Anatolian Seljuks
Anatolian Seljuks (also known as the Rum Seljuks). Turkish dynasty in Anatolia (r. 1077-1308). Their main capitals were Iznik (Nicaea) and, from 1116, Konya. The Anatolian Seljuks are a branch of the Great Seljuks who occupied Anatolian territory after the victory of Malazgirt (1071). Their founding father was Kutalmish, who was a cousin of the Seljuk rulers Tughril and Chaghri. His son, Suleyman I (1077-1086), conquered Iznik in 1078. Initially, under the formal authority of the Great Seljuks, the Anatolian Seljuks acquired far-reaching autonomy during the conflicts of the Crusades. The first period of prosperity came under Kilic Arslan II (Qilij Arslan II -- 1156-1188/92), who until 1178 had control of the Danishmendids’ (Danishmend's) territory. The fragmentation of the empire resulting from its division between his 12 sons in 1192 was consolidated only after 1204 under Giyath al-Din Kaikhusrau I (1204-1211). Following a period of political and cultural prosperity under Izz al-Din Kaikavus I (1211-1219) and Ala al-Din Kaiqubad (1219-1237), the political decline began. After 1240, there came territorial losses, a defeat by the Mongols (at Kose Dagi near Ankara, 1243), and the plundering of the Anatolian Seljuk lands, after which they retreated to Antalya. From 1279, they were under the supreme authority of the Persian Ilkhanids, who made the Anatolian Seljuk territory a province of their empire in 1308.
The Sultanate of Rûm was a Seljuk Turkic sultanate that ruled much of Anatolia in direct lineage from 1077 to 1308, with capitals first at İznik and then at Konya. Since the court of the sultanate was highly mobile, cities like Kayseri and Sivas also functioned at times as capitals. At its height the sultanate stretched across central Turkey from the Antalya-Alanya shoreline on the Mediterranean coast to the territory of Sinop on the Black Sea. In the east, the sultanate absorbed other Turkish states and reached Lake Van. Its westernmost limit was near Denizli and the gates of the Aegean basin.
The term "Rûm" comes from the Arabic word for Rome. The Seljuks called the lands of their sultanate Rum because it had been established on territory long considered "Roman", i.e. Byzantine, by Muslim armies. Modern Turkish historians use the term Anadolu Selçukluları ("Anatolian Seljuk Sultanate") or, more recently, Türkiye Selçukluları ("Seljuks of Turkey"). The state is occasionally called the Sultanate of Konya or Sultanate of Iconium in older western sources.
The sultanate prospered, particularly during the late 12th and early 13th centuries when it took from the Byzantines key ports on the Mediterranean and Black Sea coasts. Within Anatolia, the Seljuks fostered trade through a program of caravanserai-building, which facilitated the flow of goods from Iran and Central Asia to the ports. Especially strong trade ties with the Genoese formed during this period. The increased wealth allowed the sultanate to absorb other Turkish states that had been established in eastern Anatolia after the Battle of Manzikert: the Danishmends, the Mengücek, the Saltuklu, and the Artuklu. Seljuk sultans successfully bore the brunt of the Crusades but in 1243 succumbed to the advancing Mongols. The Seljuks became vassals of the Mongols, and despite the efforts of shrewd administrators to preserve the state's integrity, the power of the sultanate disintegrated during the second half of the 13th century and had disappeared completely by the first decade of the 14th.
In its final decades, the territory of the Seljuk Sultanate of Rûm saw the emergence of a number of small principalities or beyliks, among which that of the Osmanoğlu, known later as the Ottomans, rose to dominance.
In the 1070s, the Seljuk commander Suleyman bin Kutalmish, a distant cousin of Malik Shah and a former contender for the throne of the Great Seljuk Empire, came to power in western Anatolia. In 1075, he captured the Byzantine cities of Nicaea (İznik) and Nicomedia (İzmit). Two years later he declared himself sultan of an independent Seljuk state and established his capital at İznik.
Suleyman was killed in Antioch in 1086 by Tutush I, the Seljuk ruler of Syria, and Suleyman's son Kilij Arslan I was imprisoned. When Malik Shah died in 1092, Kilij Arslan was released and immediately established himself in his father's territories. He was eventually defeated by soldiers of the First Crusade and driven back into south-central Anatolia, where he set up his state with his capital in Konya. In 1107, he ventured east and captured Mosul but died the same year fighting Malik Shah’s son Mehmed Tapar.
Meanwhile, another Rum Seljuk, Melikshah (not to be confused with the Great Seljuk sultan of the same name), captured Konya. In 1116 Kilij Arslan's son, Mesud I took the city with the help of the Danishmends. Upon Mesud's death in 1156, the sultanate controlled nearly all of central Anatolia. Mesud's son, Kilij Arslan II, captured the remaining territories around Sivas and Malatya from the last of the Danishmends. At the Battle of Myriokephalon in 1176, Kilij Arslan also defeated a Byzantine army led by Manuel I Comnenus, dealing a major blow to Byzantine power in the region. Despite a temporary occupation of Konya in 1190 by German forces of the Third Crusade, the sultanate was quick to recover and consolidate its power.
After the death of the last sultan of Great Seljuk, Tuğrul III, in 1194, the Seljuks of Rum became the sole ruling representatives of the dynasty. Kaykhusraw I seized Konya from the Crusaders in 1205. Under his rule and those of his two successors, Kaykaus I and Kayqubad I, Seljuk power in Anatolia reached its apogee. Kaykhusraw's most important achievement was the capture of the harbor of Attalia (Antalya) on the Mediterranean coast in 1207. His son Kaykaus captured Sinop and made the Empire of Trebizond his vassal in 1214. He also subjugated Cilician Armenia but in 1218 was forced to surrender the city of Aleppo acquired from al-Kamil. Kayqubad continued to acquire lands along the Mediterranean coast from 1221 to 1225. In the 1220s, he sent an expeditionary force across the Black Sea to Crimea. In the east he defeated the Mengüceks and began to pressure on the Artukid.
Kaykhusraw II (1237–1246) began his reign by capturing the region around Diyarbekir, but in 1239 he had to face an uprising led by a popular preacher named Baba Ishak. After three years, when he had finally quelled the revolt, the Crimean foothold was lost and the state and the sultanate's army was weakened. It was under these conditions that Kaykhusraw II had to face a far more dangerous threat, that of the expanding Mongols. Mongol forces took Erzurum in 1242 and in 1243, the sultan was crushed by Bayju in the Battle of Köse Dag (a mountain between the cities of Sivas and Erzincan) and the Seljuks thereafter began to owe allegiance to the Mongols and gradually became their vassals. The sultan himself fled to Antalya after the 1243 battle. He died in Antalya in 1246. His death started a period of tripartite, and then dual rule that lasted until 1260.
The Seljuk realm was divided among Kaykhusraw's three sons. The eldest, Kaykaus II (r.1246–1260), assumed the rule in the area west of the river Kızılırmak. His younger brothers, Kilij Arslan IV (r.1248–1265) and Kayqubad II (r.1249–1257) were set to rule the regions east of the river under Mongol administration. In October 1256, Bayju defeated Kaykaus II near Aksaray and all of Anatolia became officially subject to Möngke Khan. In 1260 Kaykaus II fled from Konya to Crimea where he died in 1279. Kilij Arslan IV was executed in 1265 and Kaykhusraw III (r.1265–1284) became the nominal ruler of all of Anatolia, with the tangible power exercised either by the Mongols or the sultan's influential regents.
The Seljuk state started to split into small emirates (Beyliks) that increasingly distanced themselves from both Mongol and Seljuk control. In 1277, responding to a call from Anatolia, the Mameluk sultan Baybars raided Anatolia and defeated the Mongols, temporarily replacing them as the administrator of the Seljuk realm. But since the native forces who had called him to Anatolia did not manifest themselves for the defense of the land, he had to return to his homebase in Egypt, and the Mongol administration was re-assumed, officially and severely.
Towards the end of his reign, Kaykhusraw III could claim direct sovereignty only over lands around Konya. Some of the Beyliks (including the Ottomans in their very beginnings) and Seljuk governors of Anatolia continued to recognize, albeit nominally, the supremacy of the sultan in Konya, delivering the khutba in the name of the sultans in Konya in recognition of their sovereignty, and the sultans continued to call themselves Fahreddin, the Pride of Islam. When Kaykhusraw III was executed in 1284, the Seljuk dynasty suffered another blow from internal struggles which lasted until 1303 when the son of Kaykaus II, Mesud II, established himself as sultan in Kayseri. He was murdered in 1307 as well as his son Mesud III soon afterwards. A distant relative to the Seljuk dynasty momentarily installed himself as emir of Konya, but he was defeated and his lands conquered by the Karamanoğlu in 1328. The sultanate's monetary sphere of influence lasted slightly longer and coins of Seljuk mint, generally considered to be of reliable value, continued to be used throughout the 14th century, once again, including by the Ottomans.
The exceptional period that flourished in Anatolia in the 12th and the 13th centuries, between the Crusades and the Mongol invasion, is marked by outstanding works of architecture and decorative arts. Among these, the caravanserais (or hans), used as stops, trading posts and defense for caravans, and of which about a hundred structures were built during the Anatolian Seljuks period, are particularly remarkable. Their unequalled concentration in time and in Anatolian geography represent some of the most distinctive and impressive constructions in the entire history of Islamic architecture.
The largest caravanserai is the 1229-built Sultan Han on the road between the cities of Konya and Aksaray, in the township of Sultanhanı, enclosing 3,900 square meters. There are two caravanserais that carry the name "Sultan Han", the other one being between Kayseri and Sivas. Furthermore, apart from Sultanhanı, five other towns across Turkey owe their names to caravanserais built there. These are Alacahan in Kangal, Durağan, Hekimhan and Kadınhanı, as well as the township of Akkale/Akhan within Denizli metropolitan area. The caravanserai of Hekimhan is unique in having, underneath the usual inscription in Arabic with information relating to the edifice, two further inscriptions in Armenian and Syriac, since it was constructed by the sultan Kayqubad I's doctor (hekim) who is thought to have been a Christian by his origins, and to have converted to Islam. There are other particular cases like the settlement in Kalehisar site (contiguous to an ancient Hittite site) near Alaca, founded by the Seljuk commander Hüsameddin Temurlu who had taken refuge in the region after the defeat in the Battle of Köse Dağ, and had founded a township comprising a castle, a medrese (madrasa), a habitation zone and a caravanserai, which were later abandoned apparently around the 16th century. All but the caravanserai, which remains undiscovered, was explored in the 1960s by the art historian/Ottoman archaeologist Oktay Aslanapa, and the finds as well as a number of documents attest to the existence of a vivid settlement on the site, such as a 1463-dated Ottoman firman which instructs the headmaster of the medrese to lodge not in the school but in the caravanserai.
As regards the names of the sultans, there are variants in form and spelling depending on the preferences displayed by one source or the other, either for fidelity in transliterating the Persian-influenced variant of the Arabic script which the sultans used, or for a rendering corresponding to the modern Turkish phonology and orthography. Some sultans had two names that they chose to use alternatively in reference to their legacy. While the two palaces built by Alaeddin Keykubad I carry the names Kubadabad Palace and Keykubadiye Palace, he named his mosque in Konya as Alaeddin Mosque and the port city of Alanya he had captured as "Alaiye". Similarly, the medrese built by Gıyaseddin Keyhüsrev I in Kayseri, within the complex (külliye) dedicated to his sister Gevher Nesibe, was named Gıyasiye Medrese, and the one built by Izzeddin Keykavus I in Sivas as Izzediye Medrese.
The Anatolian Seljuk sultans were:
Kutalmish 1060-1077 Contended with Alp Arslan for succession to Great Seljuk throne.
Süleyman I bin Kutalmish 1077-1086 Founder of Anatolian Seljuk Sultanate with capital in İznik
Kilij Arslan I 1092-1107 First sultan in Konya
Melikshah 1107-1116
Masud I 1116-1156
'Izz al-Din Kilij Arslan II 1156-1192
Giyath al-Din Kaykhusraw I 1192-1196 First reign
Rukn al-Din Suleymanshah II 1196-1204
Kilij Arslan III 1204-1205
Giyath al-Din Kaykhusraw I 1205-1211 Second reign
'Izz al-Din Kayka'us I 1211-1220
'Ala al-Din Kayqubad I 1220-1237
Giyath al-Din Kaykhusraw II 1237-1246 After his death, sultanate split until 1260 when Kilij Arslan IV remained the sole ruler
'Izz al-Din Kayka'us II 1246-1260
Rukn al-Din Kilij Arslan IV 1248-1265
'Ala al-Din Kayqubad II 1249-1257
Giyath al-Din Kaykhusraw III 1265-1284
Giyath al-Din Masud II 1284-1296 First reign
'Ala al-Din Kayqubad III 1298-1302
Giyath al-Din Masud II 1303-1308 Second reign
Rum Seljuks see Anatolian Seljuks
Seljuks see Anatolian Seljuks
Anatolian Seljuks (also known as the Rum Seljuks). Turkish dynasty in Anatolia (r. 1077-1308). Their main capitals were Iznik (Nicaea) and, from 1116, Konya. The Anatolian Seljuks are a branch of the Great Seljuks who occupied Anatolian territory after the victory of Malazgirt (1071). Their founding father was Kutalmish, who was a cousin of the Seljuk rulers Tughril and Chaghri. His son, Suleyman I (1077-1086), conquered Iznik in 1078. Initially, under the formal authority of the Great Seljuks, the Anatolian Seljuks acquired far-reaching autonomy during the conflicts of the Crusades. The first period of prosperity came under Kilic Arslan II (Qilij Arslan II -- 1156-1188/92), who until 1178 had control of the Danishmendids’ (Danishmend's) territory. The fragmentation of the empire resulting from its division between his 12 sons in 1192 was consolidated only after 1204 under Giyath al-Din Kaikhusrau I (1204-1211). Following a period of political and cultural prosperity under Izz al-Din Kaikavus I (1211-1219) and Ala al-Din Kaiqubad (1219-1237), the political decline began. After 1240, there came territorial losses, a defeat by the Mongols (at Kose Dagi near Ankara, 1243), and the plundering of the Anatolian Seljuk lands, after which they retreated to Antalya. From 1279, they were under the supreme authority of the Persian Ilkhanids, who made the Anatolian Seljuk territory a province of their empire in 1308.
The Sultanate of Rûm was a Seljuk Turkic sultanate that ruled much of Anatolia in direct lineage from 1077 to 1308, with capitals first at İznik and then at Konya. Since the court of the sultanate was highly mobile, cities like Kayseri and Sivas also functioned at times as capitals. At its height the sultanate stretched across central Turkey from the Antalya-Alanya shoreline on the Mediterranean coast to the territory of Sinop on the Black Sea. In the east, the sultanate absorbed other Turkish states and reached Lake Van. Its westernmost limit was near Denizli and the gates of the Aegean basin.
The term "Rûm" comes from the Arabic word for Rome. The Seljuks called the lands of their sultanate Rum because it had been established on territory long considered "Roman", i.e. Byzantine, by Muslim armies. Modern Turkish historians use the term Anadolu Selçukluları ("Anatolian Seljuk Sultanate") or, more recently, Türkiye Selçukluları ("Seljuks of Turkey"). The state is occasionally called the Sultanate of Konya or Sultanate of Iconium in older western sources.
The sultanate prospered, particularly during the late 12th and early 13th centuries when it took from the Byzantines key ports on the Mediterranean and Black Sea coasts. Within Anatolia, the Seljuks fostered trade through a program of caravanserai-building, which facilitated the flow of goods from Iran and Central Asia to the ports. Especially strong trade ties with the Genoese formed during this period. The increased wealth allowed the sultanate to absorb other Turkish states that had been established in eastern Anatolia after the Battle of Manzikert: the Danishmends, the Mengücek, the Saltuklu, and the Artuklu. Seljuk sultans successfully bore the brunt of the Crusades but in 1243 succumbed to the advancing Mongols. The Seljuks became vassals of the Mongols, and despite the efforts of shrewd administrators to preserve the state's integrity, the power of the sultanate disintegrated during the second half of the 13th century and had disappeared completely by the first decade of the 14th.
In its final decades, the territory of the Seljuk Sultanate of Rûm saw the emergence of a number of small principalities or beyliks, among which that of the Osmanoğlu, known later as the Ottomans, rose to dominance.
In the 1070s, the Seljuk commander Suleyman bin Kutalmish, a distant cousin of Malik Shah and a former contender for the throne of the Great Seljuk Empire, came to power in western Anatolia. In 1075, he captured the Byzantine cities of Nicaea (İznik) and Nicomedia (İzmit). Two years later he declared himself sultan of an independent Seljuk state and established his capital at İznik.
Suleyman was killed in Antioch in 1086 by Tutush I, the Seljuk ruler of Syria, and Suleyman's son Kilij Arslan I was imprisoned. When Malik Shah died in 1092, Kilij Arslan was released and immediately established himself in his father's territories. He was eventually defeated by soldiers of the First Crusade and driven back into south-central Anatolia, where he set up his state with his capital in Konya. In 1107, he ventured east and captured Mosul but died the same year fighting Malik Shah’s son Mehmed Tapar.
Meanwhile, another Rum Seljuk, Melikshah (not to be confused with the Great Seljuk sultan of the same name), captured Konya. In 1116 Kilij Arslan's son, Mesud I took the city with the help of the Danishmends. Upon Mesud's death in 1156, the sultanate controlled nearly all of central Anatolia. Mesud's son, Kilij Arslan II, captured the remaining territories around Sivas and Malatya from the last of the Danishmends. At the Battle of Myriokephalon in 1176, Kilij Arslan also defeated a Byzantine army led by Manuel I Comnenus, dealing a major blow to Byzantine power in the region. Despite a temporary occupation of Konya in 1190 by German forces of the Third Crusade, the sultanate was quick to recover and consolidate its power.
After the death of the last sultan of Great Seljuk, Tuğrul III, in 1194, the Seljuks of Rum became the sole ruling representatives of the dynasty. Kaykhusraw I seized Konya from the Crusaders in 1205. Under his rule and those of his two successors, Kaykaus I and Kayqubad I, Seljuk power in Anatolia reached its apogee. Kaykhusraw's most important achievement was the capture of the harbor of Attalia (Antalya) on the Mediterranean coast in 1207. His son Kaykaus captured Sinop and made the Empire of Trebizond his vassal in 1214. He also subjugated Cilician Armenia but in 1218 was forced to surrender the city of Aleppo acquired from al-Kamil. Kayqubad continued to acquire lands along the Mediterranean coast from 1221 to 1225. In the 1220s, he sent an expeditionary force across the Black Sea to Crimea. In the east he defeated the Mengüceks and began to pressure on the Artukid.
Kaykhusraw II (1237–1246) began his reign by capturing the region around Diyarbekir, but in 1239 he had to face an uprising led by a popular preacher named Baba Ishak. After three years, when he had finally quelled the revolt, the Crimean foothold was lost and the state and the sultanate's army was weakened. It was under these conditions that Kaykhusraw II had to face a far more dangerous threat, that of the expanding Mongols. Mongol forces took Erzurum in 1242 and in 1243, the sultan was crushed by Bayju in the Battle of Köse Dag (a mountain between the cities of Sivas and Erzincan) and the Seljuks thereafter began to owe allegiance to the Mongols and gradually became their vassals. The sultan himself fled to Antalya after the 1243 battle. He died in Antalya in 1246. His death started a period of tripartite, and then dual rule that lasted until 1260.
The Seljuk realm was divided among Kaykhusraw's three sons. The eldest, Kaykaus II (r.1246–1260), assumed the rule in the area west of the river Kızılırmak. His younger brothers, Kilij Arslan IV (r.1248–1265) and Kayqubad II (r.1249–1257) were set to rule the regions east of the river under Mongol administration. In October 1256, Bayju defeated Kaykaus II near Aksaray and all of Anatolia became officially subject to Möngke Khan. In 1260 Kaykaus II fled from Konya to Crimea where he died in 1279. Kilij Arslan IV was executed in 1265 and Kaykhusraw III (r.1265–1284) became the nominal ruler of all of Anatolia, with the tangible power exercised either by the Mongols or the sultan's influential regents.
The Seljuk state started to split into small emirates (Beyliks) that increasingly distanced themselves from both Mongol and Seljuk control. In 1277, responding to a call from Anatolia, the Mameluk sultan Baybars raided Anatolia and defeated the Mongols, temporarily replacing them as the administrator of the Seljuk realm. But since the native forces who had called him to Anatolia did not manifest themselves for the defense of the land, he had to return to his homebase in Egypt, and the Mongol administration was re-assumed, officially and severely.
Towards the end of his reign, Kaykhusraw III could claim direct sovereignty only over lands around Konya. Some of the Beyliks (including the Ottomans in their very beginnings) and Seljuk governors of Anatolia continued to recognize, albeit nominally, the supremacy of the sultan in Konya, delivering the khutba in the name of the sultans in Konya in recognition of their sovereignty, and the sultans continued to call themselves Fahreddin, the Pride of Islam. When Kaykhusraw III was executed in 1284, the Seljuk dynasty suffered another blow from internal struggles which lasted until 1303 when the son of Kaykaus II, Mesud II, established himself as sultan in Kayseri. He was murdered in 1307 as well as his son Mesud III soon afterwards. A distant relative to the Seljuk dynasty momentarily installed himself as emir of Konya, but he was defeated and his lands conquered by the Karamanoğlu in 1328. The sultanate's monetary sphere of influence lasted slightly longer and coins of Seljuk mint, generally considered to be of reliable value, continued to be used throughout the 14th century, once again, including by the Ottomans.
The exceptional period that flourished in Anatolia in the 12th and the 13th centuries, between the Crusades and the Mongol invasion, is marked by outstanding works of architecture and decorative arts. Among these, the caravanserais (or hans), used as stops, trading posts and defense for caravans, and of which about a hundred structures were built during the Anatolian Seljuks period, are particularly remarkable. Their unequalled concentration in time and in Anatolian geography represent some of the most distinctive and impressive constructions in the entire history of Islamic architecture.
The largest caravanserai is the 1229-built Sultan Han on the road between the cities of Konya and Aksaray, in the township of Sultanhanı, enclosing 3,900 square meters. There are two caravanserais that carry the name "Sultan Han", the other one being between Kayseri and Sivas. Furthermore, apart from Sultanhanı, five other towns across Turkey owe their names to caravanserais built there. These are Alacahan in Kangal, Durağan, Hekimhan and Kadınhanı, as well as the township of Akkale/Akhan within Denizli metropolitan area. The caravanserai of Hekimhan is unique in having, underneath the usual inscription in Arabic with information relating to the edifice, two further inscriptions in Armenian and Syriac, since it was constructed by the sultan Kayqubad I's doctor (hekim) who is thought to have been a Christian by his origins, and to have converted to Islam. There are other particular cases like the settlement in Kalehisar site (contiguous to an ancient Hittite site) near Alaca, founded by the Seljuk commander Hüsameddin Temurlu who had taken refuge in the region after the defeat in the Battle of Köse Dağ, and had founded a township comprising a castle, a medrese (madrasa), a habitation zone and a caravanserai, which were later abandoned apparently around the 16th century. All but the caravanserai, which remains undiscovered, was explored in the 1960s by the art historian/Ottoman archaeologist Oktay Aslanapa, and the finds as well as a number of documents attest to the existence of a vivid settlement on the site, such as a 1463-dated Ottoman firman which instructs the headmaster of the medrese to lodge not in the school but in the caravanserai.
As regards the names of the sultans, there are variants in form and spelling depending on the preferences displayed by one source or the other, either for fidelity in transliterating the Persian-influenced variant of the Arabic script which the sultans used, or for a rendering corresponding to the modern Turkish phonology and orthography. Some sultans had two names that they chose to use alternatively in reference to their legacy. While the two palaces built by Alaeddin Keykubad I carry the names Kubadabad Palace and Keykubadiye Palace, he named his mosque in Konya as Alaeddin Mosque and the port city of Alanya he had captured as "Alaiye". Similarly, the medrese built by Gıyaseddin Keyhüsrev I in Kayseri, within the complex (külliye) dedicated to his sister Gevher Nesibe, was named Gıyasiye Medrese, and the one built by Izzeddin Keykavus I in Sivas as Izzediye Medrese.
The Anatolian Seljuk sultans were:
Kutalmish 1060-1077 Contended with Alp Arslan for succession to Great Seljuk throne.
Süleyman I bin Kutalmish 1077-1086 Founder of Anatolian Seljuk Sultanate with capital in İznik
Kilij Arslan I 1092-1107 First sultan in Konya
Melikshah 1107-1116
Masud I 1116-1156
'Izz al-Din Kilij Arslan II 1156-1192
Giyath al-Din Kaykhusraw I 1192-1196 First reign
Rukn al-Din Suleymanshah II 1196-1204
Kilij Arslan III 1204-1205
Giyath al-Din Kaykhusraw I 1205-1211 Second reign
'Izz al-Din Kayka'us I 1211-1220
'Ala al-Din Kayqubad I 1220-1237
Giyath al-Din Kaykhusraw II 1237-1246 After his death, sultanate split until 1260 when Kilij Arslan IV remained the sole ruler
'Izz al-Din Kayka'us II 1246-1260
Rukn al-Din Kilij Arslan IV 1248-1265
'Ala al-Din Kayqubad II 1249-1257
Giyath al-Din Kaykhusraw III 1265-1284
Giyath al-Din Masud II 1284-1296 First reign
'Ala al-Din Kayqubad III 1298-1302
Giyath al-Din Masud II 1303-1308 Second reign
Rum Seljuks see Anatolian Seljuks
Seljuks see Anatolian Seljuks
Anavatan Partisi
Anavatan Partisi. Governing party of Turkey (r. 1983-1991). The Anavatan Partisi (Motherland Party) is better known by the Turkish acronym "ANAP". It was formed in April 1983 after the military regime that had seized power on September 12, 1980, allowed the return of electoral politics. The junta, which had ruled as the National Security Council (NSC), had dissolved all parties and banned their leaders from political activitiy for periods of five to ten years. The generals thus hoped to introduce “new politics” involving people who had little or no prior political experience. ANAP’s founder Turgut Ozal (1927-1993) was such a figure. Anap soon became identified with him and the vehicle for his ambitions.
Ozal was born in Malatya in eastern Turkey into a humble provincial family, his father a minor bank official and his mother a primary school teacher. His mother, Hafize Hanum, was the stronger influence. She emphasized the importance of education and may have initiated her sons into the Naqshbandi order, to which she was attached. (When she died on May 10, 1988, the cabinet issued an edict permitting Hafize Hanum to be buried in the courtyard of the Suleymaniye mosque near the grave of Mehmed Said Kotku Efendi, a Naqshbandi shaykh.)
After completing his schooling, Turgut Ozal entered Istanbul Technical University, where he met future politicians like Suleyman Demirel, prime minister in the 1960s and 1970s, and Necmettin Erbakan. He graduated in 1950 and entered the bureaucracy as a technocrat. Ozal rose through the ranks and in 1966 became Prime Minister Demirel’s technical adviser. The following year he was appointed undersecretary at the State Planning Organization, where he formed around him a team of like-minded conservatives, many of whom became prominent in ANAP. When Demirel was ousted by the coup of March 12, 1971, Ozal also lost his position. He worked at the World Bank in Washington from 1971 to 1973. There he became infatuated with American technology and know-how. Meanwhile his younger brother, Korkut Ozal joined the Islamist National Salvation Party (Milli Selamet Partisi [MSP]), was elected to parliament in 1973, and became a minister in the 1974 coalition of the Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi) and the MSP. Turgut Ozal stood for election on the MSP ticket in 1977 but lost. Had he been elected, he too would have been disqualified from politics by the NSC. In November 1979, he was appointed Demirel’s economic adviser, a post he continued to hold under the junta until July 1982, when the “Bankers’ scandal” forced him to resign.
ANAP, Ozal claimed, had brought together all the ideological tendencies represented in the recently dissolved parties. The influence of the NSP and the neo-fascist Nationalist Action Party (Milliyetci Hareket Partisi [MHP]) was especially strong and was reflected in the attempt to reconcile ultra-nationslism and Islam with the so-called Turkish Islamic synthesis. ANAP was a center right party that appealed largely to provincial elements most comfortable with the traditional cultural values generally associated with Islam. For example, ANAP women tended to prefer modest attire, including the head scarf or turban, over fashions imported from the West. Such people had had a peripheral political role in the old system. Now they filled the vacuum created by the NSC’s policies. Many of the new politicians were technocrats (like Ozal himself) whose familiarity with the modern world did not go beyond their field of expertise, and they had little appreciation of Western mores or culture. Such people formed the Islamist faction. There was also a secular faction to which Ozal belonged with his wife Semra, an important role model for Turkish women. Ozal mediated between these factions and manipulated them to safeguard his own hegemony in the party.
ANAP won the November 1983 elections largely because only parties approved by the NSC were allowed to run, and ANAP seemed to be the one least tied to the military. However, the policies the ANAP government pursued were virtually laid down by the NSC. In economic matters, Ozal as prime minister continued to favor free market and supply side economics. Ever rising prices and low wages curbed consumption, enabling Turkey to export its goods and improve its balance of payments. Inflation remained very high, hovering between 60 and 85 percent through the 1980s. In order to stay in power, ANAP used patronage with great skill and manipulated the electoral laws to its advantage.
ANAP adopted most of the policies inherited from the NSC in other areas as well. Despite its promise to restore Kemalism, and thus secularism, as the nation’s ideology, the NSC had promoted Islamic indoctrination in schools as the antidote to social democracy and socialism. It went further than any previous government in making religious lessons a statutory part of the curriculum, countering the previous stress upon critical thinking. The Higher Education Law of 1981 even legislated a dress code for students, forbidding beards for men and head scarves for women. This led to protests in the universities. The Saudi-financed organization Rabita ul-Alem ul-Islami (Arabic, Rabitat al-‘Alam al-Islami) was permitted to subsidize the activities of Turkey’s Directorate of Religious Affairs in Europe so as to isolate Turkish workers from foreign ideologies. At home, Saudi influence is thought to have worked through the agency of the Intellectuals’ Hearth (Aydinlar Ocagi). This body, founded in the mid-1970s, planned poltical strategies for Islamist parties and factions and attempted to reconcile nationalism and Islam by proposing a synthesis of the two.
The Islamist faction in ANAP, led by Vehbi Dincler and Mehmed Kececiler, fought hard to further the NSC’s policies in education. They challenged the theory of evolution, claiming that it served only materialism. Like the creationists in America, they wanted “the errors of the theory of evolution exposed and what the Holy Books said about creation to be taught.” The Istanbul daily Cumhuriyet (of September 9, 1985) noted that islamicization of education was causing confusion: “Religion speaks of creation, science of evolution: the students are confused as to what to believe.”
For Anap, state support for religious education was also part of its strategy of remaining in power. Qur’anic schools run by orders like the Naqshbandiyah (Naqshbandiyya) and the Qadiriyah (Qadiriyya) were patronized in return for political support. State run schools for chaplains and preachers (the Imam-Hatip schools) also flourished under ANAP, so that in the 1980s religious education had overtaken secular education – especially in English – and the latter became the preserve of the upper classes.
This strategy failed to bring political rewards in an atmosphere of economic stagnation and high inflation. The voters refused to elect Islamist parties. Despite its generous use of patronage, ANAP’s vote in the 1987 elections declined to thirty-six percent from forty-five percent in 1983. The Welfare Party (Refah Partisi, the MSP reincarnated) failed to win even the ten percent necessary to enter parliament. Thereafter ANAP’s fortunes declined until its popularity had slipped below twenty percent. A struggle between the nationalist and Islamist factions followed Ozal’s election as Turkey’s eighth president in October 1989. Mesut Yilmaz’s election as ANAP’s leader in June 1991 suggested that the modern wing had won, but the party’s defeat in the October 1991 elections left its future hanging in the balance.
Turgut Özal held the position of Prime Minister from 1983 to 1989, then President from 1989 to 1993. During this time, the ANAP leaders transformed the Turkish economy by beginning free-market reforms, particularly cutting down the public area and moving towards privately owned business. In 1987, the ANAP-led government filed for admission into the European Economic Community (EEC), the forerunner of the European Union. However, this attempt to enter the EEC was ended when the ANAP criticized the Customs Union of the EEC and decided the admission terms prescribed by the EEC were not in the best interest of Turkey or its people.
After its longest run, the ANAP had few opportunities to return to leadership. In 1995, the Motherland party formed a brief coalition with the True Path Party (DYP), another center-right oriented party, that allowed their influence to return for a short period of time. Then, from July 1997 to November 1998, the ANAP was returned to the head of government with the leader Mesut Yılmaz. However, The ANAP suffered one of the worst defeats during the April 1999 elections and became the fourth largest political party in Turkey with only fourteen percent (14%) of the votes. Following these elections, ANAP received only 86 of 365 seats in the Parliament. During the 2002 elections, they got only 5.12% of the votes and no seats in Parliament.
In 5 May 2007, it was announced that ANAP and True Path Party would merge to become the Democrat Party (Demokrat Parti). However, this failed and ANAP announced that they wouldn't present themselves for the upcoming elections.
The chief executive member of the party is called the Genel Başkan. He/She is elected by party delegates in biennial party congresses. The party's leaders since its foundation in 1983 are:
Turgut Özal (May 20, 1983 - October 31, 1989)
Yıldırım Akbulut (November 16, 1989 - June 15, 1991)
Mesut Yılmaz (June 15, 1991 - November 4, 2002)
Ali Talip Özdemir (November 18, 2002 - October 3, 2003)
Nesrin Nas (October 15, 2003 - March 21, 2005)
Erkan Mumcu (April 2, 2005 - October 26, 2008)
Salih Uzun (October 26, 2008 - )
(During periods between the resignation or incapacitation of a leader and the election of a new one, the central committee of the party collectively acts as leader.)
Motherland Party see Anavatan Partisi.
Anap see Anavatan Partisi.
ANAP see Anavatan Partisi.
Anavatan Partisi. Governing party of Turkey (r. 1983-1991). The Anavatan Partisi (Motherland Party) is better known by the Turkish acronym "ANAP". It was formed in April 1983 after the military regime that had seized power on September 12, 1980, allowed the return of electoral politics. The junta, which had ruled as the National Security Council (NSC), had dissolved all parties and banned their leaders from political activitiy for periods of five to ten years. The generals thus hoped to introduce “new politics” involving people who had little or no prior political experience. ANAP’s founder Turgut Ozal (1927-1993) was such a figure. Anap soon became identified with him and the vehicle for his ambitions.
Ozal was born in Malatya in eastern Turkey into a humble provincial family, his father a minor bank official and his mother a primary school teacher. His mother, Hafize Hanum, was the stronger influence. She emphasized the importance of education and may have initiated her sons into the Naqshbandi order, to which she was attached. (When she died on May 10, 1988, the cabinet issued an edict permitting Hafize Hanum to be buried in the courtyard of the Suleymaniye mosque near the grave of Mehmed Said Kotku Efendi, a Naqshbandi shaykh.)
After completing his schooling, Turgut Ozal entered Istanbul Technical University, where he met future politicians like Suleyman Demirel, prime minister in the 1960s and 1970s, and Necmettin Erbakan. He graduated in 1950 and entered the bureaucracy as a technocrat. Ozal rose through the ranks and in 1966 became Prime Minister Demirel’s technical adviser. The following year he was appointed undersecretary at the State Planning Organization, where he formed around him a team of like-minded conservatives, many of whom became prominent in ANAP. When Demirel was ousted by the coup of March 12, 1971, Ozal also lost his position. He worked at the World Bank in Washington from 1971 to 1973. There he became infatuated with American technology and know-how. Meanwhile his younger brother, Korkut Ozal joined the Islamist National Salvation Party (Milli Selamet Partisi [MSP]), was elected to parliament in 1973, and became a minister in the 1974 coalition of the Republican People’s Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi) and the MSP. Turgut Ozal stood for election on the MSP ticket in 1977 but lost. Had he been elected, he too would have been disqualified from politics by the NSC. In November 1979, he was appointed Demirel’s economic adviser, a post he continued to hold under the junta until July 1982, when the “Bankers’ scandal” forced him to resign.
ANAP, Ozal claimed, had brought together all the ideological tendencies represented in the recently dissolved parties. The influence of the NSP and the neo-fascist Nationalist Action Party (Milliyetci Hareket Partisi [MHP]) was especially strong and was reflected in the attempt to reconcile ultra-nationslism and Islam with the so-called Turkish Islamic synthesis. ANAP was a center right party that appealed largely to provincial elements most comfortable with the traditional cultural values generally associated with Islam. For example, ANAP women tended to prefer modest attire, including the head scarf or turban, over fashions imported from the West. Such people had had a peripheral political role in the old system. Now they filled the vacuum created by the NSC’s policies. Many of the new politicians were technocrats (like Ozal himself) whose familiarity with the modern world did not go beyond their field of expertise, and they had little appreciation of Western mores or culture. Such people formed the Islamist faction. There was also a secular faction to which Ozal belonged with his wife Semra, an important role model for Turkish women. Ozal mediated between these factions and manipulated them to safeguard his own hegemony in the party.
ANAP won the November 1983 elections largely because only parties approved by the NSC were allowed to run, and ANAP seemed to be the one least tied to the military. However, the policies the ANAP government pursued were virtually laid down by the NSC. In economic matters, Ozal as prime minister continued to favor free market and supply side economics. Ever rising prices and low wages curbed consumption, enabling Turkey to export its goods and improve its balance of payments. Inflation remained very high, hovering between 60 and 85 percent through the 1980s. In order to stay in power, ANAP used patronage with great skill and manipulated the electoral laws to its advantage.
ANAP adopted most of the policies inherited from the NSC in other areas as well. Despite its promise to restore Kemalism, and thus secularism, as the nation’s ideology, the NSC had promoted Islamic indoctrination in schools as the antidote to social democracy and socialism. It went further than any previous government in making religious lessons a statutory part of the curriculum, countering the previous stress upon critical thinking. The Higher Education Law of 1981 even legislated a dress code for students, forbidding beards for men and head scarves for women. This led to protests in the universities. The Saudi-financed organization Rabita ul-Alem ul-Islami (Arabic, Rabitat al-‘Alam al-Islami) was permitted to subsidize the activities of Turkey’s Directorate of Religious Affairs in Europe so as to isolate Turkish workers from foreign ideologies. At home, Saudi influence is thought to have worked through the agency of the Intellectuals’ Hearth (Aydinlar Ocagi). This body, founded in the mid-1970s, planned poltical strategies for Islamist parties and factions and attempted to reconcile nationalism and Islam by proposing a synthesis of the two.
The Islamist faction in ANAP, led by Vehbi Dincler and Mehmed Kececiler, fought hard to further the NSC’s policies in education. They challenged the theory of evolution, claiming that it served only materialism. Like the creationists in America, they wanted “the errors of the theory of evolution exposed and what the Holy Books said about creation to be taught.” The Istanbul daily Cumhuriyet (of September 9, 1985) noted that islamicization of education was causing confusion: “Religion speaks of creation, science of evolution: the students are confused as to what to believe.”
For Anap, state support for religious education was also part of its strategy of remaining in power. Qur’anic schools run by orders like the Naqshbandiyah (Naqshbandiyya) and the Qadiriyah (Qadiriyya) were patronized in return for political support. State run schools for chaplains and preachers (the Imam-Hatip schools) also flourished under ANAP, so that in the 1980s religious education had overtaken secular education – especially in English – and the latter became the preserve of the upper classes.
This strategy failed to bring political rewards in an atmosphere of economic stagnation and high inflation. The voters refused to elect Islamist parties. Despite its generous use of patronage, ANAP’s vote in the 1987 elections declined to thirty-six percent from forty-five percent in 1983. The Welfare Party (Refah Partisi, the MSP reincarnated) failed to win even the ten percent necessary to enter parliament. Thereafter ANAP’s fortunes declined until its popularity had slipped below twenty percent. A struggle between the nationalist and Islamist factions followed Ozal’s election as Turkey’s eighth president in October 1989. Mesut Yilmaz’s election as ANAP’s leader in June 1991 suggested that the modern wing had won, but the party’s defeat in the October 1991 elections left its future hanging in the balance.
Turgut Özal held the position of Prime Minister from 1983 to 1989, then President from 1989 to 1993. During this time, the ANAP leaders transformed the Turkish economy by beginning free-market reforms, particularly cutting down the public area and moving towards privately owned business. In 1987, the ANAP-led government filed for admission into the European Economic Community (EEC), the forerunner of the European Union. However, this attempt to enter the EEC was ended when the ANAP criticized the Customs Union of the EEC and decided the admission terms prescribed by the EEC were not in the best interest of Turkey or its people.
After its longest run, the ANAP had few opportunities to return to leadership. In 1995, the Motherland party formed a brief coalition with the True Path Party (DYP), another center-right oriented party, that allowed their influence to return for a short period of time. Then, from July 1997 to November 1998, the ANAP was returned to the head of government with the leader Mesut Yılmaz. However, The ANAP suffered one of the worst defeats during the April 1999 elections and became the fourth largest political party in Turkey with only fourteen percent (14%) of the votes. Following these elections, ANAP received only 86 of 365 seats in the Parliament. During the 2002 elections, they got only 5.12% of the votes and no seats in Parliament.
In 5 May 2007, it was announced that ANAP and True Path Party would merge to become the Democrat Party (Demokrat Parti). However, this failed and ANAP announced that they wouldn't present themselves for the upcoming elections.
The chief executive member of the party is called the Genel Başkan. He/She is elected by party delegates in biennial party congresses. The party's leaders since its foundation in 1983 are:
Turgut Özal (May 20, 1983 - October 31, 1989)
Yıldırım Akbulut (November 16, 1989 - June 15, 1991)
Mesut Yılmaz (June 15, 1991 - November 4, 2002)
Ali Talip Özdemir (November 18, 2002 - October 3, 2003)
Nesrin Nas (October 15, 2003 - March 21, 2005)
Erkan Mumcu (April 2, 2005 - October 26, 2008)
Salih Uzun (October 26, 2008 - )
(During periods between the resignation or incapacitation of a leader and the election of a new one, the central committee of the party collectively acts as leader.)
Motherland Party see Anavatan Partisi.
Anap see Anavatan Partisi.
ANAP see Anavatan Partisi.
No comments:
Post a Comment