Sjafruddin Prawiranegara
Sjafruddin Prawiranegara (Syafruddin Prawiranegara) (February 28, 1911 - February 15, 1989) was an Indonesian politician. He was born in Anjar Kidul, West Java. He was educated as a lawyer under the Dutch colonial administration. He was a principal economic figure in the independent Republican government, serving as minister of finance (1946-1947) and minister of welfare (1948). He became president and acting prime minister of the Emergency government formed on Sumatra after the Dutch captured Yogyakarta in December 1948. He was appointed minister of finance in 1950. Increasingly opposed to Sukarno’s policies, he joined the Pemerintah Revolusioner Republik Indonesia (PRRI) rebellion in 1958, becoming prime minister in the rebel government. He surrendered in 1961 and was kept in close confinement until 1966. Under Suharto’s New Order, he returned to the private sector and, though barred from an active political role became an outspoken critic of the government on behalf of Muslim interests.
Sjafruddin Prawiranegara, also written Syafruddin Prawiranegara, was an Indonesian politician, economist, and latterly an Islamic philosopher. He was born in Anyer Kidul, Banten. The descent of Bantenese and Minangkabau extraction. His father, R. Arsyad Prawiraatmadja was the grandson of Sutan Alam Intan.
Educated in the Dutch-established education system that was opened to the better-off indigenous population from 1903, he went on to study at Rechtshogeschool (the Dutch tertiary education institution designed originally to provide Indonesian-speaking staff for the law courts, and which eventually became the University of Indonesia), graduating in 1939.
In 1939-1940 he was editor of a newspaper, Soeara Timur, a moderately separatist journal from Dutch rule. Syafruddin was more strongly nationalist than this, however, refusing to join the Stadswacht (home guard), though he did in 1940 join the Dutch department of finance, retaining his job under Japanese occupation, working as a tax inspector.
After the end of the war, he joined the KNI, or Indonesian National Committee, becoming one of fifteen members of its Central Committee. He joined Masjumi, the Islamic political party, publishing 'Politiek dan Revolusi Kita' (Our politics and revolution), espousing a religious socialist philosophy, which led to his appointment as Minister of Finance for Sutan Sjahrir Prime Minister and Socialist Party of Indonesia member from March 12, 1946 to June 27, 1947, and then under Hatta's non-party cabinet from 1948 until full independence in December 1949.
The resistance to the Dutch was limited to Java and Sumatra, and increasing military success in Java made the position of the revolutionary leaders in Java increasingly weak. In anticipation of the Dutch overrunning of the revolutionary Indonesian capital at Yogyakarta, Hatta was given authority to setup a republican government in defensible Central Sumatra. However, Hatta was to return to Java for the United Nations-led peace talks, and so Sjafruddin was given the role of Prime Minister-in-waiting. When the Dutch captured Hatta, Sukarno, and others, he assumed the role of Prime Minister, in West Sumatra, liaising by radio with remaining nationalists in Java to organize resistance to the Dutch. From this position he was able to maintain the republican effort until the Dutch released Sukarno and Hatta.
After peace had been brokered in 1949, Sjafruddin was appointed as Finance Minister in Hatta's first cabinet of Indonesia, and also in the cabinet of Mohammad Natsir, until his appointment as the first Indonesian Governor of De Javasche Bank (which was quickly transformed into Bank Indonesia) in 1951.
Sjafruddin in 1957 came into conflict with the President over his opposition to nationalization of Dutch economic interests, and his opposition to Guided Democracy (1957–1965), culminating in the writing of a letter to Sukarno on January 15, 1958, from Palembang, South Sumatra, where Sjafruddin was in talks with the rebellious Colonel Barlian, telling Sukarno to return to the Indonesian Constitution.
As Sjafruddin became more involved with PRRI, he was sacked as Bank Indonesia governor. However, Sjafruddin was less reckless than some of his PRRI colleagues, opposing the five-day ultimatum (on strategic military grounds) on February 10, 1958 to Prime Minister Djuanda Kartawidjaja to establish a new Cabinet with Hatta and the Sultan of Yogyakarta at its head. Thus, on February 15, 1958, Sjafruddin became Prime Minister of PRRI. His signature, which had appeared on banknotes of the republican period (1945-1949), and as governor of Bank Indonesia (1951-1958), appeared on the notes of PRRI. Sjafruddin opposed the establishment of a separate country of Sumatra, instead seeing PRRI as a movement for Indonesian integrity, opposed to the centralization of power in Indonesia.
The PRRI rebellion was a failure, and on August 25, 1961, Sjafruddin surrendered to the army. He was imprisoned until July 26, 1966.
Upon release, Sjafruddin tended to express himself more through religion, preaching against corruption under Sukarno, and leading the Petition of Fifty, and opposing the concept of Pancasila as the sole guiding principle for all groups, especially religious ones, in Indonesia. Due to this activity, Suharto banned Sjafruddin from leaving the country. Sjafruddin, however, continued to espouse his beliefs up until his death in 1989. He died of heart failure on February 15, 1989.
Prawiranegara, Sjafruddin see Sjafruddin Prawiranegara
Syafruddin Prawiranegara see Sjafruddin Prawiranegara
Prawiranegara, Syafruddin see Sjafruddin Prawiranegara
Sjafruddin Prawiranegara (Syafruddin Prawiranegara) (February 28, 1911 - February 15, 1989) was an Indonesian politician. He was born in Anjar Kidul, West Java. He was educated as a lawyer under the Dutch colonial administration. He was a principal economic figure in the independent Republican government, serving as minister of finance (1946-1947) and minister of welfare (1948). He became president and acting prime minister of the Emergency government formed on Sumatra after the Dutch captured Yogyakarta in December 1948. He was appointed minister of finance in 1950. Increasingly opposed to Sukarno’s policies, he joined the Pemerintah Revolusioner Republik Indonesia (PRRI) rebellion in 1958, becoming prime minister in the rebel government. He surrendered in 1961 and was kept in close confinement until 1966. Under Suharto’s New Order, he returned to the private sector and, though barred from an active political role became an outspoken critic of the government on behalf of Muslim interests.
Sjafruddin Prawiranegara, also written Syafruddin Prawiranegara, was an Indonesian politician, economist, and latterly an Islamic philosopher. He was born in Anyer Kidul, Banten. The descent of Bantenese and Minangkabau extraction. His father, R. Arsyad Prawiraatmadja was the grandson of Sutan Alam Intan.
Educated in the Dutch-established education system that was opened to the better-off indigenous population from 1903, he went on to study at Rechtshogeschool (the Dutch tertiary education institution designed originally to provide Indonesian-speaking staff for the law courts, and which eventually became the University of Indonesia), graduating in 1939.
In 1939-1940 he was editor of a newspaper, Soeara Timur, a moderately separatist journal from Dutch rule. Syafruddin was more strongly nationalist than this, however, refusing to join the Stadswacht (home guard), though he did in 1940 join the Dutch department of finance, retaining his job under Japanese occupation, working as a tax inspector.
After the end of the war, he joined the KNI, or Indonesian National Committee, becoming one of fifteen members of its Central Committee. He joined Masjumi, the Islamic political party, publishing 'Politiek dan Revolusi Kita' (Our politics and revolution), espousing a religious socialist philosophy, which led to his appointment as Minister of Finance for Sutan Sjahrir Prime Minister and Socialist Party of Indonesia member from March 12, 1946 to June 27, 1947, and then under Hatta's non-party cabinet from 1948 until full independence in December 1949.
The resistance to the Dutch was limited to Java and Sumatra, and increasing military success in Java made the position of the revolutionary leaders in Java increasingly weak. In anticipation of the Dutch overrunning of the revolutionary Indonesian capital at Yogyakarta, Hatta was given authority to setup a republican government in defensible Central Sumatra. However, Hatta was to return to Java for the United Nations-led peace talks, and so Sjafruddin was given the role of Prime Minister-in-waiting. When the Dutch captured Hatta, Sukarno, and others, he assumed the role of Prime Minister, in West Sumatra, liaising by radio with remaining nationalists in Java to organize resistance to the Dutch. From this position he was able to maintain the republican effort until the Dutch released Sukarno and Hatta.
After peace had been brokered in 1949, Sjafruddin was appointed as Finance Minister in Hatta's first cabinet of Indonesia, and also in the cabinet of Mohammad Natsir, until his appointment as the first Indonesian Governor of De Javasche Bank (which was quickly transformed into Bank Indonesia) in 1951.
Sjafruddin in 1957 came into conflict with the President over his opposition to nationalization of Dutch economic interests, and his opposition to Guided Democracy (1957–1965), culminating in the writing of a letter to Sukarno on January 15, 1958, from Palembang, South Sumatra, where Sjafruddin was in talks with the rebellious Colonel Barlian, telling Sukarno to return to the Indonesian Constitution.
As Sjafruddin became more involved with PRRI, he was sacked as Bank Indonesia governor. However, Sjafruddin was less reckless than some of his PRRI colleagues, opposing the five-day ultimatum (on strategic military grounds) on February 10, 1958 to Prime Minister Djuanda Kartawidjaja to establish a new Cabinet with Hatta and the Sultan of Yogyakarta at its head. Thus, on February 15, 1958, Sjafruddin became Prime Minister of PRRI. His signature, which had appeared on banknotes of the republican period (1945-1949), and as governor of Bank Indonesia (1951-1958), appeared on the notes of PRRI. Sjafruddin opposed the establishment of a separate country of Sumatra, instead seeing PRRI as a movement for Indonesian integrity, opposed to the centralization of power in Indonesia.
The PRRI rebellion was a failure, and on August 25, 1961, Sjafruddin surrendered to the army. He was imprisoned until July 26, 1966.
Upon release, Sjafruddin tended to express himself more through religion, preaching against corruption under Sukarno, and leading the Petition of Fifty, and opposing the concept of Pancasila as the sole guiding principle for all groups, especially religious ones, in Indonesia. Due to this activity, Suharto banned Sjafruddin from leaving the country. Sjafruddin, however, continued to espouse his beliefs up until his death in 1989. He died of heart failure on February 15, 1989.
Prawiranegara, Sjafruddin see Sjafruddin Prawiranegara
Syafruddin Prawiranegara see Sjafruddin Prawiranegara
Prawiranegara, Syafruddin see Sjafruddin Prawiranegara
Sjahrir, Sutan
Sjahrir, Sutan (b. March 5, 1909, Padang Panjang, West Sumatra, Dutch East Indies - d. April 9, 1966, Zürich, Switzerland). Indonesian socialist leader and prime minister (1945-1947). A Dutch educated (in Medan, Bandung, and the Netherlands) Minangkabau, Sjahrir in 1931 helped found the Pendidikan Nasional Indonesia to educate a socialist leadership for Indonesia’s nationalist movement. He was arrested in 1934 and exiled. During the Japanese occupation of Indonesia, he remained underground. In 1945, as prime minister, he conducted negotiations with the Dutch. In 1948, he formed the Indonesian Socialist Party (PSI). Although lacking electoral strength and regarded as the intellectuals’ party, the PSI was influential in Parliament and civil service until banned in 1960. After 1950 Sjahrir withdrew from active politics. His last years were spent under house arrest.
Sutan Sjahrir was the first prime minister of Indonesia, after a career as a key Indonesian nationalist organizer in the 1930s and 1940s.
Sjahrir was born in 1909 in Padang Panjang, West Sumatra. His father was an advisor to the Sultan of Deli. He studied in Medan and Bandung, and then studied law at Leiden University, The Netherlands around 1929. In Holland, he gained an appreciation for socialist principles, and was a part of several labor unions as he worked to support himself. He was briefly the secretary of the Indonesian Association (Perhimpunan Indonesia), an organization of Indonesian students in the Netherlands. Sjahrir was also one of the co-founders of Jong Indonesie, an Indonesian youth association, only to change within a few years to Pemuda Indonesia. This, in particular, played an important role in the Youth Congress (Sumpah Pemuda), in which the association helped the congress itself to run.
Sutan Sjahrir returned to Indonesia in 1931 without finishing a law degree. He helped set up the Indonesian National Party (PNI), and became a close associate of future vice president Mohammad Hatta. He was imprisoned by the Dutch for nationalist activities in November 1934, first in Boven Digul, then on Banda, and then in 1941, just before the Indies fell to the Japanese, to Sukabumi. During the Japanese occupation of Indonesia he had little public role, apparently sick with tuberculosis.
He was appointed Prime Minister by President Sukarno in November 1945 and served until June 1947. Sjahrir founded the Indonesian Socialist Party in 1948, which, although small, was very influential in the early post-independence years, because of the expertise and high education levels of its leaders. But the party performed poorly in the 1955 elections and was banned by President Sukarno in 1960. Sjahrir was jailed in the early 1960s, and died in exile in Zürich, Switzerland in 1966.
Sjahrir, son of a public prosecutor, received a Dutch education in Sumatra and Java and attended the Law Faculty at the University of Leiden. In The Netherlands he was a member of a socialist student group and secretary of the student group Perhimpunan Indonesia (“Indonesian Union”), which numbered among its members many of Indonesia’s future political leaders. He returned to the Dutch East Indies in 1931 and helped establish the Pendidikan Nasional Indonesia, a rival group to Partindo, the nationalist organization formed from remnants of the suppressed Partai Nasional Indonesia (“Indonesian Nationalist Party”), founded by Sukarno, the foremost Indonesian nationalist leader. The groups differed on the goals and means appropriate to nationalists, with Pendidikan opposed to Partindo’s concept of a united front of left-wing parties, and were divided by personal antagonisms as well. Early in 1934 Sjahrir and Pendidikan’s co-leader Mohammad Hatta were exiled by the Dutch authorities and remained isolated from Indonesian politics until the arrival of Japanese occupation forces in 1942. Sjahrir was opposed to the Japanese but chose to withdraw from public life rather than actively resist. He pressed for the country to declare independence before the Japanese surrender.
Sjahrir’s pamphlet “Perdjuangan Kita” (1945; “Our Struggle”) won for him the support of militant nationalists in the capital, as well as the office of prime minister in the postwar government at a time when executive power had been stripped from the president, then Sukarno, and given to the prime minister. That was done at Sjahrir’s instigation as he feared Sukarno’s cooperation with the Japanese would hurt the republic’s image in international opinion, on which the success of negotiations with the Dutch largely depended. Sjahrir negotiated the Linggadjati Agreement, under which the Dutch acknowledged Indonesia’s authority in Java and Sumatra. His conciliatory policies were not in keeping with the temper of the times, however, and in February 1946 he had to resign briefly. In June 1947 he was forced to resign permanently. He then became a member of the Indonesian delegation to the United Nations. In 1948 he formed a Socialist party, Partai Sosialis Indonesia (PSI), which opposed the Communist Party, but it failed to win popular support and was banned by Sukarno in 1960. On January 17, 1962, Sjahrir was arrested on charges of conspiracy. He was held without trial until 1965, when he was allowed to travel to Switzerland for medical treatment following a stroke.
Sutan Sjahrir see Sjahrir, Sutan
Sjahrir, Sutan (b. March 5, 1909, Padang Panjang, West Sumatra, Dutch East Indies - d. April 9, 1966, Zürich, Switzerland). Indonesian socialist leader and prime minister (1945-1947). A Dutch educated (in Medan, Bandung, and the Netherlands) Minangkabau, Sjahrir in 1931 helped found the Pendidikan Nasional Indonesia to educate a socialist leadership for Indonesia’s nationalist movement. He was arrested in 1934 and exiled. During the Japanese occupation of Indonesia, he remained underground. In 1945, as prime minister, he conducted negotiations with the Dutch. In 1948, he formed the Indonesian Socialist Party (PSI). Although lacking electoral strength and regarded as the intellectuals’ party, the PSI was influential in Parliament and civil service until banned in 1960. After 1950 Sjahrir withdrew from active politics. His last years were spent under house arrest.
Sutan Sjahrir was the first prime minister of Indonesia, after a career as a key Indonesian nationalist organizer in the 1930s and 1940s.
Sjahrir was born in 1909 in Padang Panjang, West Sumatra. His father was an advisor to the Sultan of Deli. He studied in Medan and Bandung, and then studied law at Leiden University, The Netherlands around 1929. In Holland, he gained an appreciation for socialist principles, and was a part of several labor unions as he worked to support himself. He was briefly the secretary of the Indonesian Association (Perhimpunan Indonesia), an organization of Indonesian students in the Netherlands. Sjahrir was also one of the co-founders of Jong Indonesie, an Indonesian youth association, only to change within a few years to Pemuda Indonesia. This, in particular, played an important role in the Youth Congress (Sumpah Pemuda), in which the association helped the congress itself to run.
Sutan Sjahrir returned to Indonesia in 1931 without finishing a law degree. He helped set up the Indonesian National Party (PNI), and became a close associate of future vice president Mohammad Hatta. He was imprisoned by the Dutch for nationalist activities in November 1934, first in Boven Digul, then on Banda, and then in 1941, just before the Indies fell to the Japanese, to Sukabumi. During the Japanese occupation of Indonesia he had little public role, apparently sick with tuberculosis.
He was appointed Prime Minister by President Sukarno in November 1945 and served until June 1947. Sjahrir founded the Indonesian Socialist Party in 1948, which, although small, was very influential in the early post-independence years, because of the expertise and high education levels of its leaders. But the party performed poorly in the 1955 elections and was banned by President Sukarno in 1960. Sjahrir was jailed in the early 1960s, and died in exile in Zürich, Switzerland in 1966.
Sjahrir, son of a public prosecutor, received a Dutch education in Sumatra and Java and attended the Law Faculty at the University of Leiden. In The Netherlands he was a member of a socialist student group and secretary of the student group Perhimpunan Indonesia (“Indonesian Union”), which numbered among its members many of Indonesia’s future political leaders. He returned to the Dutch East Indies in 1931 and helped establish the Pendidikan Nasional Indonesia, a rival group to Partindo, the nationalist organization formed from remnants of the suppressed Partai Nasional Indonesia (“Indonesian Nationalist Party”), founded by Sukarno, the foremost Indonesian nationalist leader. The groups differed on the goals and means appropriate to nationalists, with Pendidikan opposed to Partindo’s concept of a united front of left-wing parties, and were divided by personal antagonisms as well. Early in 1934 Sjahrir and Pendidikan’s co-leader Mohammad Hatta were exiled by the Dutch authorities and remained isolated from Indonesian politics until the arrival of Japanese occupation forces in 1942. Sjahrir was opposed to the Japanese but chose to withdraw from public life rather than actively resist. He pressed for the country to declare independence before the Japanese surrender.
Sjahrir’s pamphlet “Perdjuangan Kita” (1945; “Our Struggle”) won for him the support of militant nationalists in the capital, as well as the office of prime minister in the postwar government at a time when executive power had been stripped from the president, then Sukarno, and given to the prime minister. That was done at Sjahrir’s instigation as he feared Sukarno’s cooperation with the Japanese would hurt the republic’s image in international opinion, on which the success of negotiations with the Dutch largely depended. Sjahrir negotiated the Linggadjati Agreement, under which the Dutch acknowledged Indonesia’s authority in Java and Sumatra. His conciliatory policies were not in keeping with the temper of the times, however, and in February 1946 he had to resign briefly. In June 1947 he was forced to resign permanently. He then became a member of the Indonesian delegation to the United Nations. In 1948 he formed a Socialist party, Partai Sosialis Indonesia (PSI), which opposed the Communist Party, but it failed to win popular support and was banned by Sukarno in 1960. On January 17, 1962, Sjahrir was arrested on charges of conspiracy. He was held without trial until 1965, when he was allowed to travel to Switzerland for medical treatment following a stroke.
Sutan Sjahrir see Sjahrir, Sutan
Skah, Khalid
Skah, Khalid (Khalid Skah) (b. January 29, 1967). Moroccan runner who won the 10,000 meters at the 1992 Olympic Games in Barcelona, Spain.
Khalid Skah
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Medal record
Men’s Athletics
Competitor for Morocco
Olympic Games
Gold 1992 Barcelona 10,000 m
World Championships
Silver 1995 Gothenburg 10,000 m
Bronze 1991 Tokyo 10,000 m,
Mediterranean Games
Gold 1993 Narbonne 10,000 m
Born in Midelt, Morocco, Khalid Skah established himself first as a good cross country runner by winning the IAAF World Cross Country Championships in 1990 and 1991.
His first major tournament on track was the 1991 World Championships where he first won a bronze in the 10,000 meter run and then finished sixth at the 5000 meter run. This was a disappointing outcome for Skah as, earlier in the season, he had won the 10,000 meter race in Oslo against a very strong field and had emerged as one of the favorites for the finals in Tokyo. However, for the 10,000 meter final, Richard Chelimo and the eventual world champion, Moses Tanui, (both of Kenya) employed some very elaborate tactics and worked as a team. By the time of the 5000 meter final, Skah was probably tired. It would be Yobes Ondieki (Kenya) who would win the gold medal in the 5000 meter run.
At the Barcelona Olympics, Khalid Skah had a long duel with Richard Chelimo from Kenya in the 10,000 meter final. When they were lapping another Moroccan Hammou Boutayeb, the latter interfered with Chelimo and Skah went on to win a second ahead of the Kenyan. After the race Skah was accused of receiving undue assistance from Boutayeb and was disqualified, but was later reinstated on a technicality. During the presentation ceremony, held the next day, Skah was loudly booed by the crow,d as he received his medal. Chelimo received a standing ovation.
In 1993, Skah won the 5000 meter race at the prestigious meeting in Zurich. However, he finished fifth in the 5000 meters at the 1993 World Championships. He ran his only world record in 2 miles (8:12.17) in the same season. He won the 1994 World Semi-Marathon Championships and finished second in 10,000 meters at the 1995 World Championships.
Skah's last major international tournament was the 1996 Summer Olympics, where he finished seventh in the 10,000 meters. In 1995, Skah was given Norwegian citizenship, where he lived and trained with athletes club B.U.L. After that, the Moroccan Athletics Association banned him from international competitions. Skah was reinstated in 2001 after which he tried a come-back to re-establish himself as one of the world's best long distance runners, finishing tenth in the World Half Marathon Championships that year.
Khalid Skah married Norwegian interior designer Anne Cecilie Hopstock after his Barcelona triumph, and they had two children. The marriage ended in divorce after the family relocated to Morocco in 2006. Skah lost a custody battle with his former wife in Norwegian courts two years later, yet failed to return the children. He was indicted on kidnapping, threats and domestic disturbance charges in Norway.
The children fled Morocco in July 2009. The Norwegian embassy's alleged improper sheltering of the dual-citizenship children during their escape led to a diplomatic dispute between the two countries. Skah issued a reward and filed for custody in Morocco. The former track
champion maintained his innocence, claimed the children were abducted and asserted that armed Norwegian commandos intruded into his home. Hopstock later confirmed she had hired off-duty naval rangers to help her sail her children out of Moroccan waters.
Skanderbeg
Skanderbeg (George Kastriota) (George Kastrioti) (Gjerji Kastrioti) (George Castriota) (Gjergj Kastrioti Skanderbeg) (Gjergj Kastrioti Skënderbeu) (İskender Bey - "Lord Alexander" or "Leader Alexander") (Iskander Beg) (c.1404/May 16, 1405, northern Albania - 1467/January 17, 1468, Lezhe, Albania). National hero of Albania. Skanderberg was an Albanian military leader. He was also known as “George Kastrioti.” Of Serbian origin and brought up as a Muslim, he became a more or less faithful local governor after 1436, but was negotiating with the Venetians and the Hungarians. After the victory of the Hungarians over the Turks in 1443 at Nish, he returned to Christianity, captured Kruje and gathered the Albanian chiefs of clans around him. In 1449 and 1450, the Ottoman Sultan Murad II ordered expeditions against Albania, Skanderbeg, supported by the king of Naples, the Pope and the Hungarians, held out until 1460 when he was forced to conclude a treaty and to pay tribute to the Ottomans. Soon afterwards he resumed a guerrilla warfare until the Ottoman Sultan Muhammad II started to conquer Albania in 1466.
A son of John (Gjon) Kastrioti, prince of Emathia, George was early given as hostage to the Turkish sultan. Converted to Islām and educated at Edirne, Turkey, he was given the name Iskander—after Alexander the Great—and the rank of bey (hence Skanderbeg) by Sultan Murad II. During the defeat of the Turks at Niš (1443), in Serbia, Skanderbeg abandoned the Turkish service and joined his Albanian countrymen against the forces of Islām. He embraced Christianity, reclaimed his family possessions, and in 1444 organized a league of Albanian princes, over which he was appointed commander in chief.
In the period 1444–66 he effectively repulsed 13 Turkish invasions, his successful resistance to the armies of Murad II in 1450 making him a hero throughout the Western world. Through the years he elicited some support from Naples, Venice, and the papacy and was named by Pope Calixtus III captain general of the Holy See. In 1463 he secured an alliance with Venice that helped launch a new offensive against the Turks. Until the end of his life he continued to resist successfully all Turkish invasions. Within a few years of his death, however, his citadel at Krujë had fallen (1478), and Albania passed into several centuries of obscurity under Turkish rule.
Gjergj Kastrioti Skanderbeg, or Iskander Beg, was a prominent historical figure in the history of Albania and of the Albanian people. Known as the Dragon of Albania, he is the national hero of the Albanians and initially through the work of his main biographer, Marin Barleti, is remembered for his struggle against the Ottoman Empire, whose armies he successfully ousted from his native land for more than two decades.
George Kastriota see Skanderbeg
Kastriota, George see Skanderbeg
George Kastrioti see Skanderbeg
Kastrioti, George see Skanderbeg
Gjerji Kastrioti see Skanderbeg
George Castriota see Skanderbeg
Skanderbeg (George Kastriota) (George Kastrioti) (Gjerji Kastrioti) (George Castriota) (Gjergj Kastrioti Skanderbeg) (Gjergj Kastrioti Skënderbeu) (İskender Bey - "Lord Alexander" or "Leader Alexander") (Iskander Beg) (c.1404/May 16, 1405, northern Albania - 1467/January 17, 1468, Lezhe, Albania). National hero of Albania. Skanderberg was an Albanian military leader. He was also known as “George Kastrioti.” Of Serbian origin and brought up as a Muslim, he became a more or less faithful local governor after 1436, but was negotiating with the Venetians and the Hungarians. After the victory of the Hungarians over the Turks in 1443 at Nish, he returned to Christianity, captured Kruje and gathered the Albanian chiefs of clans around him. In 1449 and 1450, the Ottoman Sultan Murad II ordered expeditions against Albania, Skanderbeg, supported by the king of Naples, the Pope and the Hungarians, held out until 1460 when he was forced to conclude a treaty and to pay tribute to the Ottomans. Soon afterwards he resumed a guerrilla warfare until the Ottoman Sultan Muhammad II started to conquer Albania in 1466.
A son of John (Gjon) Kastrioti, prince of Emathia, George was early given as hostage to the Turkish sultan. Converted to Islām and educated at Edirne, Turkey, he was given the name Iskander—after Alexander the Great—and the rank of bey (hence Skanderbeg) by Sultan Murad II. During the defeat of the Turks at Niš (1443), in Serbia, Skanderbeg abandoned the Turkish service and joined his Albanian countrymen against the forces of Islām. He embraced Christianity, reclaimed his family possessions, and in 1444 organized a league of Albanian princes, over which he was appointed commander in chief.
In the period 1444–66 he effectively repulsed 13 Turkish invasions, his successful resistance to the armies of Murad II in 1450 making him a hero throughout the Western world. Through the years he elicited some support from Naples, Venice, and the papacy and was named by Pope Calixtus III captain general of the Holy See. In 1463 he secured an alliance with Venice that helped launch a new offensive against the Turks. Until the end of his life he continued to resist successfully all Turkish invasions. Within a few years of his death, however, his citadel at Krujë had fallen (1478), and Albania passed into several centuries of obscurity under Turkish rule.
Gjergj Kastrioti Skanderbeg, or Iskander Beg, was a prominent historical figure in the history of Albania and of the Albanian people. Known as the Dragon of Albania, he is the national hero of the Albanians and initially through the work of his main biographer, Marin Barleti, is remembered for his struggle against the Ottoman Empire, whose armies he successfully ousted from his native land for more than two decades.
George Kastriota see Skanderbeg
Kastriota, George see Skanderbeg
George Kastrioti see Skanderbeg
Kastrioti, George see Skanderbeg
Gjerji Kastrioti see Skanderbeg
George Castriota see Skanderbeg
slaves
slaves (in Arabic, ‘abd). Islam has never preached the abolition of slavery as a doctrine, but it has endeavored to moderate the institution and mitigate its legal and moral aspects. Spiritually, the slave has the same value as the free man, and the same eternity is in store for his soul. The Qur’an makes the emancipation of slaves a meritorious act. Muslim ethic, expressed in hadith, follows the same line of Qur’anic teaching.
Historically, the major juristic schools of Islam traditionally accepted the institution of slavery. The Islamic prophet Muhammad and many of his companions bought, sold, freed, and captured slaves.
In Islamic law the topic of slavery is covered at great length. The Qur'an (the holy book) and the hadith (the sayings of Muhammad) see slavery as an exceptional condition that can be entered into under certain limited circumstances. Only children of slaves or non-Muslim prisoners of war could become slaves, never a freeborn Muslim. They also consider manumission of a slave to be one of many meritorious deeds available for the expiation of sins. According to Sharia, slaves are considered human beings and possessed of some rights on the basis of their humanity. In addition, a Muslim slave is equal to a Muslim freeman in religious issues and superior to the free non-Muslim.
In practice, slaves played various social and economic roles from Emir to worker. Slaves were widely employed in irrigation, mining, pastoralism and the army. Even some rulers relied on military and administrative slaves to such a degree that they seized power. However, people do not always treat slaves in accordance with Islamic law. In some cases, the situation has been so harsh as to have led to uprisings such as the Zanj Rebellion. However, this was usually the exception rather than the norm, as the vast majority of labor in the medieval Islamic world consisted of free, paid labor. For a variety of reasons, internal growth of the slave population was not enough to fulfill the demand in Muslim society. This resulted in massive importation, which involved enormous suffering and loss of life from the capture and transportation of slaves from non-Muslim lands. In theory, slavery in Islamic law does not have a racial or color component, although this has not always been the case in practice.
The Arab slave trade was most active in West Asia, North Africa and East Africa. By the end of the 19th century, such activity had reached a low ebb. In the early 20th century (post World War I) slavery was gradually outlawed and suppressed in Muslim lands, largely due to pressure exerted by Western nations such as Britain and France. However, slavery claiming the sanction of Islam is documented presently in the African republics of Chad, Mauritania, Niger, Mali and Sudan.
‘abd see slaves
slaves (in Arabic, ‘abd). Islam has never preached the abolition of slavery as a doctrine, but it has endeavored to moderate the institution and mitigate its legal and moral aspects. Spiritually, the slave has the same value as the free man, and the same eternity is in store for his soul. The Qur’an makes the emancipation of slaves a meritorious act. Muslim ethic, expressed in hadith, follows the same line of Qur’anic teaching.
Historically, the major juristic schools of Islam traditionally accepted the institution of slavery. The Islamic prophet Muhammad and many of his companions bought, sold, freed, and captured slaves.
In Islamic law the topic of slavery is covered at great length. The Qur'an (the holy book) and the hadith (the sayings of Muhammad) see slavery as an exceptional condition that can be entered into under certain limited circumstances. Only children of slaves or non-Muslim prisoners of war could become slaves, never a freeborn Muslim. They also consider manumission of a slave to be one of many meritorious deeds available for the expiation of sins. According to Sharia, slaves are considered human beings and possessed of some rights on the basis of their humanity. In addition, a Muslim slave is equal to a Muslim freeman in religious issues and superior to the free non-Muslim.
In practice, slaves played various social and economic roles from Emir to worker. Slaves were widely employed in irrigation, mining, pastoralism and the army. Even some rulers relied on military and administrative slaves to such a degree that they seized power. However, people do not always treat slaves in accordance with Islamic law. In some cases, the situation has been so harsh as to have led to uprisings such as the Zanj Rebellion. However, this was usually the exception rather than the norm, as the vast majority of labor in the medieval Islamic world consisted of free, paid labor. For a variety of reasons, internal growth of the slave population was not enough to fulfill the demand in Muslim society. This resulted in massive importation, which involved enormous suffering and loss of life from the capture and transportation of slaves from non-Muslim lands. In theory, slavery in Islamic law does not have a racial or color component, although this has not always been the case in practice.
The Arab slave trade was most active in West Asia, North Africa and East Africa. By the end of the 19th century, such activity had reached a low ebb. In the early 20th century (post World War I) slavery was gradually outlawed and suppressed in Muslim lands, largely due to pressure exerted by Western nations such as Britain and France. However, slavery claiming the sanction of Islam is documented presently in the African republics of Chad, Mauritania, Niger, Mali and Sudan.
‘abd see slaves
Slavs
Slavs (in Arabic, Saqaliba; in singular form, Saqlab). The word is probably taken from the Greek Sklabenoi, Sklaboi. The Arabs met the Slavs during their first campaign against Constantinople (715-717) and are said to have taken many of them. As early as the seventh century, their red (or reddish) hair and complexion are mentioned, but they were classed with the Turks as descendants of Japhet. The fullest notices of the Slavs in Europe are found in the travels of the Spanish Jew Ibrahim ibn Ya‘qub in 945. From the twelfth century onwards the word gradually disappears from Muslim literature. The Slavs were sometimes introduced into Muslim lands as slaves, as white eunuchs in particular, and special regiments were formed from them by the Fatimids in Egypt and in Muslim Spain.
Slavs are members of the most numerous ethnic and linguistic body of peoples in Europe, residing chiefly in eastern and southeastern Europe but extending also across northern Asia to the Pacific Ocean. Slavic languages belong to the Indo-European family. Customarily, Slavs are subdivided into East Slavs (chiefly Russians, Ukrainians, and Belarusians), West Slavs (chiefly Poles, Czechs, Slovaks, and Wends, or Sorbs), and South Slavs (chiefly Serbs, Croats, Bosnians, Slovenes, Macedonians, and Montenegrins). Bulgarians, though of mixed origin like the Hungarians, speak a Slavic language and are often designated as South Slavs.
In religion, the Slavs traditionally divided into two main groups: those associated with the Eastern Orthodox Church (Russians, most Ukrainians, most Belarusians, Serbs, and Macedonians) and those associated with the Roman Catholic Church (Poles, Czechs, Slovaks, Croats, Slovenes, some Ukrainians, and some Belarusians). The division is further marked by the use of the Cyrillic alphabet by the former (but including all Ukrainians and Belarusians) and the Latin alphabet by the latter. There are also many minority religious groups, such as Muslims, Protestants, and Jews, and in recent times communist governments’ official encouragement of atheism, together with a general trend toward secularism, has eroded membership in the traditional faiths.
Prehistorically, the original habitat of the Slavs was Asia, from which they migrated in the 3rd or 2nd millennium B.C.T. to populate parts of eastern Europe. Subsequently, these European lands of the Slavs were crossed or settled by many peoples forced by economic conditions to migrate. In the middle of the 1st millennium B.C.T., Celtic tribes settled along the upper Oder River, and Germanic tribes settled on the lower Vistula and lower Oder rivers, usually without displacing the Slavs there. Finally, the movement westward of the Germans in the 5th and 6th centuries of the Christian calendar started the great migration of the Slavs, who proceeded in the Germans’ wake westward into the country between the Oder and the Elbe-Saale line, southward into Bohemia, Moravia, Hungary, and the Balkans, and northward along the upper Dnieper River. When the migratory movements had ended, there appeared among the Slavs the first rudiments of state organizations, each headed by a prince with a treasury and defense force, and the beginning of class differentiation.
In the centuries that followed, there developed scarcely any unity among the various Slavic peoples. The cultural and political life of the West Slavs was integrated into the general European pattern. They were influenced largely by philosophical, political, and economic changes in the West, such as feudalism, humanism, the Renaissance, the Reformation, the French Revolution, and the Industrial Revolution. As their lands were invaded by Mongols and Turks, however, the Russians and Balkan Slavs remained for centuries without any close contact with the European community; they evolved a system of bureaucratic autocracy and militarism that tended to retard the development of urban middle classes and to prolong the conditions of serfdom. The state’s supremacy over the individual tended to become more firmly rooted.
A faint kind of Slavic unity sometimes appeared. In the 19th century, Pan-Slavism developed as a movement among intellectuals, scholars, and poets, but it rarely influenced practical politics. The various Slavic nationalities conducted their policies in accordance with what they regarded as their national interests, and these policies were as often bitterly hostile toward other Slavic peoples as they were friendly toward non-Slavs. Even political unions of the 20th century, such as that of Yugoslavia, were not always matched by feelings of ethnic or cultural accord, nor did the sharing of communism after World War II necessarily provide more than a high-level political and economic alliance.
Slavs (in Arabic, Saqaliba; in singular form, Saqlab). The word is probably taken from the Greek Sklabenoi, Sklaboi. The Arabs met the Slavs during their first campaign against Constantinople (715-717) and are said to have taken many of them. As early as the seventh century, their red (or reddish) hair and complexion are mentioned, but they were classed with the Turks as descendants of Japhet. The fullest notices of the Slavs in Europe are found in the travels of the Spanish Jew Ibrahim ibn Ya‘qub in 945. From the twelfth century onwards the word gradually disappears from Muslim literature. The Slavs were sometimes introduced into Muslim lands as slaves, as white eunuchs in particular, and special regiments were formed from them by the Fatimids in Egypt and in Muslim Spain.
Slavs are members of the most numerous ethnic and linguistic body of peoples in Europe, residing chiefly in eastern and southeastern Europe but extending also across northern Asia to the Pacific Ocean. Slavic languages belong to the Indo-European family. Customarily, Slavs are subdivided into East Slavs (chiefly Russians, Ukrainians, and Belarusians), West Slavs (chiefly Poles, Czechs, Slovaks, and Wends, or Sorbs), and South Slavs (chiefly Serbs, Croats, Bosnians, Slovenes, Macedonians, and Montenegrins). Bulgarians, though of mixed origin like the Hungarians, speak a Slavic language and are often designated as South Slavs.
In religion, the Slavs traditionally divided into two main groups: those associated with the Eastern Orthodox Church (Russians, most Ukrainians, most Belarusians, Serbs, and Macedonians) and those associated with the Roman Catholic Church (Poles, Czechs, Slovaks, Croats, Slovenes, some Ukrainians, and some Belarusians). The division is further marked by the use of the Cyrillic alphabet by the former (but including all Ukrainians and Belarusians) and the Latin alphabet by the latter. There are also many minority religious groups, such as Muslims, Protestants, and Jews, and in recent times communist governments’ official encouragement of atheism, together with a general trend toward secularism, has eroded membership in the traditional faiths.
Prehistorically, the original habitat of the Slavs was Asia, from which they migrated in the 3rd or 2nd millennium B.C.T. to populate parts of eastern Europe. Subsequently, these European lands of the Slavs were crossed or settled by many peoples forced by economic conditions to migrate. In the middle of the 1st millennium B.C.T., Celtic tribes settled along the upper Oder River, and Germanic tribes settled on the lower Vistula and lower Oder rivers, usually without displacing the Slavs there. Finally, the movement westward of the Germans in the 5th and 6th centuries of the Christian calendar started the great migration of the Slavs, who proceeded in the Germans’ wake westward into the country between the Oder and the Elbe-Saale line, southward into Bohemia, Moravia, Hungary, and the Balkans, and northward along the upper Dnieper River. When the migratory movements had ended, there appeared among the Slavs the first rudiments of state organizations, each headed by a prince with a treasury and defense force, and the beginning of class differentiation.
In the centuries that followed, there developed scarcely any unity among the various Slavic peoples. The cultural and political life of the West Slavs was integrated into the general European pattern. They were influenced largely by philosophical, political, and economic changes in the West, such as feudalism, humanism, the Renaissance, the Reformation, the French Revolution, and the Industrial Revolution. As their lands were invaded by Mongols and Turks, however, the Russians and Balkan Slavs remained for centuries without any close contact with the European community; they evolved a system of bureaucratic autocracy and militarism that tended to retard the development of urban middle classes and to prolong the conditions of serfdom. The state’s supremacy over the individual tended to become more firmly rooted.
A faint kind of Slavic unity sometimes appeared. In the 19th century, Pan-Slavism developed as a movement among intellectuals, scholars, and poets, but it rarely influenced practical politics. The various Slavic nationalities conducted their policies in accordance with what they regarded as their national interests, and these policies were as often bitterly hostile toward other Slavic peoples as they were friendly toward non-Slavs. Even political unions of the 20th century, such as that of Yugoslavia, were not always matched by feelings of ethnic or cultural accord, nor did the sharing of communism after World War II necessarily provide more than a high-level political and economic alliance.
Slawi, Shihab al-Din Abu’l-‘Abbas al-
Slawi, Shihab al-Din Abu’l-‘Abbas al- (Shihab al-Din Abu’l-‘Abbas al-Slawi) (al-Salawi) (Ahmad ibn Khalid al-Nasiri) (Abu al-Abbas Ahmad ibn Khalid al-Nasiri al-Salawi) (1834/1835-1897). Moroccan historian from Sale. Among other works he wrote a survey of the heresies and schisms in Islam and a monograph on the Nasiriyya brotherhood to which he himself belonged. His reputation is founded on his general history of Morocco.
Abu al-Abbas Ahmad ibn Khalid al-Nasiri al-Salawi was born in Salé and is considered to be the greatest Moroccan historian of the 19th century. He was a prominent scholar and a member of the family that founded the Nasiriyya Sufi order in the 17th century. He wrote an important multi-volume history of Morocco: Kitab al-Istiqsa li-Akhbar duwwal al-Maghrib al-Aqsa. The work is a general history of Morocco and the Islamic west from the Islamic conquest to the end of the 19th century. He died in 1897 shortly after having put the finishing touches to his chronicle.
Shihab al-Din Abu'l-'Abbas al-Slawi see Slawi, Shihab al-Din Abu’l-‘Abbas al-
Salawi, al- see Slawi, Shihab al-Din Abu’l-‘Abbas al-
Ahmad ibn Khalid al-Nasiri see Slawi, Shihab al-Din Abu’l-‘Abbas al-
Abu al-Abbas Ahmad ibn Khalid al-Nasiri al-Salawi, see Slawi, Shihab al-Din Abu’l-‘Abbas al-
Slawi, Shihab al-Din Abu’l-‘Abbas al- (Shihab al-Din Abu’l-‘Abbas al-Slawi) (al-Salawi) (Ahmad ibn Khalid al-Nasiri) (Abu al-Abbas Ahmad ibn Khalid al-Nasiri al-Salawi) (1834/1835-1897). Moroccan historian from Sale. Among other works he wrote a survey of the heresies and schisms in Islam and a monograph on the Nasiriyya brotherhood to which he himself belonged. His reputation is founded on his general history of Morocco.
Abu al-Abbas Ahmad ibn Khalid al-Nasiri al-Salawi was born in Salé and is considered to be the greatest Moroccan historian of the 19th century. He was a prominent scholar and a member of the family that founded the Nasiriyya Sufi order in the 17th century. He wrote an important multi-volume history of Morocco: Kitab al-Istiqsa li-Akhbar duwwal al-Maghrib al-Aqsa. The work is a general history of Morocco and the Islamic west from the Islamic conquest to the end of the 19th century. He died in 1897 shortly after having put the finishing touches to his chronicle.
Shihab al-Din Abu'l-'Abbas al-Slawi see Slawi, Shihab al-Din Abu’l-‘Abbas al-
Salawi, al- see Slawi, Shihab al-Din Abu’l-‘Abbas al-
Ahmad ibn Khalid al-Nasiri see Slawi, Shihab al-Din Abu’l-‘Abbas al-
Abu al-Abbas Ahmad ibn Khalid al-Nasiri al-Salawi, see Slawi, Shihab al-Din Abu’l-‘Abbas al-
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