhile delayed his coronation until 1967.
Mohammed Reza Shah was interested, as had been his father, in promoting what he believed was the modernization of his country. Thus, he initiated projects to expand industrial capacity. These included direct government investment in petroleum refineries, steel works, and various heavy industries, as well as easy term loans and subsidies for private investors. The revenues from the sale of oil were used to finance multi-year development plans and major projects such as dam construction, extensions of the Trans-Iranian Railway, and new highways.
Mohammed Reza Shah also was interested in agricultural development. He supported the implementation of a major land reform program that led to the redistribution of approximately one-half of the cultivated land to peasant sharecroppers. Low interest loans to large landowners encouraged the increased production of industrial and export crops. The government also invested in and subsidized the development of agribusinesses, agricultural machinery manufacture, and irrigation networks.
Mohammed Reza Shah also promoted social changes by expanding the state-supported school system, especially at the secondary and college levels, and by supporting legislation to improve the legal status of women. Some of the social changes that occurred as a result of these policies, as well as social changes that resulted from economic development policies, were resented by various classes of people who felt threatened by the rapidity of social change. By 1977, those who opposed social changes have begun to ally with groups who were disaffected on account of political and/or economic grievances.
As the power of the oil-exporting nations grew in the 1970s, the shah became an increasingly important world leader, and Iran became the pre-eminent military power of Southwest Asia. At the same time, strong opposition to his autocratic rule developed, especially among the group of conservative Muslims led by the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.
Consequently, a popular movement against the shah developed in the latter part of 1977 and throughout 1978. In January 1979, Mohammed Reza Shah decided to leave Iran voluntarily in order to stem the tide of discontent. His departure failed to dampen the anti-monarchy sentiments, and in a referendum in April an overwhelming majority of the population voted to abolish the institution of shah and replace it with a republic.
Mohammed Reza Shah did not return to Iran. He lived in exile in various countries and died of cancer in Cairo, Egypt on July 27, 1980.
Muhammad Riza Shah Pahlavi see Pahlavi, Muhammad Riza Shah
Mohamed Reza Pahlavi see Pahlavi, Muhammad Riza Shah
Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlavi see Pahlavi, Muhammad Riza Shah
Pahlavi, Mohamed Reza see Pahlavi, Muhammad Riza Shah
Pahlavi, Muhammad Reza Shah see Pahlavi, Muhammad Riza Shah
Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi see Pahlavi, Muhammad Riza Shah
Pahlavi, Reza
Pahlavi, Reza (Reza Pahlavi) (Reza Khan Pahlavi) (Reza Shah Pahlavi) (Reza Shah) (Reza Shah the Great) (Reza Shah Kabir) ( Riza Pahlavi) (March 16, 1878 – July 26, 1944). Shah of Iran (r.1925-1941). He was founder of the Pahlavi dynasty. Reza Shah was born in an Elburz mountain village (Savad Kouh) near the Caspian Sea in Iran’s Mazandaran Province. His father, a small landowner and an officer in a locally recruited regiment of Nasir al-Din’s army, died when Reza was still an infant. Subsequently, his mother took him to Tehran, where Reza was raised in the household of a maternal uncle. While he was an adolescent, his uncle had him enrolled in the Russian-officered Cossack Brigade in about 1893. The future shah was to spend almost thirty years with the Cossacks, rising from the ranks to become one of the brigade’s most influential Iranian officers and, eventually, commander of the entire army.
Reza Shah’s interest in politics developed as early as World War I. After the Iranian government dismissed all remaining Russian officers of the Cossack Brigade in 1920, Reza, then a general, was made commander of the regiment based in Qazvin. This position enabled him to exercise a degree of political power, and he was soon in contact with civilian leaders who were plotting to install a new government in Tehran. In February 1921, he collaborated with a prominent journalist in the coup d’etat that would lead to his emergence as the single most powerful leader in Iran.
Following the coup d’etat, Reza served initially as chief of the army, then as minister of war, and in October 1923, was appointed prime minister. After he became prime minister, he entertained the idea of establishing a republic in Iran. Opposition to a republic, led by prominent clergymen who feared that a republican government would institute secular programs like the 1924 reforms in Turkey, persuaded Reza that a monarchical form of government should be retained. Consequently, in December 1925, when the Majlis, or National Assembly, deposed the reigning ruler, Ahmed Shah (1898-1930), Reza encouraged his supporters in the Majlis to abolish the Qajar dynasty and establish a new royal family, the Pahlavi, with himself as Reza Shah.
During his reign, Reza Shah instituted various economic and social reforms that were collectively called modernization. The focus of his economic policies was the industrialization of Iran. The state invested in manufacturing enterprises and encouraged private capital to set up factories for producing consumer goods. An infrastructure of roads, railways, and renovated harbors was built to promote the industrial development.
Reza Shah’s social policies were equally significant. Legal reforms secularized the judicial system. A state run, public school system was established for the entire country. Universal male conscription was introduced and a national army created, and public dress codes were enforced for men and women. Some of his social policies were controversial, but Reza Shah did not tolerate public opposition after 1925. Consequently, the programs instituted during his reign, while often resented by different classes of the population, effected a major transformation of Iranian urban society.
Reza Shah viewed the social and economic policies he undertook as necessary measures to make a Iran a strong country that could resist pressures from the European powers. He regarded the foreign intervention in Iranian affairs, especially in the years 1911-1921, as a matter of national dishonor and was determined that such interference not recur. He sought to minimize the influence of Great Britain and Russia -- the two countries that historically had been most deeply involved in Iran -- by cultivating diplomatic relations with rival countries such as Germany, France, and the United States.
Reza Shah’s efforts to prevent foreign intervention proved to be futile. In August 1941, soon after Great Britain and the Soviet Union became allies in the war against Germany, they used the fact of Iran’s diplomatic relations with Germany as an excuse to invade and occupy Iran. Great Britain insisted upon Reza Shah’s abdication and exile from Iran. He died in Johannesburg, South Africa, in 1944.
Reza Pahlavi see Pahlavi, Reza
Reza Khan Pahlavi see Pahlavi, Reza
Reza Shah Pahlavi see Pahlavi, Reza
Reza Shah see Pahlavi, Reza
Reza Shah Kabir see Pahlavi, Reza
Reza Shah the Great see Pahlavi, Reza
Pahlavi, Reza (Reza Pahlavi) (Reza Khan Pahlavi) (Reza Shah Pahlavi) (Reza Shah) (Reza Shah the Great) (Reza Shah Kabir) ( Riza Pahlavi) (March 16, 1878 – July 26, 1944). Shah of Iran (r.1925-1941). He was founder of the Pahlavi dynasty. Reza Shah was born in an Elburz mountain village (Savad Kouh) near the Caspian Sea in Iran’s Mazandaran Province. His father, a small landowner and an officer in a locally recruited regiment of Nasir al-Din’s army, died when Reza was still an infant. Subsequently, his mother took him to Tehran, where Reza was raised in the household of a maternal uncle. While he was an adolescent, his uncle had him enrolled in the Russian-officered Cossack Brigade in about 1893. The future shah was to spend almost thirty years with the Cossacks, rising from the ranks to become one of the brigade’s most influential Iranian officers and, eventually, commander of the entire army.
Reza Shah’s interest in politics developed as early as World War I. After the Iranian government dismissed all remaining Russian officers of the Cossack Brigade in 1920, Reza, then a general, was made commander of the regiment based in Qazvin. This position enabled him to exercise a degree of political power, and he was soon in contact with civilian leaders who were plotting to install a new government in Tehran. In February 1921, he collaborated with a prominent journalist in the coup d’etat that would lead to his emergence as the single most powerful leader in Iran.
Following the coup d’etat, Reza served initially as chief of the army, then as minister of war, and in October 1923, was appointed prime minister. After he became prime minister, he entertained the idea of establishing a republic in Iran. Opposition to a republic, led by prominent clergymen who feared that a republican government would institute secular programs like the 1924 reforms in Turkey, persuaded Reza that a monarchical form of government should be retained. Consequently, in December 1925, when the Majlis, or National Assembly, deposed the reigning ruler, Ahmed Shah (1898-1930), Reza encouraged his supporters in the Majlis to abolish the Qajar dynasty and establish a new royal family, the Pahlavi, with himself as Reza Shah.
During his reign, Reza Shah instituted various economic and social reforms that were collectively called modernization. The focus of his economic policies was the industrialization of Iran. The state invested in manufacturing enterprises and encouraged private capital to set up factories for producing consumer goods. An infrastructure of roads, railways, and renovated harbors was built to promote the industrial development.
Reza Shah’s social policies were equally significant. Legal reforms secularized the judicial system. A state run, public school system was established for the entire country. Universal male conscription was introduced and a national army created, and public dress codes were enforced for men and women. Some of his social policies were controversial, but Reza Shah did not tolerate public opposition after 1925. Consequently, the programs instituted during his reign, while often resented by different classes of the population, effected a major transformation of Iranian urban society.
Reza Shah viewed the social and economic policies he undertook as necessary measures to make a Iran a strong country that could resist pressures from the European powers. He regarded the foreign intervention in Iranian affairs, especially in the years 1911-1921, as a matter of national dishonor and was determined that such interference not recur. He sought to minimize the influence of Great Britain and Russia -- the two countries that historically had been most deeply involved in Iran -- by cultivating diplomatic relations with rival countries such as Germany, France, and the United States.
Reza Shah’s efforts to prevent foreign intervention proved to be futile. In August 1941, soon after Great Britain and the Soviet Union became allies in the war against Germany, they used the fact of Iran’s diplomatic relations with Germany as an excuse to invade and occupy Iran. Great Britain insisted upon Reza Shah’s abdication and exile from Iran. He died in Johannesburg, South Africa, in 1944.
Reza Pahlavi see Pahlavi, Reza
Reza Khan Pahlavi see Pahlavi, Reza
Reza Shah Pahlavi see Pahlavi, Reza
Reza Shah see Pahlavi, Reza
Reza Shah Kabir see Pahlavi, Reza
Reza Shah the Great see Pahlavi, Reza
Pakhtun
Pakhtun (Pashtun) (Pushtun) (Pathan) (Pukhtun). Terms by which the speakers of Pakhtu/Pashtu inhabiting the present territory of Afghanistan and the North-West Frontier Province of Pakistan have preferred to be known. Outsiders, however, have more frequently referred to them as Pathans or Afghans.
The Pakhtu language seems to be derived from Saka, a language spoken by Central Asian nomads who conquered the present habitat of the Pakhtuns in the second millennium B.C.T. However, there is little historical evidence or agreement on the ethnogenesis of the Pakhtuns. Stressing their monotheism, the Pakhtuns, in their folklore, equate their origin with the origin of Islam: Qais, their putative ancestor, is said to have led his followers from Ghur, in central Afghanistan, to Muhammad, the prophet of Islam, in Medina. There he was converted by the Prophet in person and renamed Abd al-Rashid.
The Pakhtuns represent their social relations in an organizational chart of hierarchical patrilineal segments, starting with Qais and his three or four sons and reaching those living in the present. In this principle, every Pakhtun should know every chain of segmentation. In practice, however, a male Pakhtun has to know the name of his seven male ascendants and how their living descendants are linked to him. Beyond this minimal unit, he is required to know only the major segments, rather than the precise line of individuals through which his minimal unit is linked to the higher-named segments.
There are no words in Pakhtu that refer exclusively to a “lineage,” in which descent is demonstrated, or a “clan,” in which descent is merely assumed. The suffixes zai and khel, added to names of males to imply descent from them, can mean either “lineage” or “clan.” The ambiguity, however, is very useful in practice. Instead of allowing their genealogy to dictate their behavior, the Pakhtuns can manipulate their tables of organization in such a way as to change the significance of levels of segmentation to the extent of incorporating totally alien groups within their genealogical fold.
Durrani, Ghilzai, and Karlanri have been for the last two centuries the names of the major groups of Pakhtun clans. The major clans in the Durrani group are the Achakzai, Alikozai, Alizai, Barakzai, Ishaqzai, Nurzai, and Popalzai; in the Ghilzai group are the Andar, Hotak, Kharoti, Nasir, Sahak, Sulimankhel, Taraki, and Tokhi; and in the Karlanri group are the Afridi, Bangash, Khatak, Khugiani, Mahsudi, Mangal, Orakzai, Utmankhel, and Wazir.
Symbolically, the unity of the Pakhtuns is expressed through their adherence to pakhtunwali, the ideal code of behavior stressing honor, hospitality, and revenge. Pakhtunwali is also a customary system of mediation that includes provisions for settling disputes ranging from theft to homicide. The social agencies through which pakhtunwali has been practiced are the jirga (assembly) and the khan (chief). In its juridical sense, jirga refers to a gathering of experts on pakhtunwali who are chosen by parties to a case to mediate between the disputants. In its political sense, jirga refers to a gathering of all members of a clan, heads of households or lineages, or the representatives of clans, who serve as intermediaries between a Pakhtun group and outside powers. The jirga is, thus, always considered representative, but the khan may or may not be.
In the sixteenth century, the title khan was bestowed by Mughal and Safavid emperors on Pakhtun notables appointed to safeguard the long-distance trade between India and Iran. The consolidation of the office of khan soon led to the emergence of khankhels (chiefly, lineages) that laid exclusive claim to the office. Khans, however, were often polygamous, and as the Pakhtun have had no preferential rules of succession to high office, the intense rivalry among aspirants to the office of khan often resulted in internal factionalism and unfavorable external alliances. The odds against unified Pakhtun action were thus great, and the few leaders who have succeeded at the task are fondly remembered by all Pakhtuns. The best known of these Pakhtun heroes are Khushal Khattak (1613-1689), the poet-warrior who led the Pakhtun resistance against the Mughals; Mir Wais Hotak (d. 1715), who freed Kandahar from the Safavid yoke and founded the Hotak state; and Ahmadshah (r. 1747-1773), who founded the Durrani empire. Unfortunately, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979, which has subsequently driven most Pakhtuns out of the country, has neither produced unified action nor given rise to leaders with a vision of the future.
The Pashtuns are intimately tied to the history of modern Afghanistan and Pakistan. Following Muslim Arab and Turkic conquests from the 7th to 11th centuries, Pashtun ghazis (warriors for the faith) invaded and conquered much of northern India during the Khilji dynasty (1290–1321), Lodhi dynasty (1451–1526) and Suri dynasty (1540–1556). The Pashtuns' modern past stretches back to the Hotaki dynasty (1709–1738) and later the Durrani Empire (1747–1826).[58] The Hotakis were Ghilzai tribesmen, who defeated the Safavid dynasty of Persia and seized control over much of the Persian Empire from 1722 to 1738. This was followed by the conquests of Ahmad Shah Durrani who was a former high-ranking military commander under Nader Shah of Persia. He founded the Afghan Empire that covered most of what is today Afghanistan, Pakistan, Kashmir, Indian Punjab, and Khorasan province of Iran. After the fall of the Durrani Empire in 1826, the Barakzai dynasty took control of Afghanistan. Specifically, the Mohamedzai subclan ruled Afghanistan from 1826 to the end of Mohammed Zahir Shah's reign in 1973. This legacy continues into modern times as Afghanistan is run by President Hamid Karzai, who is from the Popalzai tribe of Kandahar.
The Pashtuns in Afghanistan resisted British designs upon their territory and kept the Russians at bay during the so-called Great Game. By playing the two empires against each other, Afghanistan remained an independent state and maintained some autonomy. But during the reign of Abdur Rahman Khan (1880–1901), Pashtun regions were divided by the Durand Line, and what is today western Pakistan was ceded to British India in 1893. In the 20th century, many politically-active Pashtun leaders living under British rule in the North-West Frontier Province of colonial India supported Indian independence, including Khan Wali Khan and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (both members of the Khudai Khidmatgar, popularly referred to as the Surkh posh or "the Red shirts"), and were inspired by Mahatma Gandhi's non-violent method of resistance. Later, in the 1970s, Khan Wali Khan pressed for more autonomy for Pashtuns in Pakistan. Many Pashtuns also worked in the Muslim League to fight for an independent Pakistan, including Abdur Rab Nishtar (a close associate of Muhammad Ali Jinnah) and Yusuf Khattak, among others.
Pashtuns in Afghanistan attained complete independence from British intervention during the reign of King Amanullah Khan, following the Third Anglo-Afghan War. The monarchy ended when Sardar Daoud Khan seized control of Afghanistan in 1973. This opened the door to Soviet intervention and culminated in the Communist Saur Revolution in 1978. Starting in the late 1970s, many Pashtuns joined the Mujahideen opposition against the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. In the late 1990s, Pashtuns became known for being the primary ethnic group that comprised the Taliban, which was a religious government based on Islamic sharia law. The Taliban government was ousted in late 2001 during the US-led invasion of Afghanistan and replaced with the current Karzai administration, which is dominated by Pashtun ministers.
Pashtun see Pakhtun
Pushtun see Pakhtun
Pathan see Pakhtun
Pukhtun see Pakhtun
Pakhtun (Pashtun) (Pushtun) (Pathan) (Pukhtun). Terms by which the speakers of Pakhtu/Pashtu inhabiting the present territory of Afghanistan and the North-West Frontier Province of Pakistan have preferred to be known. Outsiders, however, have more frequently referred to them as Pathans or Afghans.
The Pakhtu language seems to be derived from Saka, a language spoken by Central Asian nomads who conquered the present habitat of the Pakhtuns in the second millennium B.C.T. However, there is little historical evidence or agreement on the ethnogenesis of the Pakhtuns. Stressing their monotheism, the Pakhtuns, in their folklore, equate their origin with the origin of Islam: Qais, their putative ancestor, is said to have led his followers from Ghur, in central Afghanistan, to Muhammad, the prophet of Islam, in Medina. There he was converted by the Prophet in person and renamed Abd al-Rashid.
The Pakhtuns represent their social relations in an organizational chart of hierarchical patrilineal segments, starting with Qais and his three or four sons and reaching those living in the present. In this principle, every Pakhtun should know every chain of segmentation. In practice, however, a male Pakhtun has to know the name of his seven male ascendants and how their living descendants are linked to him. Beyond this minimal unit, he is required to know only the major segments, rather than the precise line of individuals through which his minimal unit is linked to the higher-named segments.
There are no words in Pakhtu that refer exclusively to a “lineage,” in which descent is demonstrated, or a “clan,” in which descent is merely assumed. The suffixes zai and khel, added to names of males to imply descent from them, can mean either “lineage” or “clan.” The ambiguity, however, is very useful in practice. Instead of allowing their genealogy to dictate their behavior, the Pakhtuns can manipulate their tables of organization in such a way as to change the significance of levels of segmentation to the extent of incorporating totally alien groups within their genealogical fold.
Durrani, Ghilzai, and Karlanri have been for the last two centuries the names of the major groups of Pakhtun clans. The major clans in the Durrani group are the Achakzai, Alikozai, Alizai, Barakzai, Ishaqzai, Nurzai, and Popalzai; in the Ghilzai group are the Andar, Hotak, Kharoti, Nasir, Sahak, Sulimankhel, Taraki, and Tokhi; and in the Karlanri group are the Afridi, Bangash, Khatak, Khugiani, Mahsudi, Mangal, Orakzai, Utmankhel, and Wazir.
Symbolically, the unity of the Pakhtuns is expressed through their adherence to pakhtunwali, the ideal code of behavior stressing honor, hospitality, and revenge. Pakhtunwali is also a customary system of mediation that includes provisions for settling disputes ranging from theft to homicide. The social agencies through which pakhtunwali has been practiced are the jirga (assembly) and the khan (chief). In its juridical sense, jirga refers to a gathering of experts on pakhtunwali who are chosen by parties to a case to mediate between the disputants. In its political sense, jirga refers to a gathering of all members of a clan, heads of households or lineages, or the representatives of clans, who serve as intermediaries between a Pakhtun group and outside powers. The jirga is, thus, always considered representative, but the khan may or may not be.
In the sixteenth century, the title khan was bestowed by Mughal and Safavid emperors on Pakhtun notables appointed to safeguard the long-distance trade between India and Iran. The consolidation of the office of khan soon led to the emergence of khankhels (chiefly, lineages) that laid exclusive claim to the office. Khans, however, were often polygamous, and as the Pakhtun have had no preferential rules of succession to high office, the intense rivalry among aspirants to the office of khan often resulted in internal factionalism and unfavorable external alliances. The odds against unified Pakhtun action were thus great, and the few leaders who have succeeded at the task are fondly remembered by all Pakhtuns. The best known of these Pakhtun heroes are Khushal Khattak (1613-1689), the poet-warrior who led the Pakhtun resistance against the Mughals; Mir Wais Hotak (d. 1715), who freed Kandahar from the Safavid yoke and founded the Hotak state; and Ahmadshah (r. 1747-1773), who founded the Durrani empire. Unfortunately, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979, which has subsequently driven most Pakhtuns out of the country, has neither produced unified action nor given rise to leaders with a vision of the future.
The Pashtuns are intimately tied to the history of modern Afghanistan and Pakistan. Following Muslim Arab and Turkic conquests from the 7th to 11th centuries, Pashtun ghazis (warriors for the faith) invaded and conquered much of northern India during the Khilji dynasty (1290–1321), Lodhi dynasty (1451–1526) and Suri dynasty (1540–1556). The Pashtuns' modern past stretches back to the Hotaki dynasty (1709–1738) and later the Durrani Empire (1747–1826).[58] The Hotakis were Ghilzai tribesmen, who defeated the Safavid dynasty of Persia and seized control over much of the Persian Empire from 1722 to 1738. This was followed by the conquests of Ahmad Shah Durrani who was a former high-ranking military commander under Nader Shah of Persia. He founded the Afghan Empire that covered most of what is today Afghanistan, Pakistan, Kashmir, Indian Punjab, and Khorasan province of Iran. After the fall of the Durrani Empire in 1826, the Barakzai dynasty took control of Afghanistan. Specifically, the Mohamedzai subclan ruled Afghanistan from 1826 to the end of Mohammed Zahir Shah's reign in 1973. This legacy continues into modern times as Afghanistan is run by President Hamid Karzai, who is from the Popalzai tribe of Kandahar.
The Pashtuns in Afghanistan resisted British designs upon their territory and kept the Russians at bay during the so-called Great Game. By playing the two empires against each other, Afghanistan remained an independent state and maintained some autonomy. But during the reign of Abdur Rahman Khan (1880–1901), Pashtun regions were divided by the Durand Line, and what is today western Pakistan was ceded to British India in 1893. In the 20th century, many politically-active Pashtun leaders living under British rule in the North-West Frontier Province of colonial India supported Indian independence, including Khan Wali Khan and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan (both members of the Khudai Khidmatgar, popularly referred to as the Surkh posh or "the Red shirts"), and were inspired by Mahatma Gandhi's non-violent method of resistance. Later, in the 1970s, Khan Wali Khan pressed for more autonomy for Pashtuns in Pakistan. Many Pashtuns also worked in the Muslim League to fight for an independent Pakistan, including Abdur Rab Nishtar (a close associate of Muhammad Ali Jinnah) and Yusuf Khattak, among others.
Pashtuns in Afghanistan attained complete independence from British intervention during the reign of King Amanullah Khan, following the Third Anglo-Afghan War. The monarchy ended when Sardar Daoud Khan seized control of Afghanistan in 1973. This opened the door to Soviet intervention and culminated in the Communist Saur Revolution in 1978. Starting in the late 1970s, many Pashtuns joined the Mujahideen opposition against the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. In the late 1990s, Pashtuns became known for being the primary ethnic group that comprised the Taliban, which was a religious government based on Islamic sharia law. The Taliban government was ousted in late 2001 during the US-led invasion of Afghanistan and replaced with the current Karzai administration, which is dominated by Pashtun ministers.
Pashtun see Pakhtun
Pushtun see Pakhtun
Pathan see Pakhtun
Pukhtun see Pakhtun
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