Al-Andalus is the Arabic name given to the Iberian Peninsula when it was ruled by Muslims from 711 to 1492. Al-Andalus once encompassed the area extending from the Mediterranean to northern Spain, bordering the Kingdom of Aragon in the north. Today, Andalusia is used to devote the sourthern region of spain. Different meanings have been suggested for al-Andalus, the most famous ones being the "gardens" (in Arabic) and the land of the Vandals, rulers who inherited the Roman empire and ruled Spain before the Muslims.
Angar, Faiz Muhammad
Angar, Faiz Muhammad. See Faiz Muhammad Angar.
Angar, Faiz Muhammad. See Faiz Muhammad Angar.
angels
angels (in Arabic, mala’ika (pl); malak (s)). Frequently used in the Qur’an for beings who are in absolute submission and obedience to Allah. The Qur’an also mentions two fallen angels, Harut and Marut. The Fiqh Akbar I, the Hanafite creed which may date from the middle of the eighth century, mentions Munkar and Nakir, two angels who examine the dead and if necessary punish them in the tomb. In Shi‘ism, the Imams are guided and aided by angels.
Angels are mentioned in the Qur’an at the following locations:
Sura 2:25-35
Sura 2:90-95
Sura 2:170-175
Sura 2:285-290
Sura 3:120-125
Sura 4:95-100
Sura 4:160-165
Sura 6:60-65
Sura 6:90-100
Sura 6:110-115
Sura 7:10-15
Sura 8:5-10
Sura 15:5-10
Sura 16:1-5
Sura 16:30-40
Sura 21:90-100
Sura 25:1-10
Sura 25:20-30
Sura 35
Sura 43:25-30
Sura 43:40-50
Sura 53:20-30
Sura 66:5-10
Sura 74:30-35
Sura 78:35-40
Sura 82:10-20
Sura 96:10-20
Angels are mentioned in the Qur’an both as individuals and as a group and appear to have been known to Muhammad’s listeners. They are described in the Qur’an (Sura 35:1) as having two, three, or four wings; as having hands (Sura 6:93); and not eating (Sura 25:7). They are sent as messengers, and may intercede with God, but only with God’s permission (Sura 53:25). Besides acting as messengers, individual angels have specific functions. Gabriel (Jibril) is the bringer of divine revelation to Muhammad, while death is brought by an angel unnamed in the Qur’an but known in post-Qur’anic Islamic tradition as ‘Izra’il. Mika‘il is the same rank of angel as Gabriel. Joseph is though to be an angel because of his beauty, and evidently some expected Noah to be an angel, implying that angels have human form.
Both the concept of angels and the names for them are related to the larger Semitic tradition. The Arabic word for angel, "malak"(singular), "mala’ikah" (plural), appears to be a loan word from Hebrew or Aramaic, possibly through Ethiopic, although Muslim philologists have assumed one of several Arabic roots (*mlk, *l‘k, *‘lk). Individual names like Jibril, Mika‘il, and Israfil appear also to be derived from the same linguistic source assimilated into Arabic phonological patterns. The process of assimilating angels into the Arabic language and culture or northwestern Arabia seems to have happened in the pre-Islamic period before the birth of Muhammad. By the time of the rise of Islam, Jews, Christians, and polytheists in the Arabic cultural sphere each had their own view of angels.
The Qur’an does not set forth a systematic description of the different varieties and classes of angels but gives enough information that commentators were able to propound various theories. As well as messengers, angels are guardians over humans and keepers of the inventory of good and bad deeds (Sura 82:10-12), although the recording is also ascribed to God (Sura 21:94). The Qur’an does not name the two angels, Munkar and Nakir, who visit the dead in the grave and test the person for entry into paradise or hell. Some believe that these angels inflict punishment on those in the grave, making that period before the day of judgment a kind of purgatory. This was denied by the Mu’tazilis and various rationalists, prompting a counter-reaction among some traditionists that made belief in these angels an article of faith. The angel Malik rules over hell (Sura 43:47), apparently commanding the Zabaniyah, nineteen angels who thrust people into torment (Suras 96:18 and 74:30). According to tradition, angels are made of light but in the view of some Qur’an scholars are not impeccable, as Iblis, who is sometimes ranked as an angel and sometimes as a jinn, rebelled when God commanded the angels to worship Adam. Scholastic traditions are careful to distinguish between satans (shaytans), jinn, and angels. In Shi‘a traditions, the imams can see angels that surround and protect them and their families. In Isma‘ili traditions, each hierarchical order of the universe has an angel associated with it. Some modernist Muslim commentators have rejected the existence of angels as non-scientific, but this has been a minority view. Most modern Muslim commentators accept the existence of angels as part of the physical universe created by God.
mala’ika see angels
malak see angels
angels (in Arabic, mala’ika (pl); malak (s)). Frequently used in the Qur’an for beings who are in absolute submission and obedience to Allah. The Qur’an also mentions two fallen angels, Harut and Marut. The Fiqh Akbar I, the Hanafite creed which may date from the middle of the eighth century, mentions Munkar and Nakir, two angels who examine the dead and if necessary punish them in the tomb. In Shi‘ism, the Imams are guided and aided by angels.
Angels are mentioned in the Qur’an at the following locations:
Sura 2:25-35
Sura 2:90-95
Sura 2:170-175
Sura 2:285-290
Sura 3:120-125
Sura 4:95-100
Sura 4:160-165
Sura 6:60-65
Sura 6:90-100
Sura 6:110-115
Sura 7:10-15
Sura 8:5-10
Sura 15:5-10
Sura 16:1-5
Sura 16:30-40
Sura 21:90-100
Sura 25:1-10
Sura 25:20-30
Sura 35
Sura 43:25-30
Sura 43:40-50
Sura 53:20-30
Sura 66:5-10
Sura 74:30-35
Sura 78:35-40
Sura 82:10-20
Sura 96:10-20
Angels are mentioned in the Qur’an both as individuals and as a group and appear to have been known to Muhammad’s listeners. They are described in the Qur’an (Sura 35:1) as having two, three, or four wings; as having hands (Sura 6:93); and not eating (Sura 25:7). They are sent as messengers, and may intercede with God, but only with God’s permission (Sura 53:25). Besides acting as messengers, individual angels have specific functions. Gabriel (Jibril) is the bringer of divine revelation to Muhammad, while death is brought by an angel unnamed in the Qur’an but known in post-Qur’anic Islamic tradition as ‘Izra’il. Mika‘il is the same rank of angel as Gabriel. Joseph is though to be an angel because of his beauty, and evidently some expected Noah to be an angel, implying that angels have human form.
Both the concept of angels and the names for them are related to the larger Semitic tradition. The Arabic word for angel, "malak"(singular), "mala’ikah" (plural), appears to be a loan word from Hebrew or Aramaic, possibly through Ethiopic, although Muslim philologists have assumed one of several Arabic roots (*mlk, *l‘k, *‘lk). Individual names like Jibril, Mika‘il, and Israfil appear also to be derived from the same linguistic source assimilated into Arabic phonological patterns. The process of assimilating angels into the Arabic language and culture or northwestern Arabia seems to have happened in the pre-Islamic period before the birth of Muhammad. By the time of the rise of Islam, Jews, Christians, and polytheists in the Arabic cultural sphere each had their own view of angels.
The Qur’an does not set forth a systematic description of the different varieties and classes of angels but gives enough information that commentators were able to propound various theories. As well as messengers, angels are guardians over humans and keepers of the inventory of good and bad deeds (Sura 82:10-12), although the recording is also ascribed to God (Sura 21:94). The Qur’an does not name the two angels, Munkar and Nakir, who visit the dead in the grave and test the person for entry into paradise or hell. Some believe that these angels inflict punishment on those in the grave, making that period before the day of judgment a kind of purgatory. This was denied by the Mu’tazilis and various rationalists, prompting a counter-reaction among some traditionists that made belief in these angels an article of faith. The angel Malik rules over hell (Sura 43:47), apparently commanding the Zabaniyah, nineteen angels who thrust people into torment (Suras 96:18 and 74:30). According to tradition, angels are made of light but in the view of some Qur’an scholars are not impeccable, as Iblis, who is sometimes ranked as an angel and sometimes as a jinn, rebelled when God commanded the angels to worship Adam. Scholastic traditions are careful to distinguish between satans (shaytans), jinn, and angels. In Shi‘a traditions, the imams can see angels that surround and protect them and their families. In Isma‘ili traditions, each hierarchical order of the universe has an angel associated with it. Some modernist Muslim commentators have rejected the existence of angels as non-scientific, but this has been a minority view. Most modern Muslim commentators accept the existence of angels as part of the physical universe created by God.
mala’ika see angels
malak see angels
Anis, Ghulam Muhiyuddin
Anis, Ghulam Muhiyuddin. See Ghulam Muhiyuddin Anis.
Anis, Ghulam Muhiyuddin. See Ghulam Muhiyuddin Anis.
Anjuman
Anjuman. Assembly, meeting, or association. The anjuman has played in important role in the political and cultural life of twentieth century Iran. It gained currency during the Constitutional Revolution (1905-1909), when many political action groups emerged to support different ideologies. The anjumans were modeled on a semi-secret society founded by Malkom Khan in 1858 which aimed to introduce modern ideas and rule of law in Iran. But this society was banned in 1861, since it aroused the suspicion of the ruler, Nasir al-Din Shah (1848-1896).
Political anjumans appeared during the last years of Nasir al-Din’s reign. They were founded by a few government officials and intellectuals who discussed the need to emulate European concepts of government to overcome Iran’s backwardness. Some anjumans, such as Anjuman-i Makhfi (Secret Society), which later played a leading role during the Constitutional Revolution, initially advocated and opened modern schools and libraries in order to disseminate European ideas among Iranians. At the start of the twentieth century, the country’s conditions worsened – czarist Russia’s influence grew, foreign debt mounted, and corruption became rampant. This prompted a growing number of bureaucrats, courtiers, merchants, and ‘ulama’ (religious scholars) to form secret societies to try to change the way the country was governed. Early anjumans were small – for example, the Mujtama‘-i Azadigian founded in 1903 had forty-two members – but they helped generate the demand for constitutional government among the larger public. Their members wrote articles in anti-government, Persian-language newspapers published abroad, in such cities as Cairo, Istanbul, Baku, Calcutta, and London. These were distributed clandestinely in Iran. As the movement for constitutional government grew, the anjumans coordinated activities of various groups seeking political change.
Following the promulgation of the constitution in August 1906, anjumans proliferated openly throughout the country and in cities outside of Iran with large Iranian communities, such as Najaf, Iraq, Istanbul, and Baku. In Tehran alone, about two hundred anjumans were founded between 1905 and 1909. Their ideologies ranged from republican to anti-constitutional, and membership sometimes overlapped. Guilds and professional groups had their own anjumans. Women formed at least one anjuman, Anjuman-i Nisvan (Women’s Anjuman), which raised the question of the franchise for women.
The Fundamental law ratified on December 30, 1906, required the creation of provincial anjumans in cities, small towns, and even some villages across the country to supervise the election of provincial candidates to the first Parliament. Even though they were meant to be temporary, some anjumans, especially Anjuman-i Tabriz or Azerbaijan, began to function as a provincial parliament. It published a newspaper called Anjuman to promote its views.
However, the activities of radical anjumans alarmed the new king, Muhammad ‘Ali Shah (1907-1909). In the crisis and eventual civil war that erupted between the majlis (parliament) and the king, some of the anjumans provided leadership to supporters of the constitution and prevented the disintegration of the Constitutional movement. Anjuman-i Azerbaijan led the way in defending Tabriz against the king’s forces. But a large number of ‘ulama joined anti-constitutional anjumans, such as Anjuman-i Al-i Muhammad (Society of the House of Muhammad), because they feared that constitutional government would undermine shari‘a (the divine law). The crisis was resolved by the king’s abdication and the restoration of the constitution in 1909. However, the radicalism of some of the anjumans disillusioned many political activists, who then channeled their energies into other areas, such as literary and cultural activities.
During the authoritarian rule of Reza Shah Pahlavi (1925-1941), political activism almost ceased. Although during the first decade of the reign of Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlavi (1941-1979), new political parties were formed, the regime became more hostile to dissent after the coup d’etat of 1953. Consequently, internal opposition to the regime expressed itself increasingly in religious terms. Small underground cells also challenged the regime by engaging in guerrilla war. The Marxist Fida’iyan-i Khalq and the quasi-Marxist Mujahidin-i Khalq are important examples of the latter development.
Interest in religious associations among opposition groups, especially university students, grew slowly. The earliest groups, Anjuman-i Islami-yi Danishgahiyan (Society of Islamic Students), was founded in 1942 at the University of Tehran by an engineering professor, Mehdi Bazargan, who later became the first prime minister of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Bazargan’s goal was to offer religion as an alternative to secular ideologies, to which many students were flocking. Similar associations were formed in other universities, but only after 1963 did they begin to appeal to a growing number of educated members of the lower and middle classes. Interest in religion was spurred by disillusionment with Western ideologies, the increased authoritarianism of the regime, and its strident hostility to traditional culture. The writings of ‘Ali Shari‘ati (1933-1977), a Sorbonne-educated sociologist, convinced many that Islam offered a viable solution for change and even revolution. By 1974, 12,300 religious associations had formed in Tehran.
As the regime became less tolerant of political expression, the initiative for religio-political activity shifted abroad. The presence of large numbers of Iranian students in Europe and the United States introduced a new chapter in the history of political activism in Iran. Initially, religiously oriented students expressed opposition to the regime under the umbrella of the secular Confederation of Iranian Students, founded in 1958. However, they eventually became an independent organization, known as Anjuman-i Islami-yi Danishjuyan-i Farsizaban (Islamic Association of Persian Speaking Students) and joined the Muslim Students Association of the United States and Canada. The association also founded chapters in European universities. Many members of this association were among Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s earliest supporters. After the overthrow of the monarchy, some members, such as Ibrahim Yazdi and Sadiq Qutbzadah, assumed posts in the Bazargan cabinet, and Abol-Hasan Bani Sadr was elected president. Others continued to be active in parliament and other government posts.
The political ferment of the Constitutional period also prompted the creation of associations whose main focus was literary and cultural activities. The upheaval and civil war that preceded the restoration of the constitution in 1909 dampened the enthusiasm of many participants in politics. Some disillusioned intellectuals, literati, and bureaucrats turned their energies to literary and cultural activities. They met informally to discuss the need for modern education, the dissemination of European literary ideas and literature, and the degree of innovation and borrowing permissible in poetry and other classical forms.
Literary anjumans continued their activities under Reza Shah, but they steered clear of politics. However, during the reign of Muhammad Reza Shah, political themes began to influence literature, and some literary anjumans provided protection and support to their members against political harassment. The most important of these, Kanun-i Nivisandigan-i Iran (Writers Association of Iran), was founded in 1968. It did not receive official recognition and kept a low profile. However, in 1977, this association openly challenged the regime by demanding an end to censorship and respect for human rights. Despite its important role in undermining the monarchy in 1979, the association fell out of favor with the Islamic Republican regime and ceased its official activities.
Anjuman. Assembly, meeting, or association. The anjuman has played in important role in the political and cultural life of twentieth century Iran. It gained currency during the Constitutional Revolution (1905-1909), when many political action groups emerged to support different ideologies. The anjumans were modeled on a semi-secret society founded by Malkom Khan in 1858 which aimed to introduce modern ideas and rule of law in Iran. But this society was banned in 1861, since it aroused the suspicion of the ruler, Nasir al-Din Shah (1848-1896).
Political anjumans appeared during the last years of Nasir al-Din’s reign. They were founded by a few government officials and intellectuals who discussed the need to emulate European concepts of government to overcome Iran’s backwardness. Some anjumans, such as Anjuman-i Makhfi (Secret Society), which later played a leading role during the Constitutional Revolution, initially advocated and opened modern schools and libraries in order to disseminate European ideas among Iranians. At the start of the twentieth century, the country’s conditions worsened – czarist Russia’s influence grew, foreign debt mounted, and corruption became rampant. This prompted a growing number of bureaucrats, courtiers, merchants, and ‘ulama’ (religious scholars) to form secret societies to try to change the way the country was governed. Early anjumans were small – for example, the Mujtama‘-i Azadigian founded in 1903 had forty-two members – but they helped generate the demand for constitutional government among the larger public. Their members wrote articles in anti-government, Persian-language newspapers published abroad, in such cities as Cairo, Istanbul, Baku, Calcutta, and London. These were distributed clandestinely in Iran. As the movement for constitutional government grew, the anjumans coordinated activities of various groups seeking political change.
Following the promulgation of the constitution in August 1906, anjumans proliferated openly throughout the country and in cities outside of Iran with large Iranian communities, such as Najaf, Iraq, Istanbul, and Baku. In Tehran alone, about two hundred anjumans were founded between 1905 and 1909. Their ideologies ranged from republican to anti-constitutional, and membership sometimes overlapped. Guilds and professional groups had their own anjumans. Women formed at least one anjuman, Anjuman-i Nisvan (Women’s Anjuman), which raised the question of the franchise for women.
The Fundamental law ratified on December 30, 1906, required the creation of provincial anjumans in cities, small towns, and even some villages across the country to supervise the election of provincial candidates to the first Parliament. Even though they were meant to be temporary, some anjumans, especially Anjuman-i Tabriz or Azerbaijan, began to function as a provincial parliament. It published a newspaper called Anjuman to promote its views.
However, the activities of radical anjumans alarmed the new king, Muhammad ‘Ali Shah (1907-1909). In the crisis and eventual civil war that erupted between the majlis (parliament) and the king, some of the anjumans provided leadership to supporters of the constitution and prevented the disintegration of the Constitutional movement. Anjuman-i Azerbaijan led the way in defending Tabriz against the king’s forces. But a large number of ‘ulama joined anti-constitutional anjumans, such as Anjuman-i Al-i Muhammad (Society of the House of Muhammad), because they feared that constitutional government would undermine shari‘a (the divine law). The crisis was resolved by the king’s abdication and the restoration of the constitution in 1909. However, the radicalism of some of the anjumans disillusioned many political activists, who then channeled their energies into other areas, such as literary and cultural activities.
During the authoritarian rule of Reza Shah Pahlavi (1925-1941), political activism almost ceased. Although during the first decade of the reign of Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlavi (1941-1979), new political parties were formed, the regime became more hostile to dissent after the coup d’etat of 1953. Consequently, internal opposition to the regime expressed itself increasingly in religious terms. Small underground cells also challenged the regime by engaging in guerrilla war. The Marxist Fida’iyan-i Khalq and the quasi-Marxist Mujahidin-i Khalq are important examples of the latter development.
Interest in religious associations among opposition groups, especially university students, grew slowly. The earliest groups, Anjuman-i Islami-yi Danishgahiyan (Society of Islamic Students), was founded in 1942 at the University of Tehran by an engineering professor, Mehdi Bazargan, who later became the first prime minister of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Bazargan’s goal was to offer religion as an alternative to secular ideologies, to which many students were flocking. Similar associations were formed in other universities, but only after 1963 did they begin to appeal to a growing number of educated members of the lower and middle classes. Interest in religion was spurred by disillusionment with Western ideologies, the increased authoritarianism of the regime, and its strident hostility to traditional culture. The writings of ‘Ali Shari‘ati (1933-1977), a Sorbonne-educated sociologist, convinced many that Islam offered a viable solution for change and even revolution. By 1974, 12,300 religious associations had formed in Tehran.
As the regime became less tolerant of political expression, the initiative for religio-political activity shifted abroad. The presence of large numbers of Iranian students in Europe and the United States introduced a new chapter in the history of political activism in Iran. Initially, religiously oriented students expressed opposition to the regime under the umbrella of the secular Confederation of Iranian Students, founded in 1958. However, they eventually became an independent organization, known as Anjuman-i Islami-yi Danishjuyan-i Farsizaban (Islamic Association of Persian Speaking Students) and joined the Muslim Students Association of the United States and Canada. The association also founded chapters in European universities. Many members of this association were among Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s earliest supporters. After the overthrow of the monarchy, some members, such as Ibrahim Yazdi and Sadiq Qutbzadah, assumed posts in the Bazargan cabinet, and Abol-Hasan Bani Sadr was elected president. Others continued to be active in parliament and other government posts.
The political ferment of the Constitutional period also prompted the creation of associations whose main focus was literary and cultural activities. The upheaval and civil war that preceded the restoration of the constitution in 1909 dampened the enthusiasm of many participants in politics. Some disillusioned intellectuals, literati, and bureaucrats turned their energies to literary and cultural activities. They met informally to discuss the need for modern education, the dissemination of European literary ideas and literature, and the degree of innovation and borrowing permissible in poetry and other classical forms.
Literary anjumans continued their activities under Reza Shah, but they steered clear of politics. However, during the reign of Muhammad Reza Shah, political themes began to influence literature, and some literary anjumans provided protection and support to their members against political harassment. The most important of these, Kanun-i Nivisandigan-i Iran (Writers Association of Iran), was founded in 1968. It did not receive official recognition and kept a low profile. However, in 1977, this association openly challenged the regime by demanding an end to censorship and respect for human rights. Despite its important role in undermining the monarchy in 1979, the association fell out of favor with the Islamic Republican regime and ceased its official activities.
ansar
ansar. Arabic term which literally means “helpers” and refers to the Medinan Muslim converts who came to the aid of Muhammad. The term "ansar" was later used as a designation for members of Muslim religious and political associations.
Ansar is an Islamic term that literally means "helpers" and denotes the Medinan citizens that helped Muhammad and the Muhajirun on their arrival in the city after the Migration to Medina. The ansar belonged to two main tribes, the Banu Khazraj and the Banu Aws.
The following Ansari are known by name:
Banu Khazraj
Abd-Allah ibn Ubaiy, chief
Sa'd ibn Ubadah, chief
Hassan ibn Thabit
Ubayy ibn Kab
Al-Bara ibn Malik
Habab ibn Mundhir
Anas ibn Malik
Al-Bara ibn Malik
Abu Ayyub al-Ansari
Banu Aws
Sa'd ibn Mua'dh, chief
Bashir ibn Sa'ad
Uncategorized
Abu Mas'ud Al-Ansari
Asim ibn Thabit
Amr ibn Maymun
Zayd ibn Thabit
Jabir ibn Abd-Allah
Sahl ibn Sa'd
Uthman ibn Hunaif
Hudhaifa ibn Yaman
Khuzaima ibn Thabit
Abu'l-Hathama ibn Tihan
Sahl ibn Hunaif
Farwah ibn `Amr ibn Wadqah al-Ansari
The name "ansar" was given the Arabs of Medina from the tribes of Aws and Khazraj who converted to Islam and assisted Muhammad and his followers at the time of and after the Hijra. While the term can be derived from a regular singular meaning “one who assists,” it was likely influenced by Sura 61:14 of the Qur’an, in which there is a play on the word “helpers” and the word for Christians, nasara. The title came to designate those who descended from Medinese stock as opposed to the Meccans, who were called muhajirun -- the “ones who made the Hijra.” The ansar are mentioned twice in the Qur’an, along with the muhajirun, and are promised a reward in Paradise (Sura 9:100, 117).
From the “Constitution of Medina,” preserved in Ibn Ishaq’s Sira, it is seen that most of the ansar were parties to that early agreement with Muhammad to make him first among equals in the city. It is unclear to what extent they participated in the earliest raids, but they were well represented at the Battle of Badr, and thereafter constituted the major support for Muhammad.
Upon Muhammad’s death, the ansar attempted to form a party to select one of their own as Caliph, but were frustrated by the muhajirun. As a group they declined in influence, partly because of the survival of pre-Islamic rivalries, the ansar deriving from the South Arabs and the Meccans from the North, according to popular genealogies, and partly because they opposed the caliphate of ‘Uthman and, later, the Umayyads. Many were supporters of Ali’s cause and supported the ‘Abbasids. Medina, rather than Mecca, became the chief Arabian center for learning, even after the capital of Islamic government was removed from Arabia, and the ansar and their descendants became patrons of many famous non-Arab Muslims.
“helpers” see ansar.
ansar. Arabic term which literally means “helpers” and refers to the Medinan Muslim converts who came to the aid of Muhammad. The term "ansar" was later used as a designation for members of Muslim religious and political associations.
Ansar is an Islamic term that literally means "helpers" and denotes the Medinan citizens that helped Muhammad and the Muhajirun on their arrival in the city after the Migration to Medina. The ansar belonged to two main tribes, the Banu Khazraj and the Banu Aws.
The following Ansari are known by name:
Banu Khazraj
Abd-Allah ibn Ubaiy, chief
Sa'd ibn Ubadah, chief
Hassan ibn Thabit
Ubayy ibn Kab
Al-Bara ibn Malik
Habab ibn Mundhir
Anas ibn Malik
Al-Bara ibn Malik
Abu Ayyub al-Ansari
Banu Aws
Sa'd ibn Mua'dh, chief
Bashir ibn Sa'ad
Uncategorized
Abu Mas'ud Al-Ansari
Asim ibn Thabit
Amr ibn Maymun
Zayd ibn Thabit
Jabir ibn Abd-Allah
Sahl ibn Sa'd
Uthman ibn Hunaif
Hudhaifa ibn Yaman
Khuzaima ibn Thabit
Abu'l-Hathama ibn Tihan
Sahl ibn Hunaif
Farwah ibn `Amr ibn Wadqah al-Ansari
The name "ansar" was given the Arabs of Medina from the tribes of Aws and Khazraj who converted to Islam and assisted Muhammad and his followers at the time of and after the Hijra. While the term can be derived from a regular singular meaning “one who assists,” it was likely influenced by Sura 61:14 of the Qur’an, in which there is a play on the word “helpers” and the word for Christians, nasara. The title came to designate those who descended from Medinese stock as opposed to the Meccans, who were called muhajirun -- the “ones who made the Hijra.” The ansar are mentioned twice in the Qur’an, along with the muhajirun, and are promised a reward in Paradise (Sura 9:100, 117).
From the “Constitution of Medina,” preserved in Ibn Ishaq’s Sira, it is seen that most of the ansar were parties to that early agreement with Muhammad to make him first among equals in the city. It is unclear to what extent they participated in the earliest raids, but they were well represented at the Battle of Badr, and thereafter constituted the major support for Muhammad.
Upon Muhammad’s death, the ansar attempted to form a party to select one of their own as Caliph, but were frustrated by the muhajirun. As a group they declined in influence, partly because of the survival of pre-Islamic rivalries, the ansar deriving from the South Arabs and the Meccans from the North, according to popular genealogies, and partly because they opposed the caliphate of ‘Uthman and, later, the Umayyads. Many were supporters of Ali’s cause and supported the ‘Abbasids. Medina, rather than Mecca, became the chief Arabian center for learning, even after the capital of Islamic government was removed from Arabia, and the ansar and their descendants became patrons of many famous non-Arab Muslims.
“helpers” see ansar.
Ansar
Ansar. "Anṣâr", meaning "aiders", or "patrons", refers to a class of warriors who were renowned for their arsenal of weapons and for their speed and mobility on the battlefield. The quality of their Arabian horses quickly led to these soldiers dominating the battlefield, making ample use of their array of weaponry, which consisted of javelins, a sword, and bow and arrows. The one military unit that was present in nearly all of the Arabic expansion of the 7th to 9th centuries was the Anṣâr Warrior. These warriors participated as infantry, but most commonly rode on horseback and were famed to be the greatest horsemen/infantry of their time.
The Anṣâr were recruited mostly from Mesopotamia and Arabia. They were the most important elements in the later Islamic campaigns against both the Sassanid and Byzantine Empires.
The Muslim inhabitants of Medina who welcomed Muhammad and the other Meccan Muslims when they migrated to Medina from Mecca (in an event known as the Hijra) are also known as Anṣâr. The Sahabas, or companions of Muhammad, are divided into two categories; of Muhajirun, people who fled from Mecca; and the Anṣâr, those who welcomed and took in the Muhajirun. The Anṣâr are vital to Islamic history because they took the fledgling Muslim community in and joined it themselves, turning Islam into a city-state power. In Medina, each Anṣâr family took in a member of the Muhajirun and offered them a place to stay and protection.
Known for their piety and courage, some famous Anṣârs are Muath bin Jabal Al-anṣâri and Sa'ad bin Ubaadah, Sa'ad's great great grandchildren were the Nasrids kings of Granada in Spain from the 13th century to the 15th century.
In the 19th Century the term was associated with the forces of the Mahdi and Osman Digna in the Sudan who fought against Anglo-Egyptian forces in a series of wars at the close of the century.
Various political and military groupings in Arab and Muslim countries continue to use the name up to the present, seeking to emulate the famed ancient warriors.
Bangladesh Ansar is a para-military organization of Village Guards in Bangladesh. Mostly a voluntary force, it recruits mainly from farmers and artisans and its main objective is to aid the Regular Armed Forces and Police Force in War, insurgency or anti-crime drives.
“helpers” see Ansar.
“one who assists” see Ansar.
"aiders" see Ansar.
"patrons" see Ansar.
Ansar. "Anṣâr", meaning "aiders", or "patrons", refers to a class of warriors who were renowned for their arsenal of weapons and for their speed and mobility on the battlefield. The quality of their Arabian horses quickly led to these soldiers dominating the battlefield, making ample use of their array of weaponry, which consisted of javelins, a sword, and bow and arrows. The one military unit that was present in nearly all of the Arabic expansion of the 7th to 9th centuries was the Anṣâr Warrior. These warriors participated as infantry, but most commonly rode on horseback and were famed to be the greatest horsemen/infantry of their time.
The Anṣâr were recruited mostly from Mesopotamia and Arabia. They were the most important elements in the later Islamic campaigns against both the Sassanid and Byzantine Empires.
The Muslim inhabitants of Medina who welcomed Muhammad and the other Meccan Muslims when they migrated to Medina from Mecca (in an event known as the Hijra) are also known as Anṣâr. The Sahabas, or companions of Muhammad, are divided into two categories; of Muhajirun, people who fled from Mecca; and the Anṣâr, those who welcomed and took in the Muhajirun. The Anṣâr are vital to Islamic history because they took the fledgling Muslim community in and joined it themselves, turning Islam into a city-state power. In Medina, each Anṣâr family took in a member of the Muhajirun and offered them a place to stay and protection.
Known for their piety and courage, some famous Anṣârs are Muath bin Jabal Al-anṣâri and Sa'ad bin Ubaadah, Sa'ad's great great grandchildren were the Nasrids kings of Granada in Spain from the 13th century to the 15th century.
In the 19th Century the term was associated with the forces of the Mahdi and Osman Digna in the Sudan who fought against Anglo-Egyptian forces in a series of wars at the close of the century.
Various political and military groupings in Arab and Muslim countries continue to use the name up to the present, seeking to emulate the famed ancient warriors.
Bangladesh Ansar is a para-military organization of Village Guards in Bangladesh. Mostly a voluntary force, it recruits mainly from farmers and artisans and its main objective is to aid the Regular Armed Forces and Police Force in War, insurgency or anti-crime drives.
“helpers” see Ansar.
“one who assists” see Ansar.
"aiders" see Ansar.
"patrons" see Ansar.
Ansar
Ansar. Religio-political movement which was named after the supporters of the Sudanese Mahdi, Muhammad Ahmad ibn ‘Abdallah (d. 1885), who were disbanded in 1898 following their defeat by the Anglo-Egyptian army. Their surviving commanders were imprisoned, and the children of the Mahdi and of the Khalifah ‘Abdallahi were kept under surveillance. The Mahdi’s ratib (prayerbook) and other Mahdist writings were banned.
In 1908, ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi, the Mahdi’s posthumous son, started to regroup the Mahdists as a religious order (tariqah), first building the family’s mosque in Omdurman with a loan from the government. In the same year, he was permitted to cultivate lands on Aba Island, where Muhammad Ahmad had announced his Mahdist mission in 1881. This enabled him to proclaim the imamate of the newly organized Ansar and to create the spiritual, political, and economic center of the movement on Aba. To overcome government suspicions, he emphasized peaceful aims and denounced every Mahdist anti-government action. He proclaimed that the Mahdist da‘wah was not opposed to the government and hence should not be forbidden as illegal.
The movement came into the open in 1915 when Governor-General Sir Reginald Wingate sought Muslim allies against the Turks. ‘Abd al-Rahman traveled to meet Mahdist supporters, thousands of whom demonstrated the depth of their loyalty as, armed with swords as in earlier days, they greeted their Mahdi’s son wherever he appeared, claiming that “the day had arrived” (al-yawm ata). Although ‘Abd al-Rahman was explicitly forbidden from organizing the Ansar, this was in effect taking place. Thenceforth, his agents, though not recognized by the authorities, represented him in the provinces, collected zakat, and spread the banned prayerbook (ratib al-Mahdi) among his followers. Agents were appointed first in the Blue Nile and Funj provinces in 1916, and later in Kordofan and Darfur. In 1921, ‘Abd al-Rahman presented to the government a list of his provincial agents, including six in the White Nile, four in Kordofan, two in the Funj, four in the Blue Nile, three in Darfur, and one each in five other provinces, for a total of twenty-four. Many of the agents were merchants and tribal shaykhs rather than religious leaders.
In 1917, Shaykh Mustafa al-Maraghi, the Sudan’s Qadi al-Qudat, was asked to give a verdict as to whether the Mahdi’s writings should be legalized. He proclaimed the Mahdi’s letters and proclamations (manshurat) as unacceptable but said that there was nothing wrong with the ratib, except that the words "al-Mahdi ‘alayhi as-salam" (“the Mahdi, peace be upon him”) should be replaced by "al-Mahdi rahmatu Allah" (“the Mahdi, [the] mercy of God [Be upon him]”). The ratib’s acceptance as a legitimate prayerbook signified the legitimacy of the Ansar. In 1923, an edition of five thousand copies was published under the title Al-ratib as-sharif li-sayyidina wa-maladhina al-imam al-Mahdi ibn ‘Abdallah (The Holy Prayerbook of Our Master and Protector the Imam al-Mahdi ibn ‘Abdallah) and distributed to the Ansar throughout the Sudan.
Despite the government’s inconsistency in its dealings with ‘Abd al-Rahman and the Ansar since the 1920s – when it forbade their payment of zakat, their pilgrimage to Aba, and the activities of ‘Abd al-Rahman’s agents – the movement continued to flourish. Between 5,000 and 15,000 Ansar made the pilgrimage to Aba Island annually, and many of them stayed there and supplied cheap labor for ‘Abd al-Rahman’s agricultural ventures. Thus when the Sudan achieved independence in 1955, the Ansar was its largest Muslim sect.
Politically, the Ansar provided the core of the Ummah party and most of its leaders. Whenever the independence of the Sudan seemed to be threatened, there were thousands of armed Ansar to come to the rescue. In March 1954, they demonstrated against unity with Egypt. In the attempted coup of July 1961 against General ‘Abbud, it was proposed to use the 7,000 Ansar stationed in Omdurman to overthrow the regime. Siddiq al-Mahdi, then the imam, refused, saying, “I do not wish to meet God with the blood of Muslims on my hands.” During the regime of Ja‘far al-Nimeiri (or al-Numayri, 1969-1985) the Ansar first resisted on Aba Island, led by their imam al-Hadi al-Mahdi, and stopped Nimeiri from landing. The subsequent bombardment of the island and its 40,000 Ansar during March 22-24, 1970, led to an estimated five to ten thousand casualties. Other Ansar died in fierce battles in their quarter in Omdurman. In Ansar folklore, the Aba Island massacre has been compared to the battle of Karari against the Anglo-Egyptian forces in 1898, in which 11,000 were killed.
Later the Ansar, led by Sadiq al-Mahdi, participated in several attempted coups, notably in July 1976. Finally, in the April 1986 elections, the Ansar gave the Ummah party massive support and made it the single biggest political power in the country with some two million supporters.
The Ansar, though regarded by many as a Sufi order, is in fact an activist, revivalist Islamic political movement seeking to convert Muslims to its concept of an Islamic state through political rather than spiritual means. They aim at the puritanical re-establishment of the Mahdiyah and regard themselves as purer and more representative of true Islam than any Sufi order. They pray and study in their own mosques and use their own prayerbook. They regard their political struggle as part of their religious duty in which tribal, ethnic, and regional boundaries are irrelevant. For most of their adherents, especially the tribal elements in Darfur and Kordofan and the West African pilgrims (fallatah), Mahdism expresses their Islamic beliefs. It is therefore a blueprint for the future Islamic state in the Sudan, should the Ansar come to power.
Ansar. Religio-political movement which was named after the supporters of the Sudanese Mahdi, Muhammad Ahmad ibn ‘Abdallah (d. 1885), who were disbanded in 1898 following their defeat by the Anglo-Egyptian army. Their surviving commanders were imprisoned, and the children of the Mahdi and of the Khalifah ‘Abdallahi were kept under surveillance. The Mahdi’s ratib (prayerbook) and other Mahdist writings were banned.
In 1908, ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi, the Mahdi’s posthumous son, started to regroup the Mahdists as a religious order (tariqah), first building the family’s mosque in Omdurman with a loan from the government. In the same year, he was permitted to cultivate lands on Aba Island, where Muhammad Ahmad had announced his Mahdist mission in 1881. This enabled him to proclaim the imamate of the newly organized Ansar and to create the spiritual, political, and economic center of the movement on Aba. To overcome government suspicions, he emphasized peaceful aims and denounced every Mahdist anti-government action. He proclaimed that the Mahdist da‘wah was not opposed to the government and hence should not be forbidden as illegal.
The movement came into the open in 1915 when Governor-General Sir Reginald Wingate sought Muslim allies against the Turks. ‘Abd al-Rahman traveled to meet Mahdist supporters, thousands of whom demonstrated the depth of their loyalty as, armed with swords as in earlier days, they greeted their Mahdi’s son wherever he appeared, claiming that “the day had arrived” (al-yawm ata). Although ‘Abd al-Rahman was explicitly forbidden from organizing the Ansar, this was in effect taking place. Thenceforth, his agents, though not recognized by the authorities, represented him in the provinces, collected zakat, and spread the banned prayerbook (ratib al-Mahdi) among his followers. Agents were appointed first in the Blue Nile and Funj provinces in 1916, and later in Kordofan and Darfur. In 1921, ‘Abd al-Rahman presented to the government a list of his provincial agents, including six in the White Nile, four in Kordofan, two in the Funj, four in the Blue Nile, three in Darfur, and one each in five other provinces, for a total of twenty-four. Many of the agents were merchants and tribal shaykhs rather than religious leaders.
In 1917, Shaykh Mustafa al-Maraghi, the Sudan’s Qadi al-Qudat, was asked to give a verdict as to whether the Mahdi’s writings should be legalized. He proclaimed the Mahdi’s letters and proclamations (manshurat) as unacceptable but said that there was nothing wrong with the ratib, except that the words "al-Mahdi ‘alayhi as-salam" (“the Mahdi, peace be upon him”) should be replaced by "al-Mahdi rahmatu Allah" (“the Mahdi, [the] mercy of God [Be upon him]”). The ratib’s acceptance as a legitimate prayerbook signified the legitimacy of the Ansar. In 1923, an edition of five thousand copies was published under the title Al-ratib as-sharif li-sayyidina wa-maladhina al-imam al-Mahdi ibn ‘Abdallah (The Holy Prayerbook of Our Master and Protector the Imam al-Mahdi ibn ‘Abdallah) and distributed to the Ansar throughout the Sudan.
Despite the government’s inconsistency in its dealings with ‘Abd al-Rahman and the Ansar since the 1920s – when it forbade their payment of zakat, their pilgrimage to Aba, and the activities of ‘Abd al-Rahman’s agents – the movement continued to flourish. Between 5,000 and 15,000 Ansar made the pilgrimage to Aba Island annually, and many of them stayed there and supplied cheap labor for ‘Abd al-Rahman’s agricultural ventures. Thus when the Sudan achieved independence in 1955, the Ansar was its largest Muslim sect.
Politically, the Ansar provided the core of the Ummah party and most of its leaders. Whenever the independence of the Sudan seemed to be threatened, there were thousands of armed Ansar to come to the rescue. In March 1954, they demonstrated against unity with Egypt. In the attempted coup of July 1961 against General ‘Abbud, it was proposed to use the 7,000 Ansar stationed in Omdurman to overthrow the regime. Siddiq al-Mahdi, then the imam, refused, saying, “I do not wish to meet God with the blood of Muslims on my hands.” During the regime of Ja‘far al-Nimeiri (or al-Numayri, 1969-1985) the Ansar first resisted on Aba Island, led by their imam al-Hadi al-Mahdi, and stopped Nimeiri from landing. The subsequent bombardment of the island and its 40,000 Ansar during March 22-24, 1970, led to an estimated five to ten thousand casualties. Other Ansar died in fierce battles in their quarter in Omdurman. In Ansar folklore, the Aba Island massacre has been compared to the battle of Karari against the Anglo-Egyptian forces in 1898, in which 11,000 were killed.
Later the Ansar, led by Sadiq al-Mahdi, participated in several attempted coups, notably in July 1976. Finally, in the April 1986 elections, the Ansar gave the Ummah party massive support and made it the single biggest political power in the country with some two million supporters.
The Ansar, though regarded by many as a Sufi order, is in fact an activist, revivalist Islamic political movement seeking to convert Muslims to its concept of an Islamic state through political rather than spiritual means. They aim at the puritanical re-establishment of the Mahdiyah and regard themselves as purer and more representative of true Islam than any Sufi order. They pray and study in their own mosques and use their own prayerbook. They regard their political struggle as part of their religious duty in which tribal, ethnic, and regional boundaries are irrelevant. For most of their adherents, especially the tribal elements in Darfur and Kordofan and the West African pilgrims (fallatah), Mahdism expresses their Islamic beliefs. It is therefore a blueprint for the future Islamic state in the Sudan, should the Ansar come to power.
Ansara, Michael
Michael George Ansara (April 15, 1922 – July 31, 2013) was a Syrian-born American stage, screen, and voice actor best known for his portrayal of Cochise in the American television series Broken Arrow, Kane in the 1979–1981 series Buck Rogers in the 25th Century, Commander Kang on three different Star Trek television series, Deputy U.S. Marshal Sam Buckhart on the NBC series, Law of the Plainsman, and providing the voice for Mr. Freeze in Batman: The Animated Series and several of its spin-offs.
In 1976, Ansara starred (in the role of Abu Sufyan) in the movie Mohammad, Messenger of God (also titled The Message), about the origin of Islam and the message of prophet Mohammad.
The filmography of Michael Ansara includes the following:
The filmography of Michael Ansara includes the following:
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Ansari, Abu Isma‘il 'Abd Allah ibn Muhammad Herawi
Ansari, Abu Isma‘il 'Abd Allah ibn Muhammad Herawi (1004-1089). Commentator on the Qur’an, polemist, preacher, and mystic of eleventh century Herat. Born in Herat to an ascetic father, he attended school in his hometown at the age of four. At the age of nine he was already taking down dictations from the eminent traditionists of Herat. Later he traveled to Nishapur and Bistam in Khurasan to study with masters there. He made two unfinished trips to Mecca, during one of which he met the well-known mystics Shaikh Abu Sa’id Abu al-Khair and Qassab Amuli, but it was the illiterate mystic Abu al-Hasan Kharaqani, who left a decisive influence on his spiritual life. Upon returning to Herat, Ansari founded his own circle of disciples, first teaching only hadith (sayings of the Prophet) and then giving his own commentaries on the Qur’an. A Hanbali zealot showing little or no tolerance for Ash‘arites and theologians, Ansari often resorted to violence. On one occasion, a philosopher-theologian was severely beaten by Ansari’s followers, who also burned his residence. Ansari’s uncompromising attitude brought him banishment from Herat on at least four occasions, but each time he was able to return in triumph.
In 1082, Ansari was honored by the caliph, who sent him a robe of honor and called him Shaikh al-Islam. Ansari went blind toward the end of his life and died in 1089. He is buried at Gazargah in Herat. He led the life of an ascetic and had an indisputable knowledge of the Qur’anic sciences, particularly hadith. His works, considered among the finest specimens in Persian, include Tabaqat al-Sufiyya, a Persian translation of a similar work by al-Sulami, with a good deal of additional material.
Shaikh al-Islam see Ansari, Abu Isma‘il 'Abd Allah ibn Muhammad Herawi
Ansari, Abu Isma‘il 'Abd Allah ibn Muhammad Herawi (1004-1089). Commentator on the Qur’an, polemist, preacher, and mystic of eleventh century Herat. Born in Herat to an ascetic father, he attended school in his hometown at the age of four. At the age of nine he was already taking down dictations from the eminent traditionists of Herat. Later he traveled to Nishapur and Bistam in Khurasan to study with masters there. He made two unfinished trips to Mecca, during one of which he met the well-known mystics Shaikh Abu Sa’id Abu al-Khair and Qassab Amuli, but it was the illiterate mystic Abu al-Hasan Kharaqani, who left a decisive influence on his spiritual life. Upon returning to Herat, Ansari founded his own circle of disciples, first teaching only hadith (sayings of the Prophet) and then giving his own commentaries on the Qur’an. A Hanbali zealot showing little or no tolerance for Ash‘arites and theologians, Ansari often resorted to violence. On one occasion, a philosopher-theologian was severely beaten by Ansari’s followers, who also burned his residence. Ansari’s uncompromising attitude brought him banishment from Herat on at least four occasions, but each time he was able to return in triumph.
In 1082, Ansari was honored by the caliph, who sent him a robe of honor and called him Shaikh al-Islam. Ansari went blind toward the end of his life and died in 1089. He is buried at Gazargah in Herat. He led the life of an ascetic and had an indisputable knowledge of the Qur’anic sciences, particularly hadith. His works, considered among the finest specimens in Persian, include Tabaqat al-Sufiyya, a Persian translation of a similar work by al-Sulami, with a good deal of additional material.
Shaikh al-Islam see Ansari, Abu Isma‘il 'Abd Allah ibn Muhammad Herawi
Ansari, Khwaja Abdullah
Ansari, Khwaja Abdullah. See Khwaja Abdullah Ansari.
Ansari, Khwaja Abdullah. See Khwaja Abdullah Ansari.
Ansari, Shaykh Murtada
Ansari, Shaykh Murtada. See Murtada Ansari.
Ansari, Shaykh Murtada. See Murtada Ansari.
Anvari, Auaduddin 'Ali
Anvari, Auaduddin 'Ali (Auaduddin 'Ali Anvari) (d.1190?). Persian poet. He was born in Khurasan and educated at the collegiate institute in Tun (now Firdaus, Iran). Anvari’s panegyric in honor of the Seljuk sultan Sanjar (or Sinjar [1117-1157]), ruler of Khurasan, won him royal favor, and he continued to enjoy the patronage of two of Sanjar’s successors as well. Anvari (or Anwari) prophesied that a certain combination of the stars in October 1185 would be accompanied by a frightful storm and dire disasters. The prophecy failed, and as a result he suffered virtual banishment. Anvari’s poems, collected in the Divan, are masterpieces of artistic form. In his verse, Anvari combines the skill of a romantic eulogist with the subtle force of a keen satirist. His elegy Tears of Khurasan, translated into English in 1789, is considered one of the most beautiful poems in Persian literature.
Auaduddin 'Ali Anvari see Anvari, Auaduddin 'Ali
Anvari, Auaduddin 'Ali (Auaduddin 'Ali Anvari) (d.1190?). Persian poet. He was born in Khurasan and educated at the collegiate institute in Tun (now Firdaus, Iran). Anvari’s panegyric in honor of the Seljuk sultan Sanjar (or Sinjar [1117-1157]), ruler of Khurasan, won him royal favor, and he continued to enjoy the patronage of two of Sanjar’s successors as well. Anvari (or Anwari) prophesied that a certain combination of the stars in October 1185 would be accompanied by a frightful storm and dire disasters. The prophecy failed, and as a result he suffered virtual banishment. Anvari’s poems, collected in the Divan, are masterpieces of artistic form. In his verse, Anvari combines the skill of a romantic eulogist with the subtle force of a keen satirist. His elegy Tears of Khurasan, translated into English in 1789, is considered one of the most beautiful poems in Persian literature.
Auaduddin 'Ali Anvari see Anvari, Auaduddin 'Ali
Anwar al-Awlaki
Anwar al-Awlaki, also spelled Anwār al-ʿAwlākī, al-Awlaki also spelled al-Aulaqi (b. April 21, 1971, Las Cruces, New Mexico — d. September 30, 2011, Al-Jawf province, Yemen), American Islamic preacher and al-Qaeda militant killed by a controversial United States drone attack. One of the United States’ most-wanted terrorists, Awlaki was directly linked to multiple terrorism plots in the United States and the United Kingdom, including an attempt in December 2009 to blow up a jetliner bound for Detroit. He had morphed from a mainstream Muslim into one of al-Qaeda’s most public personalities and influential voices in large part because of his numerous online sermons and propaganda videos that allowed him to spread his message around the world.
A United States citizen born to Yemeni parents, Awlaki spent the early years of his life in the United States before his family moved back to Yemen. Over the next 11 years, the young Awlaki gained the requisite cultural experience and tools that would later help him bridge American and Arab culture. In 1991 he returned to the United States on a Yemeni education grant to attend college at Colorado State University in Fort Collins. While pursuing a bachelor of science degree in civil engineering, he became active within the Muslim student association on campus. Beginning in 1994, he preached for the Denver Islamic Society for two years. In 1996, Awlaki moved to San Diego, California, where he began working on a graduate degree in educational leadership at San Diego State University.
While in San Diego, Awlaki assumed the role of imam at a local mosque, Masjid al-Ribat al-Islami. It was in that role that he reportedly came into contact with two of the future September 11 hijackers, Saudi Arabians Nawaf al-Hazmi and Khalid al-Mihdhar. Although some reports suggest that Awlaki’s relationship to the hijackers grew very close in 2000, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), which had begun investigating Awlaki’s ties to terrorism as early as June 1999, did not find sufficient incriminating evidence to take action against him.
After spending four years in San Diego, Awlaki left in 2000, eventually settling in the Washington, D.C., metro area in January 2001. He became imam at the Dar al-Hijrah mosque, located in Falls Church, Virginia, and served as a Muslim chaplain at George Washington University in Washington, D.C. Before the September 11 attacks, Awlaki came into contact with another Saudi Arabian al-Qaeda operative and 9/11 hijacker, Hani Hanjour. Both Hanjour and Hazmi attended Awlaki’s sermons.
In the weeks after the September 11 attacks, the FBI reportedly conducted eight interviews with Awlaki but acquired no further incriminating information on any possible connection between him and al-Qaeda. Nonetheless, feeling increased pressure from law enforcement, Awlaki moved to the United Kingdom in 2002, where he established a dedicated following of young British Muslims. It was during that time that he rose to prominence within the Western Islamic world. His easygoing style, his colloquial use of English, and the accessible content of his lectures made him popular with diverse audiences in spite of his lack of extensive formal religious training.
Awlaki returned to Yemen in 2004. Little is publicly known about his activities during that time. He was arrested in mid-2006 by Yemeni security forces and remained imprisoned for approximately a year and a half without formal charges being issued against him. After his release Awlaki’s statements and lectures grew more openly hostile against the United States, which he said had pressured the Yemeni government into arresting him. His statements also began gaining influence with Western Muslims seeking religious justification for violence against the United States. His recorded lecture series on the book Thawābit ʿalā darb al-jihād (2005; “Constants of the Path of Jihad”), for example, which could be downloaded from the Internet, helped inspire a group of six men convicted of the 2006–07 terrorist plot against the United States Army base at Fort Dix, New Jersey.
In December 2008 Awlaki penned an open letter of support (written in English) for the Somali Islamic militant group al-Shahaab, In the letter, Awlaki urged Western Muslims to do whatever they could to support the organization. In January 2009 Awlaki used his Web site to publish another religious justification of violence against the West, titled “44 Ways to Support Jihad.” There Awlaki argued that all Muslims are bound by religious duty to support violent jihad.
Awlaki began regularly appearing in officially sanctioned al-Qaeda media releases in 2010. In May 2010, the leader of al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) released an Internet audio statement openly supporting Awlaki as one of his own. Later that month AQAP released an official interview with Awlaki which eliminated any doubt that he had officially joined al-Qaeda.
The Internet was a key tool in Awlaki’s ability to spread his message and reach followers, both indirectly and directly. One supporter was United States Army Major Nidal M. Hasan, who attended his sermons in Virginia. On November 5, 2009, Hasan opened fire in the Soldier Readiness Center at the Fort Hood army base in Texas, killing 13. According to reports, at least 18 e-mails had been sent between Hasan and Awlaki in the lead-up to the attacks.
In May 2010, a 21-year-old British university student, Roshonara Choudhry, stabbed Stephen Timms, a member of Parliament, for his support of the Iraq War. According to Choudhry’s own confession, she had been radicalized in large part through listening to Awlaki’s speeches on the Internet. She was sentenced to 15 years in prison.
In June 2010, two Americans, Mohamed Alessa and Carlos Almonte, responded to Awlaki’s call to support al-Shabaab by attempting to travel to Somalia. According to reports, the pair had allegedly downloaded multiple videos and sermons from Awlaki. Another U.S. citizen, Zachary Chesser, who had downloaded videos of Awlaki and exchanged e-mails with him, was arrested in July 2010 on charges of attempting to provide material support to al-Shabaab.
In 2010 Awlaki was placed on the United States government’s official targeted-killing list, as authorized by President Barack Obama and approved by the National Security Council. That designation meant that, despite his United States citizenship. Awlaki was considered a military enemy of the United States and not subject to the country’s own ban on political assassination. On September 30, 2011, the Central Intelligence Agency used two drones to target Awlaki in Yemen, killing him and Samir Khan, another American al-Qaeda member.
Anwari
Anwari. See Anvari.
Anwari. See Anvari.
Aouita, Sa'id
Aouita, Sa'id (Sa'id Aouita) (b. November 2, 1959 [1960?]). Moroccan runner who is considered by many track and field experts to have been the most versatile runner that ever lived. At one time Aouita held the world record in five running events: the 1500, 2000, 3000, and 5000 meters and two miles. He was also a two-time Olympic medalist who captured the gold medal in the 5000 meters at the 1984 Olympic Games in Los Angeles and the bronze medal in the 800 meters at the 1988 Games in Seoul. A national hero in Morocco, Aouita’s picture came to be displayed next to that of King Hassan II’s portrait in many Moroccan shops and other public places.
After years of disappearance from the Moroccan athletics scene he returned as the technical director of the Moroccan national team. He is also an analyst for Al Jazeera Sports.
Born in Kenitra, Morocco, Saïd Aouita dominated middle distance running in the 1980s at all distances between 800 meters and 5000 meters. He raced and won against the Olympic champions Joaquim Cruz, Peter Rono, John Ngugi and Alberto Cova over their respective main distances. Between September 1983 and September 1990 he won 115 of his 119 races. The defeats were against world champion Steve Cram over 1500 m, Olympic bronze medalist Alessandro Lambruschini over 3000 m steeplechase, Olympic champions Joaquin Cruz and Paul Ereng over 800 m and world champion Yobes Ondieki over 5000 m.
Aouita's first major international competition was the 1983 World Championships held in Helsinki where he contested the 1500 m. In the final, the pace dawdled for the first 1000 m, tactics that did not suit Aouita, and he was outkicked by the kickers, finishing third. After this experience, Aouita decided to run 5000 m at the Los Angeles Olympics. The 5000 m final was run at a very fast pace set by Antonio Leitão from Portugal, which suited Aouita much better than the tactics used in Helsinki. He stayed behind Leitão and then sprinted past him on the last lap to win.
In the next season, Aouita ran two world records: at first in 5000 m (13:00.40) and then in 1500 m (3:29.46). Aouita's 1500 m world record was remarkable for its slow start. Aouita passed the first 400 m in a mediocre time of 57.0 seconds, at 800 m he was still just under 1:54 min before he accelerated dramatically. These outstanding achievements were preceded by Aouita's most bitter defeat. In a 1500 m race in Nizza Steve Cram became the first man to run under 3:30 minutes. Aouita sprinted the final 100 m of that race in 13.2 s (not the 11.8 that is often quoted; this was for the last 90m!) and nearly caught Cram, but his dream of being the first man under the magic barrier was destroyed. In 1986, Aouita was the overall winner of the IAAF Grand Prix series. In 1987, Aouita broke Steve Cram's 2000 m world record with a time of 4:50.81. Only six days later, he broke his own world record for 5000 m, and in the process became the first man to break 13 minutes, finishing in 12:58.39.
For the World Championships held later that year, Aouita had provisionally entered the 800 m, 1500 m, 5000 m and 10 000 m (probably to keep his opponents guessing), but eventually decided just to contest the 5000 m. In the 5000 m final, John Ngugi from Kenya set a fair pace, but by no means fast. Aouita, always in control of the race, made his move just before the bell, leading a mass sprint for the finish that he won in 13:26.44.
Aouita sought new challenges for himself in the Olympic year of 1988. Instead of staying within the comparative security of 5000 m competition, the distance at which he was the reigning Olympic and World champion, he decided to concentrate his efforts on the shorter distances. At the Seoul Olympics he attempted to try the 800 m/1500 m double. Aouita easily won his heat and semi-final in the 800 m, but had his left leg heavily bandaged to protect a recently sprained hamstring. In the 800 m final, a very fast pace was set to try to nullify Aouita's fast finish. Aouita ran according to his race plan, but in the end he was outkicked by the 800 m specialists and finished third. His bronze medal made him the only man in Olympic history to win medals at both the 800 m and 5000 m. However, the race had aggravated his hamstring injury, and although he qualified for the semi-finals of the 1500 m, he withdrew before they started.
In the next year, Aouita won the World Indoor Championships in 3000 m. Later, he ran his last world record, breaking Henry Rono's record in 3000 m by the time of 7:29.45. Aouita did not compete in the 1990 outdoor season, and when he returned to competition, was unable to recapture the dominance he had imposed during the 1980s. His appearance at the World Championships, in 1991 at Tokyo, was a barely noticed eleventh in the 1500 m. A few days after the 1991 World Championships he won a race in Cologne where he defeated most of the 1500 m elite except the world champion Noureddine Morceli who was absent.
1992 started very promisingly for Aouita as he set a new world indoor record over 3000 m in Athens. However, the IAAF refused to ratify the record for formal reasons. In May Aouita won the Mile at the New York Games and a 1000 m race in Jena. However, due to injury problems he did not participate in the Olympic Games in Barcelona. Further comeback attempts in 1993 and 1995 failed.
After his athletics career ended, Aouita worked with mixed success as a national distance coach in Morocco and Australia. In September 2008, Aouita became the Moroccan athletics' team's technical director. Aouita also became an analyst for Al Jazeera Sports.
Sa'id Aouita see Aouita, Sa'id
Aouita, Sa'id (Sa'id Aouita) (b. November 2, 1959 [1960?]). Moroccan runner who is considered by many track and field experts to have been the most versatile runner that ever lived. At one time Aouita held the world record in five running events: the 1500, 2000, 3000, and 5000 meters and two miles. He was also a two-time Olympic medalist who captured the gold medal in the 5000 meters at the 1984 Olympic Games in Los Angeles and the bronze medal in the 800 meters at the 1988 Games in Seoul. A national hero in Morocco, Aouita’s picture came to be displayed next to that of King Hassan II’s portrait in many Moroccan shops and other public places.
After years of disappearance from the Moroccan athletics scene he returned as the technical director of the Moroccan national team. He is also an analyst for Al Jazeera Sports.
Born in Kenitra, Morocco, Saïd Aouita dominated middle distance running in the 1980s at all distances between 800 meters and 5000 meters. He raced and won against the Olympic champions Joaquim Cruz, Peter Rono, John Ngugi and Alberto Cova over their respective main distances. Between September 1983 and September 1990 he won 115 of his 119 races. The defeats were against world champion Steve Cram over 1500 m, Olympic bronze medalist Alessandro Lambruschini over 3000 m steeplechase, Olympic champions Joaquin Cruz and Paul Ereng over 800 m and world champion Yobes Ondieki over 5000 m.
Aouita's first major international competition was the 1983 World Championships held in Helsinki where he contested the 1500 m. In the final, the pace dawdled for the first 1000 m, tactics that did not suit Aouita, and he was outkicked by the kickers, finishing third. After this experience, Aouita decided to run 5000 m at the Los Angeles Olympics. The 5000 m final was run at a very fast pace set by Antonio Leitão from Portugal, which suited Aouita much better than the tactics used in Helsinki. He stayed behind Leitão and then sprinted past him on the last lap to win.
In the next season, Aouita ran two world records: at first in 5000 m (13:00.40) and then in 1500 m (3:29.46). Aouita's 1500 m world record was remarkable for its slow start. Aouita passed the first 400 m in a mediocre time of 57.0 seconds, at 800 m he was still just under 1:54 min before he accelerated dramatically. These outstanding achievements were preceded by Aouita's most bitter defeat. In a 1500 m race in Nizza Steve Cram became the first man to run under 3:30 minutes. Aouita sprinted the final 100 m of that race in 13.2 s (not the 11.8 that is often quoted; this was for the last 90m!) and nearly caught Cram, but his dream of being the first man under the magic barrier was destroyed. In 1986, Aouita was the overall winner of the IAAF Grand Prix series. In 1987, Aouita broke Steve Cram's 2000 m world record with a time of 4:50.81. Only six days later, he broke his own world record for 5000 m, and in the process became the first man to break 13 minutes, finishing in 12:58.39.
For the World Championships held later that year, Aouita had provisionally entered the 800 m, 1500 m, 5000 m and 10 000 m (probably to keep his opponents guessing), but eventually decided just to contest the 5000 m. In the 5000 m final, John Ngugi from Kenya set a fair pace, but by no means fast. Aouita, always in control of the race, made his move just before the bell, leading a mass sprint for the finish that he won in 13:26.44.
Aouita sought new challenges for himself in the Olympic year of 1988. Instead of staying within the comparative security of 5000 m competition, the distance at which he was the reigning Olympic and World champion, he decided to concentrate his efforts on the shorter distances. At the Seoul Olympics he attempted to try the 800 m/1500 m double. Aouita easily won his heat and semi-final in the 800 m, but had his left leg heavily bandaged to protect a recently sprained hamstring. In the 800 m final, a very fast pace was set to try to nullify Aouita's fast finish. Aouita ran according to his race plan, but in the end he was outkicked by the 800 m specialists and finished third. His bronze medal made him the only man in Olympic history to win medals at both the 800 m and 5000 m. However, the race had aggravated his hamstring injury, and although he qualified for the semi-finals of the 1500 m, he withdrew before they started.
In the next year, Aouita won the World Indoor Championships in 3000 m. Later, he ran his last world record, breaking Henry Rono's record in 3000 m by the time of 7:29.45. Aouita did not compete in the 1990 outdoor season, and when he returned to competition, was unable to recapture the dominance he had imposed during the 1980s. His appearance at the World Championships, in 1991 at Tokyo, was a barely noticed eleventh in the 1500 m. A few days after the 1991 World Championships he won a race in Cologne where he defeated most of the 1500 m elite except the world champion Noureddine Morceli who was absent.
1992 started very promisingly for Aouita as he set a new world indoor record over 3000 m in Athens. However, the IAAF refused to ratify the record for formal reasons. In May Aouita won the Mile at the New York Games and a 1000 m race in Jena. However, due to injury problems he did not participate in the Olympic Games in Barcelona. Further comeback attempts in 1993 and 1995 failed.
After his athletics career ended, Aouita worked with mixed success as a national distance coach in Morocco and Australia. In September 2008, Aouita became the Moroccan athletics' team's technical director. Aouita also became an analyst for Al Jazeera Sports.
Sa'id Aouita see Aouita, Sa'id
Aoun, Michel
Aoun, Michel (Michel Aoun) (Michel Nairn Aoun) (b. February 19, 1935). Lebanese military leader and politician who was the prime minister of a military government from September 22, 1988 to October 13, 1990 (after November 1989 without the support of the elected president) during the Lebanese Civil War. He was defeated by Syria in the war of liberation and forced into exile. He returned to Lebanon on May 7, 2005, eleven days after the withdrawal of Syrian troops. Known as "General," Aoun became a Parliament Member. He led the "Free Patriotic Movement" party.
.
Aoun was born in the mixed Christian and Shi'ite Beirut suburb of Haret Hraik (Haret Hreik), as son of poor Maronite parents. In 1941, his family was forced to move out of their house as British and Australian troops occupied it. In 1955, he finished his secondary education, and became a cadet officer at the Military Academy. In 1958, he graduated as an artillery officer in the army. He went to France to receive further military training at Chalons-sur-Marnes. He graduated the following year.
In 1966, Aoun obtained military training at Fort Sill in the United States and, in 1978, he went to France for more military training at Ecole Superieure de Guerre. In 1980, he returned to Lebanon, where he soon was appointed head of the Defense Brigade, which was stationed along the Green Line that separated West and East Beirut. In 1982, Aoun became the commander of the new 8th Brigade, a multi-confessional army unit. In 1984, he was promoted to brigadier general and military chief of staff. Among his most important tasks, at this time, was to preserve the unity of the army.
On September 22, 1988, Aoun was appointed by the outgoing president Amin Gemayel (15 minutes before his resignation, and behind the back of the Syrians who wanted a pro-Syrian candidate or a weak one) to head a temporary military government. The area under his control at this point was very small: East Beirut and surrounding suburbs.
In February 1989, Aoun had his army take control over the harbor of Beirut, which came to involve military actions against fellow Maronite Christians. In March 1989, as prime minister, Aoun declared a war of liberation against Syria. In September 1989, Aoun agreed to a cease fire, as he realized that he would not get the international aid he needed. In October 1989, even though the National Reconciliation Charter received support from most Muslim and Christian parliamentarians, Aoun rejected it. On November 5, 1989, Aoun ignored the power of newly elected president Rene Muawad. On November 24, 1989, as had been the case with Muawad, Aoun ignored the new president Elias Hrawi. Hrawi responded by dismissing Aoun, but Aoun continued to stay in the presidential palace and call himself prime minister.
In January 1990, heavy fighting erupted between Aoun’s troops and the Lebanese Forces, who were Christians just like Aoun himself as well as Aoun’s supporters. Nevertheless, Aoun was able to control thirty-five percent of the Christian parts of Beirut, with surrounding areas about 750 square kilometers altogether. In October 1990, following an air and ground campaign, Lebanese and Syrian troops were able to defeat Aoun and his soldiers. Aoun took refuge in the French embassy, from where he conducted negotiations for a cease fire.
In August 1991, Aoun departed for France after the Lebanese government had granted him conditional amnesty and the French president had granted asylum.
In January 1999, Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri noted that Aoun could return to Lebanon with a guarantee that he would not be arrested. However, uncertainty on how Syria would act, still put Aoun’s return well into the future.
In 2003, an avowed Aounist candidate, Hikmat Deeb, came surprisingly close to winning a key by-election in the Baabda-Aley constituency with the endorsement of such right-wing figures as Solange and Nadim Gemayel (the widow and son of former President-elect Bashir Gemayel, who was assassinated in 1982), as well as leftists like George Hawi of the Lebanese Communist Party, although most of the opposition (constituted mainly of Qornet Shehwan Gathering) supported the government candidate, Henry Hélou. Aoun's ability to attract support from key figures of both the left and right revealed that he was a force to be reckoned with.
Aoun ended 15 years of exile when he returned to Lebanon on May 7, 2005, 11 days after the withdrawal of the Syrian army from Lebanon. On May 8, 2005, Aoun was visited by a large delegation from the disbanded Lebanese Forces (LF), who were among Aoun's former enemies. Aoun and Sitrida Geagea, wife of the imprisoned LF leader Samir Geagea (since released), publicly reconciled. Aoun later visited Geagea in prison (he was the first of all opposition leaders to do so) and called for his release. Other prominent visitors that day and the next included National Liberal Party leader Dory Chamoun, Solange Gemayel , Nayla Moawad (widow of assassinated President René Moawad), and opposition MP Boutros Harb. Patriarch Nasrallah Cardinal Sfeir of the Maronite community sent a delegation to welcome him, and even the Shiite Muslim Hizbullah Party sent a delegation.
In the parliamentary election at the end of May 2005, Aoun surprised many observers by entering into electoral alliances with a number of former opponents, including some pro-Syrian politicians including Michel Murr and Suleiman Frangieh, Jr. The 14 March coalition did the same however by forming the Quadruple alliance with Hezbollah and Amal, two of the biggest pro-Syrian parties in Lebanon. Aoun opposed the March 14 parliamentary coalition which included the Future Movement, the Progressive Socialist Party, the Lebanese Forces and some other parties.
In the third round of voting, Aoun's party, the Free Patriotic Movement, made a strong showing, winning 21 of the 58 seats contested in that round, including almost all of the seats in the Christian heartland of Mount Lebanon. Aoun himself was elected to the National Assembly. In the fourth and final round, however, the FPM failed to win any seats in Northern Lebanon due mainly to the 2000 electoral law that gave the pro-Hariri Muslim community of Tripoli an easy veto over any Christian candidate in its electoral district, thus falling short of its objective of holding the balance of power between the main "anti-Syrian" opposition coalition (formerly known to be Syria's strong allies) led by Sa'ad Hariri (which won an absolute majority) and the Shiite-dominated Amal-Hezbollah alliance.
In an unprecedented move, Aoun signed a Memorandum Of Understanding with Hezbollah on February 6, 2006.
Aoun was a Maronite Christian, but he was always able to cooperate with Muslim representatives, and considered as impartial in sectarian issues. Through his years on the political arena, Aoun managed to make many enemies as well as friends. He was characterized as hard-hearted and uncompromising, but also as a man of great integrity. During his years in politics, he became popular among ordinary Muslims, much helped by his military campaign against fellow Christians in 1989. However, the political elite of Lebanon saw him as an uncontrollable rebel, while Hafez al-Assad of Syria came to detest him for working against Assad's plans for taking control of Lebanon. Aoun never gave in to any Syrian pressure nor did he give up any Lebanese sovereignty. From his exile in France, he criticized the Syrian presence in Lebanon. Aoun had many supporters in Lebanon, and he became one of the most popular politicians among Muslims. His supporters formed a movement called Free National Current (later the Free Patriotic Movement) which, among many issues, dealt with criticism of the presence of Syrian workers in Lebanon.
Michel Aoun see Aoun, Michel
Michel Nairn Aoun see Aoun, Michel
"General" see Aoun, Michel
Aoun, Michel (Michel Aoun) (Michel Nairn Aoun) (b. February 19, 1935). Lebanese military leader and politician who was the prime minister of a military government from September 22, 1988 to October 13, 1990 (after November 1989 without the support of the elected president) during the Lebanese Civil War. He was defeated by Syria in the war of liberation and forced into exile. He returned to Lebanon on May 7, 2005, eleven days after the withdrawal of Syrian troops. Known as "General," Aoun became a Parliament Member. He led the "Free Patriotic Movement" party.
.
Aoun was born in the mixed Christian and Shi'ite Beirut suburb of Haret Hraik (Haret Hreik), as son of poor Maronite parents. In 1941, his family was forced to move out of their house as British and Australian troops occupied it. In 1955, he finished his secondary education, and became a cadet officer at the Military Academy. In 1958, he graduated as an artillery officer in the army. He went to France to receive further military training at Chalons-sur-Marnes. He graduated the following year.
In 1966, Aoun obtained military training at Fort Sill in the United States and, in 1978, he went to France for more military training at Ecole Superieure de Guerre. In 1980, he returned to Lebanon, where he soon was appointed head of the Defense Brigade, which was stationed along the Green Line that separated West and East Beirut. In 1982, Aoun became the commander of the new 8th Brigade, a multi-confessional army unit. In 1984, he was promoted to brigadier general and military chief of staff. Among his most important tasks, at this time, was to preserve the unity of the army.
On September 22, 1988, Aoun was appointed by the outgoing president Amin Gemayel (15 minutes before his resignation, and behind the back of the Syrians who wanted a pro-Syrian candidate or a weak one) to head a temporary military government. The area under his control at this point was very small: East Beirut and surrounding suburbs.
In February 1989, Aoun had his army take control over the harbor of Beirut, which came to involve military actions against fellow Maronite Christians. In March 1989, as prime minister, Aoun declared a war of liberation against Syria. In September 1989, Aoun agreed to a cease fire, as he realized that he would not get the international aid he needed. In October 1989, even though the National Reconciliation Charter received support from most Muslim and Christian parliamentarians, Aoun rejected it. On November 5, 1989, Aoun ignored the power of newly elected president Rene Muawad. On November 24, 1989, as had been the case with Muawad, Aoun ignored the new president Elias Hrawi. Hrawi responded by dismissing Aoun, but Aoun continued to stay in the presidential palace and call himself prime minister.
In January 1990, heavy fighting erupted between Aoun’s troops and the Lebanese Forces, who were Christians just like Aoun himself as well as Aoun’s supporters. Nevertheless, Aoun was able to control thirty-five percent of the Christian parts of Beirut, with surrounding areas about 750 square kilometers altogether. In October 1990, following an air and ground campaign, Lebanese and Syrian troops were able to defeat Aoun and his soldiers. Aoun took refuge in the French embassy, from where he conducted negotiations for a cease fire.
In August 1991, Aoun departed for France after the Lebanese government had granted him conditional amnesty and the French president had granted asylum.
In January 1999, Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri noted that Aoun could return to Lebanon with a guarantee that he would not be arrested. However, uncertainty on how Syria would act, still put Aoun’s return well into the future.
In 2003, an avowed Aounist candidate, Hikmat Deeb, came surprisingly close to winning a key by-election in the Baabda-Aley constituency with the endorsement of such right-wing figures as Solange and Nadim Gemayel (the widow and son of former President-elect Bashir Gemayel, who was assassinated in 1982), as well as leftists like George Hawi of the Lebanese Communist Party, although most of the opposition (constituted mainly of Qornet Shehwan Gathering) supported the government candidate, Henry Hélou. Aoun's ability to attract support from key figures of both the left and right revealed that he was a force to be reckoned with.
Aoun ended 15 years of exile when he returned to Lebanon on May 7, 2005, 11 days after the withdrawal of the Syrian army from Lebanon. On May 8, 2005, Aoun was visited by a large delegation from the disbanded Lebanese Forces (LF), who were among Aoun's former enemies. Aoun and Sitrida Geagea, wife of the imprisoned LF leader Samir Geagea (since released), publicly reconciled. Aoun later visited Geagea in prison (he was the first of all opposition leaders to do so) and called for his release. Other prominent visitors that day and the next included National Liberal Party leader Dory Chamoun, Solange Gemayel , Nayla Moawad (widow of assassinated President René Moawad), and opposition MP Boutros Harb. Patriarch Nasrallah Cardinal Sfeir of the Maronite community sent a delegation to welcome him, and even the Shiite Muslim Hizbullah Party sent a delegation.
In the parliamentary election at the end of May 2005, Aoun surprised many observers by entering into electoral alliances with a number of former opponents, including some pro-Syrian politicians including Michel Murr and Suleiman Frangieh, Jr. The 14 March coalition did the same however by forming the Quadruple alliance with Hezbollah and Amal, two of the biggest pro-Syrian parties in Lebanon. Aoun opposed the March 14 parliamentary coalition which included the Future Movement, the Progressive Socialist Party, the Lebanese Forces and some other parties.
In the third round of voting, Aoun's party, the Free Patriotic Movement, made a strong showing, winning 21 of the 58 seats contested in that round, including almost all of the seats in the Christian heartland of Mount Lebanon. Aoun himself was elected to the National Assembly. In the fourth and final round, however, the FPM failed to win any seats in Northern Lebanon due mainly to the 2000 electoral law that gave the pro-Hariri Muslim community of Tripoli an easy veto over any Christian candidate in its electoral district, thus falling short of its objective of holding the balance of power between the main "anti-Syrian" opposition coalition (formerly known to be Syria's strong allies) led by Sa'ad Hariri (which won an absolute majority) and the Shiite-dominated Amal-Hezbollah alliance.
In an unprecedented move, Aoun signed a Memorandum Of Understanding with Hezbollah on February 6, 2006.
Aoun was a Maronite Christian, but he was always able to cooperate with Muslim representatives, and considered as impartial in sectarian issues. Through his years on the political arena, Aoun managed to make many enemies as well as friends. He was characterized as hard-hearted and uncompromising, but also as a man of great integrity. During his years in politics, he became popular among ordinary Muslims, much helped by his military campaign against fellow Christians in 1989. However, the political elite of Lebanon saw him as an uncontrollable rebel, while Hafez al-Assad of Syria came to detest him for working against Assad's plans for taking control of Lebanon. Aoun never gave in to any Syrian pressure nor did he give up any Lebanese sovereignty. From his exile in France, he criticized the Syrian presence in Lebanon. Aoun had many supporters in Lebanon, and he became one of the most popular politicians among Muslims. His supporters formed a movement called Free National Current (later the Free Patriotic Movement) which, among many issues, dealt with criticism of the presence of Syrian workers in Lebanon.
Michel Aoun see Aoun, Michel
Michel Nairn Aoun see Aoun, Michel
"General" see Aoun, Michel
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