Hekmatyar
Hekmatyar (Gulbuddin Hekmatyar) (b. 1947?). Leader of the Hizb-i Islami Afghanistan, one of the major Islamic political parties in Afghanistan. Hekmatyar was a Pushtun from a branch of the Kharoti tribe that resettled n the northern province of Kunduz. While a student in the College of Engineering at Kabul University in the late 1960s, Hekmatyar became one of the founders of the Organization of Muslim Youth (Sazman-i Javanan-i Musulman). Inspired by the writings of Sayyid Qutb and other Islamic political theorists to whom they were introduced by professors at the university, Hekmatyar and the other members of the Muslim Youth were actively involved in campus politics, particularly in response to the increasing activism of Marxist political parties that were also seeking members from the student population.
In 1972, Hekmatyar was arrested and imprisoned for his involvement in a campus demonstration in which a leftist student was killed. Released at the end of his sentence in 1973, Hekmatyar and other leaders of the Muslim Youth went into exile in Peshawar, Pakistan, where they began planning the violent overthrow of the government of President Muhammad Da’ud. In 1975 Hekmatyar became the secretary (munshi) and head of military operations for the party. In this capacity, he was one of the principal proponents and organizers of a controversial plan to stage a coup d’etat with sympathetic members of the military while simultaneously mounting rural insurrections in a number of provincial centers. The plan, which was carried out in July 1975, collapsed when the expected surge of popular support failed to materialize, and most of the top leaders of the Muslim Youth were captured and executed, either by the Da’ud government or later after the Marxist takeover in 1978. Following the failure of this operation, Hekmatyar became the dominant figure in the Organization of Muslim Youth, which was reconstituted as Hizb-I Islami Afghanistan in this same period. As leader of Hizb-i Islami during the thirteen year guerrilla war against the Marxist government in Afghanistan (1978-1992), Hekmatyar proved to be a controversial figure. He was respected for his organizational skills and energy and held in some awe for his oratorical powers and charismatic presence, but he nevertheless inspired much hostility.
Ruthless in his suppression of dissidents within the party and as energetic in fighting rival parties as in attacking enemy forces, Hekmatyar was frequently accused of undermining the unity of resistance efforts in his search for power. Although he was recognized personally as one of the least corrupt of the major party leaders and one of the most successful at gaining international diplomatic and financial support for the resistance, he was also resented by many traditional Afghans for interjecting a divisive brand of revolutionary Islamic ideology into the jihad.
After the overthrow of the Marxists in April 1992, Hekmatyar stayed on the fringes of the coalition government that was established in Kabul from among the former resistance parties. He accused the new regime of opportunistically conspiring with Marxists and former militia leaders and of playing on Pushtun fear of Persian and Uzbek dominance in the new government. He set up a base of operations in Logar Province south of Kabul, where he sometimes shelled the capital and sometimes negotiated with the coalition leaders. In March 1993, an accord negotiated in Islamabad made him prime minister, but as his main rival, Ahmad Shah Mas‘ud, was made defense minister, the shelling did not stop and Hekmatyar’s national authority was only nominal.
Gulbuddin Hekmatyar was Prime Minister of Afghanistan from 1993 to 1994 and again briefly in 1996. One of the most controversial of the Mujahideen leaders, he was accused of spending "more time fighting other Mujahideen than killing Soviets" and wantonly killing civilians.
The Pakistani military had supported Hekmatyar until then in the hope of installing a Pashtun-dominated government in Kabul, which would be friendly to their interests. By 1994, it had become clear that Hekmatyar would never achieve this, and that his extremism had antagonized most Pashtuns, so the Pakistanis began turning to new allies: the fundamentalist and predominantly Pashtun Taliban. After capturing Kandahar in November 1994, the Taliban made rapid progress towards Kabul, making inroads into Hezb-i Islami positions. They captured Wardak on February 2 1995, and moved on to Maidan Shahr on February 10 and Mohammed Agha the next day. Very soon, Hekmatyar found himself caught between the advancing Taliban and the government forces, and the morale of his men collapsed. On February 14, 1995, he was forced to abandon his heaquarters at Charasiab, from where rockets were fired at Kabul, and flee in disorder to Surobi.
Nonetheless, in May 1996, Rabbani and Hekmatyar finally formed a power-sharing government in which Hekmatyar was made prime minister. Rabbani was anxious to enhance the legitimacy of his government by enlisting the support of Pashtun leaders. However, the Mahipar agreement did not bring any such benefits to him as Hekmatyar had little grassroots support, but did have many adverse effects. It caused outrage among Jamiat supporters, and among the population of Kabul, who had endured Hekmatyar's attacks for the last four years. Moreover, the agreement was clearly not what the Pakistanis wanted, and convinced them of Hekmatyar's weakness, and that they should shift their aid entirely over to the Taliban. Hekmatyar took office on June 26, and immediately started issuing severe decrees on women's dress, that struck a sharp contrast with the relatively liberal policy that Massoud had followed until then. The Taliban responded to the agreement with a further spate of rocket attacks on the capital.
The Rabbani/Hekmatyar regime lasted only a few months before the Taliban took control of Kabul in September 1996. Many of the Hizb-i Islami Gulbuddin (HIG) local commanders joined the Taliban both out of ideological sympathy and for reason of tribal solidarity. Those that did not were expelled by the Taliban. In Pakistan Hezb-e-Islami training camps were taken over by the Taliban and handed over to Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) groups such as the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP).
Hekmatyar then fled to Iran in 1997 where he resided for almost six years. Isolated from Afghanistan he is reported to have lost his power base back home to defections or inactivity of former members.
After September 11, 2001 Hekmatyar, who had worked closely with bin Laden in the early 1990s, declared his opposition to the United States campaign in Afghanistan and criticized Pakistan for assisting the United States. After the United States entry into the anti-Taliban alliance and the fall of the Taliban, Hekmatyar rejected the United Nations-brokered accord of December 5, 2001 negotiated in Germany as a post-Taliban interim government for Afghanistan.
As a result of pressure by the United States and the Karzai administration, on February 10, 2002 all the offices of Hezb-e-Islami were closed in Iran and Hekmatyar was expelled by his Iranian hosts.
On May 6, 2002 the CIA fired on a Hekmatyar vehicle convoy using a Lockheed Martin manufactured AGM-114 Hellfire missile launched from an MQ-1 Predator aircraft. The missile missed its target.
The United States accused Hekmatyar of urging Taliban fighters to re-form and fight against Coalition troops in Afghanistan. He is also accused of offering bounties for those who killed United States troops. He was labeled a war criminal by members of the United States-backed President Hamid Karzai's government. He also became a suspect behind the September 5, 2002 assassination attempt on Karzai that killed more than a dozen people.
In September 2002, Hekmatyar released a taped message calling for jihad against the United States.
On December 25, 2002 news broke that American spy organizations had discovered Hekmatyar attempting to join al-Qaeda. According to the news, he had said that he was available to aid them. However, in a video released by Hekmatyar on September 1, 2003, he denied forming alliances with the Taliban or al-Qaeda, but praised attacks against United States and international forces.
On February 19, 2003 the United States State Department and the United States Treasury Department jointly designated Hekmatyar a "global terrorist". This designation meant that any assets Hekmatyar held in the United States, or held through companies based in the United States, would be frozen. The United States also requested the United Nations Committee on Terrorism to follow suit, and designate Hekmatyar an associate of Osama bin Laden.
In October 2003, Hekmatyar declared a ceasefire with local commanders in Jalalabad, Kunar, Logar and Sarobi, and stated that they should only fight foreigners.
In May 2006, he released a video to Al Jazeera in which he accused Iran of backing the United States in the Afghan conflict and said he was ready to fight alongside Osama bin Laden and blamed the ongoing conflicts in Palestine, Iraq and Afghanistan on the United States interference.
In September 2006, he was reported as captured, but the report was later retracted.
In December 2006, a video was released in Pakistan, where Gulbuddin Hekmatyar claimed that the fate the Soviet Union faced was awaiting America as well.
In January 2007 CNN reported that Hekmatyar claimed that his fighters helped Osama bin Laden escape from the mountains of Tora Bora five years ago.
In May 2008, the Jamestown Foundation reported that after being sidelined from Afghan politics since the mid-1990s, Gulbuddin's HIG group had recently re-emerged as an aggressive militant group, claiming responsibility for many bloody attacks against Coalition forces and the administration of President Hamid Karzai. The re-emergence of this experienced guerrilla strategist came at a propitious time for insurgency, following the killing of Taliban commander Mullah Dadullah, when some elements of the Taliban were becoming disorganized and frustrated.
HIG claimed responsibility for and is thought to have at least assisted in the April 27, 2008 attempt on the life of President Karzai in Kabul that killed three Afghan citizens, including a member of parliament. Other attacks HIG is thought to be responsible for include the January 2, 2008 shooting down of a helicopter containing foreign troops in the Laghman province; the shooting and forcing down a United States military helicopter in the Sarubi district of Kabul on January 22; and the blowing up of a Kabul police vehicle in March 2008, killing 10 soldiers.
In interviews he demanded all foreign forces leave immediately without any condition. Offers by President Hamid Karzai to open talks with opponents of the government and hints that they would be offered official posts such as deputy minister or head of department, were thought to be directed at Hekmatyar.
In January 2010, Hekmatyar was still considered as one of the three main leaders of the Afghan insurgency. By then, he held out the possibility of negotiations with President Karzai and outlined a roadmap for political reconciliation. In contrast to Taliban leader Mullah Omar and allied insurgent chief Sirajuddin Haqqani, who refused any talks with Kabul as long as foreign troops remained in the country, Hekmatyar appeared less reluctant.
Gulbuddin Hekmatyar see Hekmatyar
Hekmatyar (Gulbuddin Hekmatyar) (b. 1947?). Leader of the Hizb-i Islami Afghanistan, one of the major Islamic political parties in Afghanistan. Hekmatyar was a Pushtun from a branch of the Kharoti tribe that resettled n the northern province of Kunduz. While a student in the College of Engineering at Kabul University in the late 1960s, Hekmatyar became one of the founders of the Organization of Muslim Youth (Sazman-i Javanan-i Musulman). Inspired by the writings of Sayyid Qutb and other Islamic political theorists to whom they were introduced by professors at the university, Hekmatyar and the other members of the Muslim Youth were actively involved in campus politics, particularly in response to the increasing activism of Marxist political parties that were also seeking members from the student population.
In 1972, Hekmatyar was arrested and imprisoned for his involvement in a campus demonstration in which a leftist student was killed. Released at the end of his sentence in 1973, Hekmatyar and other leaders of the Muslim Youth went into exile in Peshawar, Pakistan, where they began planning the violent overthrow of the government of President Muhammad Da’ud. In 1975 Hekmatyar became the secretary (munshi) and head of military operations for the party. In this capacity, he was one of the principal proponents and organizers of a controversial plan to stage a coup d’etat with sympathetic members of the military while simultaneously mounting rural insurrections in a number of provincial centers. The plan, which was carried out in July 1975, collapsed when the expected surge of popular support failed to materialize, and most of the top leaders of the Muslim Youth were captured and executed, either by the Da’ud government or later after the Marxist takeover in 1978. Following the failure of this operation, Hekmatyar became the dominant figure in the Organization of Muslim Youth, which was reconstituted as Hizb-I Islami Afghanistan in this same period. As leader of Hizb-i Islami during the thirteen year guerrilla war against the Marxist government in Afghanistan (1978-1992), Hekmatyar proved to be a controversial figure. He was respected for his organizational skills and energy and held in some awe for his oratorical powers and charismatic presence, but he nevertheless inspired much hostility.
Ruthless in his suppression of dissidents within the party and as energetic in fighting rival parties as in attacking enemy forces, Hekmatyar was frequently accused of undermining the unity of resistance efforts in his search for power. Although he was recognized personally as one of the least corrupt of the major party leaders and one of the most successful at gaining international diplomatic and financial support for the resistance, he was also resented by many traditional Afghans for interjecting a divisive brand of revolutionary Islamic ideology into the jihad.
After the overthrow of the Marxists in April 1992, Hekmatyar stayed on the fringes of the coalition government that was established in Kabul from among the former resistance parties. He accused the new regime of opportunistically conspiring with Marxists and former militia leaders and of playing on Pushtun fear of Persian and Uzbek dominance in the new government. He set up a base of operations in Logar Province south of Kabul, where he sometimes shelled the capital and sometimes negotiated with the coalition leaders. In March 1993, an accord negotiated in Islamabad made him prime minister, but as his main rival, Ahmad Shah Mas‘ud, was made defense minister, the shelling did not stop and Hekmatyar’s national authority was only nominal.
Gulbuddin Hekmatyar was Prime Minister of Afghanistan from 1993 to 1994 and again briefly in 1996. One of the most controversial of the Mujahideen leaders, he was accused of spending "more time fighting other Mujahideen than killing Soviets" and wantonly killing civilians.
The Pakistani military had supported Hekmatyar until then in the hope of installing a Pashtun-dominated government in Kabul, which would be friendly to their interests. By 1994, it had become clear that Hekmatyar would never achieve this, and that his extremism had antagonized most Pashtuns, so the Pakistanis began turning to new allies: the fundamentalist and predominantly Pashtun Taliban. After capturing Kandahar in November 1994, the Taliban made rapid progress towards Kabul, making inroads into Hezb-i Islami positions. They captured Wardak on February 2 1995, and moved on to Maidan Shahr on February 10 and Mohammed Agha the next day. Very soon, Hekmatyar found himself caught between the advancing Taliban and the government forces, and the morale of his men collapsed. On February 14, 1995, he was forced to abandon his heaquarters at Charasiab, from where rockets were fired at Kabul, and flee in disorder to Surobi.
Nonetheless, in May 1996, Rabbani and Hekmatyar finally formed a power-sharing government in which Hekmatyar was made prime minister. Rabbani was anxious to enhance the legitimacy of his government by enlisting the support of Pashtun leaders. However, the Mahipar agreement did not bring any such benefits to him as Hekmatyar had little grassroots support, but did have many adverse effects. It caused outrage among Jamiat supporters, and among the population of Kabul, who had endured Hekmatyar's attacks for the last four years. Moreover, the agreement was clearly not what the Pakistanis wanted, and convinced them of Hekmatyar's weakness, and that they should shift their aid entirely over to the Taliban. Hekmatyar took office on June 26, and immediately started issuing severe decrees on women's dress, that struck a sharp contrast with the relatively liberal policy that Massoud had followed until then. The Taliban responded to the agreement with a further spate of rocket attacks on the capital.
The Rabbani/Hekmatyar regime lasted only a few months before the Taliban took control of Kabul in September 1996. Many of the Hizb-i Islami Gulbuddin (HIG) local commanders joined the Taliban both out of ideological sympathy and for reason of tribal solidarity. Those that did not were expelled by the Taliban. In Pakistan Hezb-e-Islami training camps were taken over by the Taliban and handed over to Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) groups such as the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP).
Hekmatyar then fled to Iran in 1997 where he resided for almost six years. Isolated from Afghanistan he is reported to have lost his power base back home to defections or inactivity of former members.
After September 11, 2001 Hekmatyar, who had worked closely with bin Laden in the early 1990s, declared his opposition to the United States campaign in Afghanistan and criticized Pakistan for assisting the United States. After the United States entry into the anti-Taliban alliance and the fall of the Taliban, Hekmatyar rejected the United Nations-brokered accord of December 5, 2001 negotiated in Germany as a post-Taliban interim government for Afghanistan.
As a result of pressure by the United States and the Karzai administration, on February 10, 2002 all the offices of Hezb-e-Islami were closed in Iran and Hekmatyar was expelled by his Iranian hosts.
On May 6, 2002 the CIA fired on a Hekmatyar vehicle convoy using a Lockheed Martin manufactured AGM-114 Hellfire missile launched from an MQ-1 Predator aircraft. The missile missed its target.
The United States accused Hekmatyar of urging Taliban fighters to re-form and fight against Coalition troops in Afghanistan. He is also accused of offering bounties for those who killed United States troops. He was labeled a war criminal by members of the United States-backed President Hamid Karzai's government. He also became a suspect behind the September 5, 2002 assassination attempt on Karzai that killed more than a dozen people.
In September 2002, Hekmatyar released a taped message calling for jihad against the United States.
On December 25, 2002 news broke that American spy organizations had discovered Hekmatyar attempting to join al-Qaeda. According to the news, he had said that he was available to aid them. However, in a video released by Hekmatyar on September 1, 2003, he denied forming alliances with the Taliban or al-Qaeda, but praised attacks against United States and international forces.
On February 19, 2003 the United States State Department and the United States Treasury Department jointly designated Hekmatyar a "global terrorist". This designation meant that any assets Hekmatyar held in the United States, or held through companies based in the United States, would be frozen. The United States also requested the United Nations Committee on Terrorism to follow suit, and designate Hekmatyar an associate of Osama bin Laden.
In October 2003, Hekmatyar declared a ceasefire with local commanders in Jalalabad, Kunar, Logar and Sarobi, and stated that they should only fight foreigners.
In May 2006, he released a video to Al Jazeera in which he accused Iran of backing the United States in the Afghan conflict and said he was ready to fight alongside Osama bin Laden and blamed the ongoing conflicts in Palestine, Iraq and Afghanistan on the United States interference.
In September 2006, he was reported as captured, but the report was later retracted.
In December 2006, a video was released in Pakistan, where Gulbuddin Hekmatyar claimed that the fate the Soviet Union faced was awaiting America as well.
In January 2007 CNN reported that Hekmatyar claimed that his fighters helped Osama bin Laden escape from the mountains of Tora Bora five years ago.
In May 2008, the Jamestown Foundation reported that after being sidelined from Afghan politics since the mid-1990s, Gulbuddin's HIG group had recently re-emerged as an aggressive militant group, claiming responsibility for many bloody attacks against Coalition forces and the administration of President Hamid Karzai. The re-emergence of this experienced guerrilla strategist came at a propitious time for insurgency, following the killing of Taliban commander Mullah Dadullah, when some elements of the Taliban were becoming disorganized and frustrated.
HIG claimed responsibility for and is thought to have at least assisted in the April 27, 2008 attempt on the life of President Karzai in Kabul that killed three Afghan citizens, including a member of parliament. Other attacks HIG is thought to be responsible for include the January 2, 2008 shooting down of a helicopter containing foreign troops in the Laghman province; the shooting and forcing down a United States military helicopter in the Sarubi district of Kabul on January 22; and the blowing up of a Kabul police vehicle in March 2008, killing 10 soldiers.
In interviews he demanded all foreign forces leave immediately without any condition. Offers by President Hamid Karzai to open talks with opponents of the government and hints that they would be offered official posts such as deputy minister or head of department, were thought to be directed at Hekmatyar.
In January 2010, Hekmatyar was still considered as one of the three main leaders of the Afghan insurgency. By then, he held out the possibility of negotiations with President Karzai and outlined a roadmap for political reconciliation. In contrast to Taliban leader Mullah Omar and allied insurgent chief Sirajuddin Haqqani, who refused any talks with Kabul as long as foreign troops remained in the country, Hekmatyar appeared less reluctant.
Gulbuddin Hekmatyar see Hekmatyar
Helou
Helou (Charles Helou) (September 25, 1913-7 January 2001). President of Lebanon (1964-1970). Helou was born in Beirut into a middle-class Maronite Christian family. In the 1930s, Helou studied with the French faculty of law in Beirut. In 1932, he founded the newspaper L’Eclair du Nord in Aleppo and, in 1935, Helou founded the newspaper Le Jour in Beirut.
Helou became the Lebanese ambassador to the Vatican in 1947, and became minister of justice and health in 1954. In 1955, Helou stepped down as a minister.
In 1964, Helou became minister of education. On August 18, 1964, Helou was elected president after Fuad Chehab. One reason why he was elected was that he was one of few actual candidates that had not been active in the Civil War of 1958. He also got the support of Chehab. Helou declared that he would continue the political line of Chehab. As he became president, he declared that he would not allow any bases of the newly established Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in Lebanon. On September 25, 1964, the prime minister, Hussein Oweini formed a government.
On July 20, 1965, Hussein Oweini resigned as prime minister. On July 26, 1965, Rashid Karami formed a new government. In December of 1965, Karami and Helou cooperated in a campaign of an administrative and judicial reform program intended on ridding Lebanon of the many officials that were involved in corruption.
In March 1966, much in opposition to Helou’s and Karami’s program, protests came from within the government itself. It ended with Karami offering his resignation.
In 1968, the Christians, with Helou, tried to stop the stationing of Palestinian guerrillas, while Muslim leaders favored this.
In 1969, Helou had to accept that the PLO had taken over control over the Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon.
In 1970, Helou endorsed Elias Sarkis as his chosen successor, but he lost the election in the National Assembly by one vote to Suleiman Frangieh. Unlike other former Presidents, who remained politically active after retirement, Helou faded from the scene. He was involved in a philanthropic venture, founding a number of restaurants to provide free hot meals to elderly people.
Helou died of a heart attack on January 7, 2001. He was 87.
Helou was not a strong politician, and had little direct support on his own. He was chosen president as a compromise candidate between factions still upset from the Civil War of 1958. The reform work that former president Fuad Chehab had started, slowed down under Helou. In some fields, the weakness of Helou was his strongest side: He was able to cooperate both with Christian as well as Muslim groups. He also kept Lebanon out of the destructive Six-Day War. However, he was not able to curb the influx of Palestinian guerrillas, and, in his time, Lebanon saw the first serious attacks by Israel. In many ways, Helou’s time was the forerunner of the Lebanese Civil War that started five years after the end of his presidency.
Charles Helou see Helou
Helou (Charles Helou) (September 25, 1913-7 January 2001). President of Lebanon (1964-1970). Helou was born in Beirut into a middle-class Maronite Christian family. In the 1930s, Helou studied with the French faculty of law in Beirut. In 1932, he founded the newspaper L’Eclair du Nord in Aleppo and, in 1935, Helou founded the newspaper Le Jour in Beirut.
Helou became the Lebanese ambassador to the Vatican in 1947, and became minister of justice and health in 1954. In 1955, Helou stepped down as a minister.
In 1964, Helou became minister of education. On August 18, 1964, Helou was elected president after Fuad Chehab. One reason why he was elected was that he was one of few actual candidates that had not been active in the Civil War of 1958. He also got the support of Chehab. Helou declared that he would continue the political line of Chehab. As he became president, he declared that he would not allow any bases of the newly established Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in Lebanon. On September 25, 1964, the prime minister, Hussein Oweini formed a government.
On July 20, 1965, Hussein Oweini resigned as prime minister. On July 26, 1965, Rashid Karami formed a new government. In December of 1965, Karami and Helou cooperated in a campaign of an administrative and judicial reform program intended on ridding Lebanon of the many officials that were involved in corruption.
In March 1966, much in opposition to Helou’s and Karami’s program, protests came from within the government itself. It ended with Karami offering his resignation.
In 1968, the Christians, with Helou, tried to stop the stationing of Palestinian guerrillas, while Muslim leaders favored this.
In 1969, Helou had to accept that the PLO had taken over control over the Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon.
In 1970, Helou endorsed Elias Sarkis as his chosen successor, but he lost the election in the National Assembly by one vote to Suleiman Frangieh. Unlike other former Presidents, who remained politically active after retirement, Helou faded from the scene. He was involved in a philanthropic venture, founding a number of restaurants to provide free hot meals to elderly people.
Helou died of a heart attack on January 7, 2001. He was 87.
Helou was not a strong politician, and had little direct support on his own. He was chosen president as a compromise candidate between factions still upset from the Civil War of 1958. The reform work that former president Fuad Chehab had started, slowed down under Helou. In some fields, the weakness of Helou was his strongest side: He was able to cooperate both with Christian as well as Muslim groups. He also kept Lebanon out of the destructive Six-Day War. However, he was not able to curb the influx of Palestinian guerrillas, and, in his time, Lebanon saw the first serious attacks by Israel. In many ways, Helou’s time was the forerunner of the Lebanese Civil War that started five years after the end of his presidency.
Charles Helou see Helou
Henrique
Henrique. Black Yoruba slave who, in 1835, led a great slave revolt in Pernambuco, Brazil. In the fight he was badly wounded. Although almost speechless from agony, he refused to betray his brethren.
Henrique. Black Yoruba slave who, in 1835, led a great slave revolt in Pernambuco, Brazil. In the fight he was badly wounded. Although almost speechless from agony, he refused to betray his brethren.
Hermes Trismegistus
Hermes Trismegistus (in Arabic, Hirmis). For Islamic authors, the author of philosophical, scientific and magical works appears divided into three individuals. The first Hermes was identified with Enoch and Idris, who lived in Egypt before the Flood and built the Pyramids. The second lived in Babylon after the Flood and revived the study of the sciences. The third wrote in Egypt after the Flood about various sciences and crafts.
Trismegistus, Hermes see Hermes Trismegistus
Hirmis see Hermes Trismegistus
Hermes Trismegistus (in Arabic, Hirmis). For Islamic authors, the author of philosophical, scientific and magical works appears divided into three individuals. The first Hermes was identified with Enoch and Idris, who lived in Egypt before the Flood and built the Pyramids. The second lived in Babylon after the Flood and revived the study of the sciences. The third wrote in Egypt after the Flood about various sciences and crafts.
Trismegistus, Hermes see Hermes Trismegistus
Hirmis see Hermes Trismegistus
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