Amangkurat I
Amangkurat I. Sultan of Mataram (r. 1646-1677). He was the son and successor of Sultan Agung and the quintessential Javanese tyrant. He attempted to centralize the administration and finances of the Mataram empire for his benefit but in doing so offended regional interests and deep-rooted Javanese political traditions of consultation, consensus, and the dispersal of economic, political, and military power. One of his main administrative techniques was to murder his opponents. This tyranny precipitated the greatest rebellion of seventeenth century Java, led by Trunajaya, which broke out in 1674 and culminated in the conquest of the court in 1677. Amangkurat I died while fleeing the capital.
Amangkurat I was the son of the powerful Sultan Agung. Upon taking the throne, he tried to bring long-term stability to the Sultanate of Mataram's realm, which was considerable in area but marred by continual rebellions. He murdered local leaders that were insufficiently deferential to him, including the still-powerful noble from Surabaya, Pangeran Pekik, his father-in-law, and closing ports and destroying ships in coastal cities to prevent them from getting too powerful from their wealth. To further his glory, the new king abandoned Karta, Sultan Agung’s capital, and moved to a grander red-brick palace in Plered (formerly the palace was built of wood).
By the mid-1670s dissatisfaction with the king was turning into open revolt, beginning from the recalcitrant Eastern Java and creeping inward. The crown prince (future Amangkurat II) felt that his life was not safe in the court after he took his father’s concubine with the help of his maternal grandfather, Pangeran Pekik of Surabaya, making Amangkurat I suspicious of a conspiracy among Surabayan factions to grab power in the capital by using Pekiks’ grandson’s powerful position as the crown prince. He conspired with Panembahan Rama from Kajoran, west of Magelang, who proposed a stratagem in which the crown prince financed Rama’s son-in-law, Trunajaya, to begin a rebellion in the East Java. Raden Trunajaya, a prince from Madura, lead a revolt fortified by itinerant fighters from faraway Makassar that captured the king's court at Mataram in mid-1677. The king escaped to the north coast with his eldest son, the future king, leaving his younger son Pangeran Puger in Mataram. Apparently more interested in profit and revenge than in running a struggling empire, the rebel Trunajaya looted the court and withdrew to his stronghold in Kediri, East Java, leaving Puger in control of a weak court. Seizing this opportunity, Puger assumed the throne in the ruins of Plered with the title Susuhunan ing Alaga.
Soon after this episode, Amangkurat I died and was succeeded by his eldest son as king in 1677.
Amangkurat I was the son of the powerful Sultan Agung. Upon taking the throne, he tried to bring long-term stability to the Sultanate of Mataram's realm, which was considerable in area but marred by continual rebellions. He murdered local leaders that were insufficiently deferential to him, including the still-powerful noble from Surabaya, Pangeran Pekik, his father-in-law, and closing ports and destroying ships in coastal cities to prevent them from getting too powerful from their wealth. To further his glory, the new king abandoned Karta, Sultan Agung’s capital, and moved to a grander red-brick palace in Plered (formerly the palace was built of wood).
By the mid-1670s dissatisfaction with the king was turning into open revolt, beginning from the recalcitrant Eastern Java and creeping inward. The crown prince (future Amangkurat II) felt that his life was not safe in the court after he took his father’s concubine with the help of his maternal grandfather, Pangeran Pekik of Surabaya, making Amangkurat I suspicious of a conspiracy among Surabayan factions to grab power in the capital by using Pekiks’ grandson’s powerful position as the crown prince. He conspired with Panembahan Rama from Kajoran, west of Magelang, who proposed a stratagem in which the crown prince financed Rama’s son-in-law, Trunajaya, to begin a rebellion in the East Java. Raden Trunajaya, a prince from Madura, lead a revolt fortified by itinerant fighters from faraway Makassar that captured the king's court at Mataram in mid-1677. The king escaped to the north coast with his eldest son, the future king, leaving his younger son Pangeran Puger in Mataram. Apparently more interested in profit and revenge than in running a struggling empire, the rebel Trunajaya looted the court and withdrew to his stronghold in Kediri, East Java, leaving Puger in control of a weak court. Seizing this opportunity, Puger assumed the throne in the ruins of Plered with the title Susuhunan ing Alaga.
Soon after this episode, Amangkurat I died and was succeeded by his eldest son as king in 1677.
Amanollah Khan
Amanollah Khan. See Aman Allah.
Amanollah Khan. See Aman Allah.
Amanullah
Amanullah. See Aman Allah.
Amanullah. See Aman Allah.
American blacks
American blacks. Islam among American blacks (African Americans) runs along two temporarily divergent paths. One is called the American Muslim Mission, founded by Wallace Deen Muhammad (Warith ud-Din Muhammad). The other is the Nation of Islam, which had Louis Farrakhan as its National Representative.
The Nation of Islam grew out of two early twentieth century movements. One was the Marcus Garvey “Back to Africa” effort of the late 1920s. The other was the Moorish-American Science Temple movement of Noble Drew Ali (formerly Timothy Drew) of North Carolina). Each called for a withdrawal from white society as a means of escaping a depressed socio-cultural environment fostered by the harsh legacy of slavery and complicated by the process of urbanization.
The interest of black Americans in separation or colonization was especially pronounced in the period immediately following World War I, when Garvey, a black Jamaican, built his Universal Negro Improvement Association into an organization of worldwide significance. Claiming a following of several million blacks, Garvey spearheaded efforts to promote racial pride and to uplift the black race by redeeming Africa from the throes of white imperialism. While Garvey’s movement was primarily political and economic, it contained a religious component.
Garvey called upon blacks to reject worship of an alien white deity and embrace a truly black religion based on their African heritage. During the same period, Drew Ali, allegedly on the authority of the King of Morocco, proclaimed that “Negroes” in the United States were actually Moors, whose forefathers had inhabited North Africa. He urged them to refer to themselves as Moors or Moorish Americans. According to him, the white man, by stripping blacks of their true names, robbed them of their religion, their power and their identity. Christianity was a white religion, but Islam was the religion for "colored people." Drew Ali died in 1929 under mysterious circumstances.
Wallace D. Fard, of Detroit, claiming he was the reincarnation of Noble Drew Ali, assumed leadership of the Moorish movement and reinforced the Islamic belief system. Although some members refused to accept his claim, one faction led by Elijah Muhammad (Elijah Poole of Georgia) did, even to the point of deifying Fard. With racist and economic conditions facilitating his efforts, “Master” Wallace Fard Muhammad recruited 8,000 Detroit blacks, many of them recent, poverty stricken, rural migrants overwhelmed by the alien urban environment.
Fard gave Islamic trappings to his movement, as evidenced by his references to Marcus Garvey and Noble Drew Ali as “fine Muslims,” but he also borrowed heavily from Christianity. Among the most significant Christian influences were the Jehovah’s Witnesses. Fard faced the dual problem of a shortage of Qur’ans and a largely illiterate or semi-literate following. As a consequence, he urged his flock to listen to the radio broadcasts of Judge Rutherford of the Jehovah’s Witnesses. Although Christian, the Witnesses unleashed such radical, angry diatribes against other Christian sects that they reinforced Fard’s contention that Christianity was the Negro’s “graveyard” and “the slave holder’s religion.”
When Fard disappeared in 1934, after moving his headquarters to Chicago, Elijah Muhammad assumed leadership of the movement now called the Nation of Islam. He, too, leaned heavily on Christianity for preaching and guidance and borrowed heavily from other religious movements. Indeed, much of what appeared mysterious, alien and frightening about the Nation of Islam was (and is), in essence, something both very Christian and very American -- millennialism. A concept derived from the Book of Revelation and a part of Christian theology, millennialism represents the power of good overcoming evil to establish a glorious and righteous kingdom on earth, led by Christ. According to some scholars, millenialism influenced the Puritans, the American Revolution and radical abolitionists. Moreover, millienialism had as a component the belief in the divine election of a group through whom the millennium will occur. Many Americans, from the Puritans on, have identified themselves as a “chosen people.”
Elijah Muhammad, as the self-proclaimed Messenger of Allah, turned the notion upside down, by finding in it the basis for the “Devil” theory of white American civilization. According to the tenets of the Black Muslims, the original man was none other than the black man. Accordingly, all blacks represent Allah or at least participate through him and are therefore divine. With the destruction of white American civilization by Allah, a black millennium will be ushered in. Blacks are the chosen people. The notion had great appeal to blacks seeking to salve an injured pride. Within this context, the Nation of Islam grew as a national/religious organization.
After Elijah Muhammad’s takeover in 1934, the Nation of Islam grew slowly. During the early 1940s, it suffered through a period of persecution because its members refused to serve in the armed forces. Elijah Muhammad spent five years in a federal prison, a blessing in disguise, for he demonstrated a willingness to suffer for his beliefs. After his release from prison in 1946, he built the Nation into a significant movement. By 1955, there were 15 temples scattered throughout the country. By the end of the decade the number had grown to 50 in 22 states and the District of Columbia with membership exceeding 100,000.
Like the Garvey movement, the Nation of Islam stressed social separation and economic independence. It extolled hard work, thrift and accumulation of wealth. Members were required to contribute one-tenth of their earnings to support the work of the Nation. Over the years, the Nation of Islam invested in a variety of businesses, including restaurants, supermarkets, clothing stores and farms. For a time, the Nation of Islam was considered the largest black economic enterprise in the country, with assets once estimated at $70 million.
The rapid growth of the Nation of Islam did not occur without internal dissension, increased problems of discipline and even assassination. The best-known Black Muslim was Malcolm X, a former pimp and drug dealer, who joined the Nation while still in prison. In 1954, Elijah Muhammad made him head of the movement in Harlem. As a skilled orator, Malcolm X won numerous adherents, but as a staunch foe of integration, he angered liberal whites and middle class blacks. Moreover Malcolm X and Elijah Muhammad drifted apart as Malcolm started to steer the movement into a more politically radical posture. Malcolm X found the non-political policy of the Nation self-defeating, especially when he witnessed the successes of Martin Luther King, Jr. (SCLC), Roy Wilkins (NAACP), Floyd McKissick (CORE) and Whitney Young (Urban League). Furthermore, he proposed a violent campaign against the established order. Such a departure, Elijah Muhammad believed, would only destroy the Nation of Islam. In December 1963, after Malcolm X described President John F. Kennedy’s assassination as a case of “the chickens coming home to roost,” Elijah Muhammad had a convenient excuse to rid himself of this charismatic man who threatened his movement. Elijah Muhammad temporarily suspended Malcolm and prohibited him from speaking publicly for 90 days. Malcolm X left the movement and in March 1964 formed the Muslim Mosque, Inc.
A month after his break with the Nation of Islam, Malcolm X visited Mecca, where he gained new insights into Islamic teachings, and Africa, where he consulted with the heads of several African nations. While in Mecca he saw Muslim pilgrims practicing brotherhood, irrespective of race of color. He became an orthodox Muslim and rejected the idea of the white man as devil as well as other elements of the Nation’s dogma. He denied that God was incarnated in the person of Master Wallace Fard. He pointed out that the deification of Fard was Islamic heresy. Malcolm came to believe that the impending racial holocaust could be averted if white Americans turned toward the spiritual path of truth and embraced real brotherhood. He repudiated the Black Muslims’ policy of separation, denounced their acquisitive thirst for money and property and insisted that the real conflict between the races was a class struggle.
Shortly thereafter, Malcolm committed the unpardonable sin of revealing Elijah Muhammad’s extramarital affairs. While his break with the Nation of Islam had itself been an affront to Elijah Muhammad, Malcolm’s scandalmongering sealed his fate. Malcolm X had barely begun the process of redefining the directions of the civil rights movement and of propagating his own gospel when he was shot and killed on February 21, 1965. (Subsequent disclosures revealed that the death orders came on high authority in the Nation of Islam and were carried out by three rank and file members.)
Through the posthumous publication of his autobiography, Malcolm X continued to exert an influence on black Americans. His followers remained plentiful within the Nation of Islam, among them Wallace Muhammad.
Malcolm X’s assassination was not the only retribution murder in Black Muslim history. In January 1973, a squad of armed Muslims burst into the home of Hamaas Abdul Khaalis, the leader of the secessionist Hanafi Muslims, and killed seven followers including four children. Five members of the Nation of Islam were convicted of the murders. Khaalis, like Malcolm X, had not only broken with the Nation but had denounced the Messenger as a religious charlatan.
The Hanafi sect, named for one of the four major schools of Islamic law, appeals to more educated and economically secure blacks. The most notable member of the Hanafi sect was Kareem Abdul Jabbar (Lew Alcindor), a professional basketball superstar.
The Hanafi sect is most remembered for the “siege of Washington, D. C.,” in March 1977. Believing that those ultimately responsible for his followers’ deaths had gone unpunished, Khaalis vowed that the killings must be avenged. The Hanafis seized three Washington buildings in which they held 134 persons hostage, wounded numerous others and killed a reporter. While his men held the buildings, Khaalis demanded that Wallace Muhammad, his brother Herbert Muhammad and Muhammad Ali be delivered to him in order that justice could be served. Khaalis wound up in a psychiatric prison ward.
In 1975, Elijah Muhammad died, leaving behind some 70,000 followers in 73 temples throughout the nation. By the time of his death, the movement and attitudes towards it had changed considerably. Richard Daley, then the mayor of Chicago, called the death of Elijah Muhammad “a great loss to the City of Chicago and to the entire community.” The Black Muslim thrift and moral code impressed many leaders who once only made disparaging remarks about the movement. Leading civil rights figures such as Jesse Jackson, Julian Bond, Roy Wilkins and Vernon Jordan all heaped praise upon the departed leader, lauding him for providing blacks with a positive model of hard work, devotion to self and cleanliness of mind and body.
Upon Elijah Muhammad’s death, Wallace Deen Muhammad emerged as the leader. He found that he had inherited $8 million in debts and a corrupt fiscal management. He began dismantling his father’s empire on the grounds that Islam is a faith and not a conglomerate.
Wallace Muhammad then undertook to lead his flock towards a gentle, new orthodoxy, called the “Second Resurrection.” To do so he had to shake out many of his father’s dogmas, including his claim to having been the Last Apostle of Allah. Elijah Muhammad was reduced to mortal status. Another of Wallace’s purgative acts was to dissolve the Fruit of Islam (FOI), the so-called moral right arm of the movement, a tough collection of enforcers.
Wallace formally ended the use of the epithet “white devils” and welcomed white believers to membership. He denationalized the Nation, renaming it the World Community of Al-Islam in the West. The new name represented a break from racism and separation. In 1979, to establish an even closer link to America, the group became the American Muslim Mission.
His followers were no longer to be known as blacks but as “Bilalians,” after Bilal, an African convert to Islam who became the first muezzin of the Prophet Muhammad. The publication, The Messenger Muhammad Speaks, was changed to Bilalian News, and in 1979 it became AM Journal. Political activities were no longer discouraged, and American Muslims could even serve in the armed forces and salute the American flag.
No change was more irksome to a significant percentage of the sect than the dramatic move to restore Malcolm X to a place of honor. Not only did Wallace Muhammad rehabilitate Malcolm and demote his own father, he had Louis (Abdul Hareem) Farrakhan, the successor to Malcolm X, make the announcement. Rumors of dissent erupted.
In 1978, the schism between Wallace Muhammad and Farrakhan exceeded rumor status. Wallace Muhammad accused Farrakhan of preaching black nationalism and attempting to have the Muslims in Chicago align themselves with Uganda and Idi Amin. He demanded that Farrakhan not preach against the “new concept of God that we have accepted,” namely, orthodox Islam.
In the thirtieth month after the death of Elijah Muhammad, Farrakhan claimed leadership of the revived Nation of Islam in the name of Prophet Elijah Muhammad. He announced that Elijah Muhammad still lives.
With the revival of the Nation of Islam, millennialism re-emerged as Farrakhan proclaimed that his followers “are now living in the judgment or doom of the white man’s world. Preparations have been made to meet every effort by the white man to oppose the setting up of Allah’s new world of righteousness.” He named the group’s publication, Final Call, after the first newspaper of Elijah Muhammad, the Final Call to Islam.
If the new Nation identifies with any Islamic sect, it is Shi‘ism. The relationship rests on Farrakhan’s need to reinforce the validity of his claim to leadership. The point has been argued that Farrakhan, like 'Ali, the cousin of the Prophet Muhammad, had been unjustly denied his rightful place as heir to the last Messenger. Moreover, Shi'a Islam’s survival as a splinter and minority sect of Islam is perceived as a symbol of the Nation of Islam’s potential.
The resurgent Nation of Islam resembled the former and for similar reasons. Farrakhan believed that national and world conditions were forcing blacks to think in terms of self-help. To prepare themselves for leadership, Black Muslims were required to live by a strict code of private and social morality appropriate for a divine black man. While some of the codes reflect Islamic doctrine, others are very American and have earned them the nickname “Black Puritans.”
Followers of the Nation of Islam were to pray at least five times a day, facing east towards Mecca, but only after thoroughly cleansing the body. They were to refrain from eating certain foods, such as pork and cornbread (“slave diet”). Black Muslims are not to overeat and are encouraged to take only one meal a day. Tobacco and alcohol are absolutely forbidden. They are to observe a strict sexual morality. No Muslim woman was to be alone in a room with a man other than her husband. A woman of the Nation of Islam was never to wear provocative, revealing dress or to use cosmetics. Any Muslim who engaged in illicit sexual relations faced severe punishment and possible expulsion from the Nation. Marriage outside the faith was discouraged, and non-believing spouses were pressured to join the group. Although divorce was discouraged, it was permitted under certain conditions. The similarity between the old and new were remarkable, especially in the intensity, austerity and discipline which clearly filtered down to the rank and file.
In the revived Nation of Islam, only the most superficial changes were made with regard to race attitudes. The white man was still viewed as a liar and oppressor. Non-believing blacks were also seen as “betrayers of the truth” because they sought “to lose their ‘black identity’ under the guise of ‘humanity,’ ‘integration’ and even ‘religion.’” While the revived Nation of Islam preached a message of brotherhood, that message did not seem to include whites.
After the bitter split in 1978, the new Nation of Islam and the American Muslim Mission purposely moved further apart. The former held onto the past, while the latter distanced itself from the past, without totally rejecting it. For the American Muslims, Elijah Muhammad’s “social myths” were allegorical and transitional. His personalization of God seemed necessary in any appeal to the poor, uneducated urban masses, who had no concept of Islam but who knew Christianity was not serving their needs.
In contrast, the American Muslim Mission was open and moderate. This openness manifested itself in the welcoming of all types to the fold and in interracial and interfaith efforts to improve society. In the context of social service, American Muslims believed that common problems confront the poor and downtrodden, and they insisted that religious differences must be forgotten.
The American Muslim Mission was decentralized and more democratic in structure than the Nation of Islam. A council composed of seven regional imams directed the organization. Moreover, American Muslims were no longer institutionalized businesspeople and were free to engage in occupations with no link to the religion.
Despite their differences, the new Nation of Islam and the American Muslim Mission answered the desperate needs of a particular group of urban American blacks who were disenchanted with Christianity and the prevailing socio-economic system. Both groups continued to work to improve the prison system, which had always been a fruitful area for proselytizing. Both groups were involved in community service, food cooperatives and education. While some predicted the increasing success of the moderate American Muslim Mission at the expense of the more radical new Nation of Islam, changing socio-economic conditions brought such a prediction into question. The American Muslim Mission, which made itself more acceptable to black and white alike, was eventually identified with a system that more and more blacks perceived as alien, distant and uncaring. And as the increasing disparity between rich and poor, black and white, continued, for a time, the Nation of Islam recaptured at least some of the following and the influence of the past.
African Americans see American blacks.
American blacks. Islam among American blacks (African Americans) runs along two temporarily divergent paths. One is called the American Muslim Mission, founded by Wallace Deen Muhammad (Warith ud-Din Muhammad). The other is the Nation of Islam, which had Louis Farrakhan as its National Representative.
The Nation of Islam grew out of two early twentieth century movements. One was the Marcus Garvey “Back to Africa” effort of the late 1920s. The other was the Moorish-American Science Temple movement of Noble Drew Ali (formerly Timothy Drew) of North Carolina). Each called for a withdrawal from white society as a means of escaping a depressed socio-cultural environment fostered by the harsh legacy of slavery and complicated by the process of urbanization.
The interest of black Americans in separation or colonization was especially pronounced in the period immediately following World War I, when Garvey, a black Jamaican, built his Universal Negro Improvement Association into an organization of worldwide significance. Claiming a following of several million blacks, Garvey spearheaded efforts to promote racial pride and to uplift the black race by redeeming Africa from the throes of white imperialism. While Garvey’s movement was primarily political and economic, it contained a religious component.
Garvey called upon blacks to reject worship of an alien white deity and embrace a truly black religion based on their African heritage. During the same period, Drew Ali, allegedly on the authority of the King of Morocco, proclaimed that “Negroes” in the United States were actually Moors, whose forefathers had inhabited North Africa. He urged them to refer to themselves as Moors or Moorish Americans. According to him, the white man, by stripping blacks of their true names, robbed them of their religion, their power and their identity. Christianity was a white religion, but Islam was the religion for "colored people." Drew Ali died in 1929 under mysterious circumstances.
Wallace D. Fard, of Detroit, claiming he was the reincarnation of Noble Drew Ali, assumed leadership of the Moorish movement and reinforced the Islamic belief system. Although some members refused to accept his claim, one faction led by Elijah Muhammad (Elijah Poole of Georgia) did, even to the point of deifying Fard. With racist and economic conditions facilitating his efforts, “Master” Wallace Fard Muhammad recruited 8,000 Detroit blacks, many of them recent, poverty stricken, rural migrants overwhelmed by the alien urban environment.
Fard gave Islamic trappings to his movement, as evidenced by his references to Marcus Garvey and Noble Drew Ali as “fine Muslims,” but he also borrowed heavily from Christianity. Among the most significant Christian influences were the Jehovah’s Witnesses. Fard faced the dual problem of a shortage of Qur’ans and a largely illiterate or semi-literate following. As a consequence, he urged his flock to listen to the radio broadcasts of Judge Rutherford of the Jehovah’s Witnesses. Although Christian, the Witnesses unleashed such radical, angry diatribes against other Christian sects that they reinforced Fard’s contention that Christianity was the Negro’s “graveyard” and “the slave holder’s religion.”
When Fard disappeared in 1934, after moving his headquarters to Chicago, Elijah Muhammad assumed leadership of the movement now called the Nation of Islam. He, too, leaned heavily on Christianity for preaching and guidance and borrowed heavily from other religious movements. Indeed, much of what appeared mysterious, alien and frightening about the Nation of Islam was (and is), in essence, something both very Christian and very American -- millennialism. A concept derived from the Book of Revelation and a part of Christian theology, millennialism represents the power of good overcoming evil to establish a glorious and righteous kingdom on earth, led by Christ. According to some scholars, millenialism influenced the Puritans, the American Revolution and radical abolitionists. Moreover, millienialism had as a component the belief in the divine election of a group through whom the millennium will occur. Many Americans, from the Puritans on, have identified themselves as a “chosen people.”
Elijah Muhammad, as the self-proclaimed Messenger of Allah, turned the notion upside down, by finding in it the basis for the “Devil” theory of white American civilization. According to the tenets of the Black Muslims, the original man was none other than the black man. Accordingly, all blacks represent Allah or at least participate through him and are therefore divine. With the destruction of white American civilization by Allah, a black millennium will be ushered in. Blacks are the chosen people. The notion had great appeal to blacks seeking to salve an injured pride. Within this context, the Nation of Islam grew as a national/religious organization.
After Elijah Muhammad’s takeover in 1934, the Nation of Islam grew slowly. During the early 1940s, it suffered through a period of persecution because its members refused to serve in the armed forces. Elijah Muhammad spent five years in a federal prison, a blessing in disguise, for he demonstrated a willingness to suffer for his beliefs. After his release from prison in 1946, he built the Nation into a significant movement. By 1955, there were 15 temples scattered throughout the country. By the end of the decade the number had grown to 50 in 22 states and the District of Columbia with membership exceeding 100,000.
Like the Garvey movement, the Nation of Islam stressed social separation and economic independence. It extolled hard work, thrift and accumulation of wealth. Members were required to contribute one-tenth of their earnings to support the work of the Nation. Over the years, the Nation of Islam invested in a variety of businesses, including restaurants, supermarkets, clothing stores and farms. For a time, the Nation of Islam was considered the largest black economic enterprise in the country, with assets once estimated at $70 million.
The rapid growth of the Nation of Islam did not occur without internal dissension, increased problems of discipline and even assassination. The best-known Black Muslim was Malcolm X, a former pimp and drug dealer, who joined the Nation while still in prison. In 1954, Elijah Muhammad made him head of the movement in Harlem. As a skilled orator, Malcolm X won numerous adherents, but as a staunch foe of integration, he angered liberal whites and middle class blacks. Moreover Malcolm X and Elijah Muhammad drifted apart as Malcolm started to steer the movement into a more politically radical posture. Malcolm X found the non-political policy of the Nation self-defeating, especially when he witnessed the successes of Martin Luther King, Jr. (SCLC), Roy Wilkins (NAACP), Floyd McKissick (CORE) and Whitney Young (Urban League). Furthermore, he proposed a violent campaign against the established order. Such a departure, Elijah Muhammad believed, would only destroy the Nation of Islam. In December 1963, after Malcolm X described President John F. Kennedy’s assassination as a case of “the chickens coming home to roost,” Elijah Muhammad had a convenient excuse to rid himself of this charismatic man who threatened his movement. Elijah Muhammad temporarily suspended Malcolm and prohibited him from speaking publicly for 90 days. Malcolm X left the movement and in March 1964 formed the Muslim Mosque, Inc.
A month after his break with the Nation of Islam, Malcolm X visited Mecca, where he gained new insights into Islamic teachings, and Africa, where he consulted with the heads of several African nations. While in Mecca he saw Muslim pilgrims practicing brotherhood, irrespective of race of color. He became an orthodox Muslim and rejected the idea of the white man as devil as well as other elements of the Nation’s dogma. He denied that God was incarnated in the person of Master Wallace Fard. He pointed out that the deification of Fard was Islamic heresy. Malcolm came to believe that the impending racial holocaust could be averted if white Americans turned toward the spiritual path of truth and embraced real brotherhood. He repudiated the Black Muslims’ policy of separation, denounced their acquisitive thirst for money and property and insisted that the real conflict between the races was a class struggle.
Shortly thereafter, Malcolm committed the unpardonable sin of revealing Elijah Muhammad’s extramarital affairs. While his break with the Nation of Islam had itself been an affront to Elijah Muhammad, Malcolm’s scandalmongering sealed his fate. Malcolm X had barely begun the process of redefining the directions of the civil rights movement and of propagating his own gospel when he was shot and killed on February 21, 1965. (Subsequent disclosures revealed that the death orders came on high authority in the Nation of Islam and were carried out by three rank and file members.)
Through the posthumous publication of his autobiography, Malcolm X continued to exert an influence on black Americans. His followers remained plentiful within the Nation of Islam, among them Wallace Muhammad.
Malcolm X’s assassination was not the only retribution murder in Black Muslim history. In January 1973, a squad of armed Muslims burst into the home of Hamaas Abdul Khaalis, the leader of the secessionist Hanafi Muslims, and killed seven followers including four children. Five members of the Nation of Islam were convicted of the murders. Khaalis, like Malcolm X, had not only broken with the Nation but had denounced the Messenger as a religious charlatan.
The Hanafi sect, named for one of the four major schools of Islamic law, appeals to more educated and economically secure blacks. The most notable member of the Hanafi sect was Kareem Abdul Jabbar (Lew Alcindor), a professional basketball superstar.
The Hanafi sect is most remembered for the “siege of Washington, D. C.,” in March 1977. Believing that those ultimately responsible for his followers’ deaths had gone unpunished, Khaalis vowed that the killings must be avenged. The Hanafis seized three Washington buildings in which they held 134 persons hostage, wounded numerous others and killed a reporter. While his men held the buildings, Khaalis demanded that Wallace Muhammad, his brother Herbert Muhammad and Muhammad Ali be delivered to him in order that justice could be served. Khaalis wound up in a psychiatric prison ward.
In 1975, Elijah Muhammad died, leaving behind some 70,000 followers in 73 temples throughout the nation. By the time of his death, the movement and attitudes towards it had changed considerably. Richard Daley, then the mayor of Chicago, called the death of Elijah Muhammad “a great loss to the City of Chicago and to the entire community.” The Black Muslim thrift and moral code impressed many leaders who once only made disparaging remarks about the movement. Leading civil rights figures such as Jesse Jackson, Julian Bond, Roy Wilkins and Vernon Jordan all heaped praise upon the departed leader, lauding him for providing blacks with a positive model of hard work, devotion to self and cleanliness of mind and body.
Upon Elijah Muhammad’s death, Wallace Deen Muhammad emerged as the leader. He found that he had inherited $8 million in debts and a corrupt fiscal management. He began dismantling his father’s empire on the grounds that Islam is a faith and not a conglomerate.
Wallace Muhammad then undertook to lead his flock towards a gentle, new orthodoxy, called the “Second Resurrection.” To do so he had to shake out many of his father’s dogmas, including his claim to having been the Last Apostle of Allah. Elijah Muhammad was reduced to mortal status. Another of Wallace’s purgative acts was to dissolve the Fruit of Islam (FOI), the so-called moral right arm of the movement, a tough collection of enforcers.
Wallace formally ended the use of the epithet “white devils” and welcomed white believers to membership. He denationalized the Nation, renaming it the World Community of Al-Islam in the West. The new name represented a break from racism and separation. In 1979, to establish an even closer link to America, the group became the American Muslim Mission.
His followers were no longer to be known as blacks but as “Bilalians,” after Bilal, an African convert to Islam who became the first muezzin of the Prophet Muhammad. The publication, The Messenger Muhammad Speaks, was changed to Bilalian News, and in 1979 it became AM Journal. Political activities were no longer discouraged, and American Muslims could even serve in the armed forces and salute the American flag.
No change was more irksome to a significant percentage of the sect than the dramatic move to restore Malcolm X to a place of honor. Not only did Wallace Muhammad rehabilitate Malcolm and demote his own father, he had Louis (Abdul Hareem) Farrakhan, the successor to Malcolm X, make the announcement. Rumors of dissent erupted.
In 1978, the schism between Wallace Muhammad and Farrakhan exceeded rumor status. Wallace Muhammad accused Farrakhan of preaching black nationalism and attempting to have the Muslims in Chicago align themselves with Uganda and Idi Amin. He demanded that Farrakhan not preach against the “new concept of God that we have accepted,” namely, orthodox Islam.
In the thirtieth month after the death of Elijah Muhammad, Farrakhan claimed leadership of the revived Nation of Islam in the name of Prophet Elijah Muhammad. He announced that Elijah Muhammad still lives.
With the revival of the Nation of Islam, millennialism re-emerged as Farrakhan proclaimed that his followers “are now living in the judgment or doom of the white man’s world. Preparations have been made to meet every effort by the white man to oppose the setting up of Allah’s new world of righteousness.” He named the group’s publication, Final Call, after the first newspaper of Elijah Muhammad, the Final Call to Islam.
If the new Nation identifies with any Islamic sect, it is Shi‘ism. The relationship rests on Farrakhan’s need to reinforce the validity of his claim to leadership. The point has been argued that Farrakhan, like 'Ali, the cousin of the Prophet Muhammad, had been unjustly denied his rightful place as heir to the last Messenger. Moreover, Shi'a Islam’s survival as a splinter and minority sect of Islam is perceived as a symbol of the Nation of Islam’s potential.
The resurgent Nation of Islam resembled the former and for similar reasons. Farrakhan believed that national and world conditions were forcing blacks to think in terms of self-help. To prepare themselves for leadership, Black Muslims were required to live by a strict code of private and social morality appropriate for a divine black man. While some of the codes reflect Islamic doctrine, others are very American and have earned them the nickname “Black Puritans.”
Followers of the Nation of Islam were to pray at least five times a day, facing east towards Mecca, but only after thoroughly cleansing the body. They were to refrain from eating certain foods, such as pork and cornbread (“slave diet”). Black Muslims are not to overeat and are encouraged to take only one meal a day. Tobacco and alcohol are absolutely forbidden. They are to observe a strict sexual morality. No Muslim woman was to be alone in a room with a man other than her husband. A woman of the Nation of Islam was never to wear provocative, revealing dress or to use cosmetics. Any Muslim who engaged in illicit sexual relations faced severe punishment and possible expulsion from the Nation. Marriage outside the faith was discouraged, and non-believing spouses were pressured to join the group. Although divorce was discouraged, it was permitted under certain conditions. The similarity between the old and new were remarkable, especially in the intensity, austerity and discipline which clearly filtered down to the rank and file.
In the revived Nation of Islam, only the most superficial changes were made with regard to race attitudes. The white man was still viewed as a liar and oppressor. Non-believing blacks were also seen as “betrayers of the truth” because they sought “to lose their ‘black identity’ under the guise of ‘humanity,’ ‘integration’ and even ‘religion.’” While the revived Nation of Islam preached a message of brotherhood, that message did not seem to include whites.
After the bitter split in 1978, the new Nation of Islam and the American Muslim Mission purposely moved further apart. The former held onto the past, while the latter distanced itself from the past, without totally rejecting it. For the American Muslims, Elijah Muhammad’s “social myths” were allegorical and transitional. His personalization of God seemed necessary in any appeal to the poor, uneducated urban masses, who had no concept of Islam but who knew Christianity was not serving their needs.
In contrast, the American Muslim Mission was open and moderate. This openness manifested itself in the welcoming of all types to the fold and in interracial and interfaith efforts to improve society. In the context of social service, American Muslims believed that common problems confront the poor and downtrodden, and they insisted that religious differences must be forgotten.
The American Muslim Mission was decentralized and more democratic in structure than the Nation of Islam. A council composed of seven regional imams directed the organization. Moreover, American Muslims were no longer institutionalized businesspeople and were free to engage in occupations with no link to the religion.
Despite their differences, the new Nation of Islam and the American Muslim Mission answered the desperate needs of a particular group of urban American blacks who were disenchanted with Christianity and the prevailing socio-economic system. Both groups continued to work to improve the prison system, which had always been a fruitful area for proselytizing. Both groups were involved in community service, food cooperatives and education. While some predicted the increasing success of the moderate American Muslim Mission at the expense of the more radical new Nation of Islam, changing socio-economic conditions brought such a prediction into question. The American Muslim Mission, which made itself more acceptable to black and white alike, was eventually identified with a system that more and more blacks perceived as alien, distant and uncaring. And as the increasing disparity between rich and poor, black and white, continued, for a time, the Nation of Islam recaptured at least some of the following and the influence of the past.
African Americans see American blacks.
Amina
Amina. The Prophet Muhammad’s mother. See Amina bint Wahb.
Amina
Amina (Amina Sukhera) (Aminatu) (c.1533-c.1610). Queen of the Hausa state of Zaria (Zauzau) during a period of rapid expansion during the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A legendary figure, Amina extended Zaria’s empire over Nupe and the Jukun kingdom of Kwararata (Kororofa), and dominated Kano and Katsina. She is also credited with building many of the famous earthworks of the Hausa city-states. During her reign east-west trade became an important supplement to the trans-Saharan trade through Zaria.Amina Sukhera (also called Aminatu) was a Muslim princess of the royal family of Zazzau (now Zaria), in what is now northeast Nigeria. She was born c. 1533 and is estimated to have died around 1610. Amina was a preeminent gimbiya (princess) but various theories exist as to the time of her reign as queen. One explanation states that she reigned from approximately 1536 to 1573, while another posits that she became queen after her brother Karama's death, in 1576.
When Amina was seven years old her mother, Bakwa Turunku, became queen. During this point in her life, she became involved in the Zazzau military, earning much admiration for her bravery. Her military achievements brought her great wealth and power.
She is credited as the architect of the earthen walls around the city of Zaria. These walls are often referred to as Ganuwar Amina. During her reign, Amina was responsible for conquering many of the cities in the area surrounding Zazzau. In her thirty-four year reign, Amina expanded the domain of Zazzau to its largest size. Some sources state that her main focus was not on the annexation of neighboring lands, but on forcing local rulers to accept vassal status and permit Hausa traders safe passage.
The introduction of kola nuts into cultivation in the area is attributed to Amina. A statue at the National Arts Theatre in Lagos State honors her, and multiple educational institutions bear her name.
Amina Sukhera see Amina
Sukhera, Amina see Amina
Aminatu see Amina
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Aminatu (also Amina; died 1610) was a Hausa Muslim and a historical figure in the city-state Zazzau (present-day city of Zaria in Kaduna State), in what is now in the north-west region of Nigreria.
Amina was born in the middle of the sixteenth century CC to King Nikatau, the 22nd ruler of Zazzau, and Queen Bakwa Turunku (r. 1536–c. 1566). She had a younger sister named Zaria for whom the modern city of Zaria (Kaduna State) was renamed by the British in the early twentieth century. According to oral legends collected by anthropologist David E. Jones, Amina grew up in her grandfather's court and was favored by him. He carried her around court and instructed her carefully in political and military matters.
At age sixteen, Amina was named Magajiya (heir apparent), and was given forty female slaves (kuyanga). From an early age, Amina had a number of suitors attempt to marry her. Attempts to gain her hand included a daily offer of ten slaves from Makama and fifty male slaves and fifty female slaves as well as fifty bags of white and blue cloth from the Sarkin Kano.
After the death of her parents in or around 1566, Amina's brother became king of Zazzau. At this point, Amina had distinguished herself as a leading warrior in her brother's cavalry and gained notoriety for her military skills. She is still celebrated today in traditional Hausa praise songs as “Amina daughter of Nikatau, a woman as capable as a man that was able to lead men to war.”
After the death of her brother Karami in 1576, Amina ascended to the position of queen. Zazzau was one of the original seven Hausa States (Hausa Bakwai), the others being Daura, Kano, Gobir, Katsina, Rano, and Garun Gabas. Before Amina assumed the throne, Zazzau was one of the largest of these states. It was also the primary source of slaves that would be sold at the slave markets of Kano and Katsina by Arab merchants.
Only three months after being crowned queen, Amina began a 34-year campaign against her neighbors, to expand Zazzau territory. Her army, consisting of 20,000 foot soldiers and 1,000 cavalry troops, was well trained and fearsome. In fact, one of her first announcements to her people was a call for them to “resharpen their weapons.” She conquered large tracts of land as far as Kwararafa and Nupe.
Legends cited by Sidney John Hogben say that she took a new lover in every town she went through, each of whom was said to meet the same unfortunate fate in the morning when her brief bridegroom was beheaded so that none should live to tell the tale. Under Amina, Zazzau controlled more territory than ever before. To mark and protect her new lands, Amina had her cities surrounded by earthen walls. These walls became commonplace across the nation until the British conquest of Zazzau in 1904, and many of them survive today, known as ganuwar Amina (Amina's walls).
Beyond her expansion of Zazzau territory, Amina created trade routes throughout Northern Africa. Additionally, Amina has been credited with ordering the construction of a distinctive series of ancient Hausa fortifications, known as ‘Amina’s walls’, and with introducing kola nut cultivation in the area.
Amina bint Wahb
Amina bint Wahb (b. 549 CC [66 BH], Mecca, Arabia - d. 577 CC [36 BH], Al-Abwa, Arabia), was a noble woman of the Banu Zuhrah clan, and the mother of the Prophet Muhammad.
Amina was born to Wahb ibn Abd Manaf and Barrah bint 'Abd al 'Uzza ibn 'Uthman ibn 'Abd al-Dar in Mecca. She was a member of the Banu Zuhrah clan in the tribe of Quraysh who claimed descent from Abraham through his son Ishmael. Her ancestor Zuhrah was the elder brother of Qusayy ibn Kilab, who was also an ancestor of Abdullah ibn Abdul-Muttalib. Qusayy ibn Kilab became the first Quraysh custodian of the Ka'ba.
Abdul Muttallib proposed the marriage of Abdullah, his youngest son, and Amina. Some sources state that Aminah's father accepted the match, while others say that it was Aminah's uncle Wuhaib, who was serving as her guardian. The two were married soon after.
Abdullah spent much of Amina's pregnancy away from home as part of a merchant caravan, and died of disease before the birth of his son.
Three months after Abdullah's death, in 570 CC, Muhammad was born. As was tradition among all the great families at the time, Amina sent Muhammad to live with a milk mother in the desert as a baby. The belief was that in the desert, one would learn self-discipline, nobility, and freedom. During this time, Muhammad was nursed by Halimah bint Abi Dhuayb, a poor Bedouin woman from the tribe of Banu Sa'ad, a branch of the Hawazin.
When Muhammad was six years old, he was reunited with Amina, who took him to visit her relatives in Yathrib (later Medina). Upon their return to Mecca a month later, accompanied by her slave Umm Ayman, Amina fell ill.
She died around the year 577 CC and was buried in the village of Al-Abwa'. The young Muhammad was taken in first by his paternal grandfather Abd al-Muttalib in 577 CC and later by his paternal uncle Abu Talib ibn Abd al-Muttalib.
Amin, Muhammad ibn Harun al-
Muhammad ibn Harun al-Amin (787-813). 'Abbasid caliph (r. 809-813) who ruled during a particularly bloody civil war. His father Harun al-Rashid, in the so-called “Meccan documents”, had designated his two sons al-Amin and al-Ma’mun as his successors. Open hostility broke out between the two brothers in 811, al-Amin having his base in Iraq, al-Ma’mun in Khurasan. The fraternal war has been viewed by some as an aspect of the conflict between Arabism and Iranism, but, in fact, it was primarily a dynastic dispute. Al-Amin was captured by al-Ma’mun’s general Tahir ibn al-Husayn and put to death.
Muhammad ibn Harun al-Amin succeeded his father, Harun al-Rashid in 809 and ruled until he was killed in 813.
Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari records that Harun al-Rashid several times impressed on his sons they should respect each other and honour the succession as Harun arranged it. Harun even had al-Amin and al-Ma'mun sign pledges during a pilgrimage to Mecca that both would honor his expressed desire. As Harun wished, Al-Amin, would receive the Caliphate and al-Ma'mun would become governor of Khurasan in eastern Iran and would furthermore be granted almost complete autonomy. Upon al-Amin's death, according to Harun's will, al-Ma'mun would become Caliph.
However, al-Ma'mun had distrusted al-Amin before their father's death and convinced Harun to take him with him on Harun's last journey east. Although Harun had instructed the Baghdad commanders of this expedition to remain with al-Ma'mun, after Harun's death they returned to Baghdad. Al-Amin sought to turn al-Ma'mun's financial agent in Rayy against al-Ma'mun and he ordered al-Ma'mun to acknowledge al-Amin's son Musa as heir and return to Baghdad. Al-Ma'mun replaced his agent in Rayy and refused the orders. His mother was Persian and he had strong support in Iran.
The brothers had different mothers. Al-Amin was prompted to move against al-Ma'mun by meddlesome ministers, especially al Fadl ibn ar Rabi. Al-Amin had Harun's succession documents brought from Mecca to Baghdad, where he destroyed them. Al-Amin also sent agents east to stir opposition to al-Ma'mun. However, a careful watch at the frontier prevented these agents from succeeding. Al-Amin denied al-Ma'mun's request for his family and money and kept them in Baghdad.
In March 811 Al-Amin dispatched an army under Ali ibn Isa ibn Mahan against Al-Ma'mun. Ali advanced on Rayy. Ma'mun's capable general Tahir bin Husain met and defeated Ali who was killed.
Al-Amin faced unrest in Syria. He sent Abd al-Malik ibn Salih to restore order there. There was fierce fighting and Abd al-Malik died. Al-Amin sent Ahmad ibn Mazyad and Abdallah ibn Humayd east, each with an army (al-Tabari says each had 20,000 men). However, Tahir's agents sowed discord and these two armies fought against each other.
Al-Amin faced an uprising in Baghdad led by Ali ibn Isa's son Husayn. This was quelled and Husayn was killed. Tahir took Ahwaz and gained control of Bahrayn and parts of Arabia. Basra and Kufa swore allegiance to al-Ma'mun. Tahir advanced on Baghdad and defeated a force sent against him. In Mecca, Dawud ibn Isa reminded worshippers that al-Amin had destroyed Harun ar Rashid's succession pledges and led them in swearing allegiance to al-Mamun. Dawud then went to Marv and presented himself to al-Ma'mun. Al-Ma'mun confirmed Dawud in his governorship of Mecca and Medina.
Tahir advanced and set up camp near the Anbar Gate. Baghdad was besieged. The effects of this siege were made more intense by the rampaging prisoners who broke out of jail. There were several vicious battles, such as at al-Amin's palace of Qasr Halih, at Darb al- Hijarah and al-Shammasiyyah Gate. In that last one Tahir led reinforcements to regain positions lost by another officer. Overall the situation was worsening for al-Amin and he became depressed.
When Tahir pushed into the city, al-Amin sought to negotiate safe passage out. Tahir reluctantly agreed on the condition al-Amin turn over his sceptre, seal and other signs of being caliph. Al-Amin tried to leave on a boat, apparently with these indications he was caliph. He rejected warnings he should wait. Tahir noticed the boat. Al-Amin was thrown into the water, swam to shore, was captured and brought to a room where he was executed. His head was placed on the Anbar Gate. Al-Tabari quotes Tahir's letter to al-Ma'mun informing that caliph of al-Amin's capture and execution and the state of peace resulting in Baghdad.
The fact that Al-Amin was known to be fond of eunuchs was seen by many at the time as a deficit in his character. Al-Tabari notes this fondness for eunuchs. He also records accounts of al-Amin's intense irritation when singers sang songs that were not very auspicious. Al-Amin is also described as being extravagant.
Al-Amin had appealed to his mother, Zubaida, to arbitrate the succession and champion his cause as Aisha had done two centuries before. Zubaida refused to do so.
Muhammad ibn Harun al-Amin see Amin, al- Muhammad ibn Harun al-Amin
Muhammad ibn Harun al-Amin (787-813). 'Abbasid caliph (r. 809-813) who ruled during a particularly bloody civil war. His father Harun al-Rashid, in the so-called “Meccan documents”, had designated his two sons al-Amin and al-Ma’mun as his successors. Open hostility broke out between the two brothers in 811, al-Amin having his base in Iraq, al-Ma’mun in Khurasan. The fraternal war has been viewed by some as an aspect of the conflict between Arabism and Iranism, but, in fact, it was primarily a dynastic dispute. Al-Amin was captured by al-Ma’mun’s general Tahir ibn al-Husayn and put to death.
Muhammad ibn Harun al-Amin succeeded his father, Harun al-Rashid in 809 and ruled until he was killed in 813.
Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari records that Harun al-Rashid several times impressed on his sons they should respect each other and honour the succession as Harun arranged it. Harun even had al-Amin and al-Ma'mun sign pledges during a pilgrimage to Mecca that both would honor his expressed desire. As Harun wished, Al-Amin, would receive the Caliphate and al-Ma'mun would become governor of Khurasan in eastern Iran and would furthermore be granted almost complete autonomy. Upon al-Amin's death, according to Harun's will, al-Ma'mun would become Caliph.
However, al-Ma'mun had distrusted al-Amin before their father's death and convinced Harun to take him with him on Harun's last journey east. Although Harun had instructed the Baghdad commanders of this expedition to remain with al-Ma'mun, after Harun's death they returned to Baghdad. Al-Amin sought to turn al-Ma'mun's financial agent in Rayy against al-Ma'mun and he ordered al-Ma'mun to acknowledge al-Amin's son Musa as heir and return to Baghdad. Al-Ma'mun replaced his agent in Rayy and refused the orders. His mother was Persian and he had strong support in Iran.
The brothers had different mothers. Al-Amin was prompted to move against al-Ma'mun by meddlesome ministers, especially al Fadl ibn ar Rabi. Al-Amin had Harun's succession documents brought from Mecca to Baghdad, where he destroyed them. Al-Amin also sent agents east to stir opposition to al-Ma'mun. However, a careful watch at the frontier prevented these agents from succeeding. Al-Amin denied al-Ma'mun's request for his family and money and kept them in Baghdad.
In March 811 Al-Amin dispatched an army under Ali ibn Isa ibn Mahan against Al-Ma'mun. Ali advanced on Rayy. Ma'mun's capable general Tahir bin Husain met and defeated Ali who was killed.
Al-Amin faced unrest in Syria. He sent Abd al-Malik ibn Salih to restore order there. There was fierce fighting and Abd al-Malik died. Al-Amin sent Ahmad ibn Mazyad and Abdallah ibn Humayd east, each with an army (al-Tabari says each had 20,000 men). However, Tahir's agents sowed discord and these two armies fought against each other.
Al-Amin faced an uprising in Baghdad led by Ali ibn Isa's son Husayn. This was quelled and Husayn was killed. Tahir took Ahwaz and gained control of Bahrayn and parts of Arabia. Basra and Kufa swore allegiance to al-Ma'mun. Tahir advanced on Baghdad and defeated a force sent against him. In Mecca, Dawud ibn Isa reminded worshippers that al-Amin had destroyed Harun ar Rashid's succession pledges and led them in swearing allegiance to al-Mamun. Dawud then went to Marv and presented himself to al-Ma'mun. Al-Ma'mun confirmed Dawud in his governorship of Mecca and Medina.
Tahir advanced and set up camp near the Anbar Gate. Baghdad was besieged. The effects of this siege were made more intense by the rampaging prisoners who broke out of jail. There were several vicious battles, such as at al-Amin's palace of Qasr Halih, at Darb al- Hijarah and al-Shammasiyyah Gate. In that last one Tahir led reinforcements to regain positions lost by another officer. Overall the situation was worsening for al-Amin and he became depressed.
When Tahir pushed into the city, al-Amin sought to negotiate safe passage out. Tahir reluctantly agreed on the condition al-Amin turn over his sceptre, seal and other signs of being caliph. Al-Amin tried to leave on a boat, apparently with these indications he was caliph. He rejected warnings he should wait. Tahir noticed the boat. Al-Amin was thrown into the water, swam to shore, was captured and brought to a room where he was executed. His head was placed on the Anbar Gate. Al-Tabari quotes Tahir's letter to al-Ma'mun informing that caliph of al-Amin's capture and execution and the state of peace resulting in Baghdad.
The fact that Al-Amin was known to be fond of eunuchs was seen by many at the time as a deficit in his character. Al-Tabari notes this fondness for eunuchs. He also records accounts of al-Amin's intense irritation when singers sang songs that were not very auspicious. Al-Amin is also described as being extravagant.
Al-Amin had appealed to his mother, Zubaida, to arbitrate the succession and champion his cause as Aisha had done two centuries before. Zubaida refused to do so.
Muhammad ibn Harun al-Amin see Amin, al- Muhammad ibn Harun al-Amin
Amin al-Husayni
Amin al-Husayni (b. 1897, Jerusalem, Palestine, Ottoman Empire—d. July 4, 1974, Beirut, Lebanon). Palestinian leader. An avid anti-Zionist, he was appointed Great Mufti by the British. In 1931, he convened a Pan-Islamic conference and attempted to prohibit further sale of Arab land to Jewish settlers. In 1937, he went to Italy and lived in Nazi Germany between 1941 and 1945. His part in the Nazi extermination policy of the Jews is not clearly established, but he actively tried to prevent the emigration of Jews to Palestine from Nazi-occupied countries. After the proclamation of the State of Israel, Egypt allowed him to settle in Gaza. In 1951, he chaired a World Muslim Conference, but at the Bandun Afro-Asian Conference, he was forced to accept President Nasser’s predominance. His influence having diminished, he moved about and died in Beirut.
Mohammad Amin al-Husayni (commonly, but less correctly, transliterated "al-Husseini"), a member of the al-Husayni clan of Jerusalem, was born in 1897 in Jerusalem, the son of the then mufti of that city and prominent early opponent of Zionism, Tahir al-Husayni. The al-Husayni clan consisted of wealthy landowners in southern Palestine, centred around the district of Judea. Thirteen members of the clan had been Mayors of Jerusalem between 1864 and 1920. Another member of the clan and Amin's half-brother, Kamil al-Husayni, also served as Mufti of Jerusalem. In Jerusalem, Amin al-Husayni attended an Islamic school, learned Turkish at a government school, and studied French successively with French Catholic missionaries and at the Alliance Israélite Universelle with its anti-Zionist Jewish director Albert Antébi. He then went to Al-Azhar University in Cairo, where he studied Islamic law for several months under Rashid Rida, a salafi intellectual, who was to remain Amin's mentor until his death in 1935. In 1913 at the age of 18, al-Husayni accompanied his mother to Mecca and received the honorary title of Hajj. Prior to World War I, he studied at the School of Administration in Istanbul, the most secular of Ottoman institutions.
With the outbreak of World War I in 1914, al-Husayni first joined the Ottoman Turkish army, receiving a commission as an artillery officer and being assigned to the Forty-Seventh Brigade stationed in and around the city of Smyrna. In November 1916 he left the Ottoman army on a three month disability leave and returned to Jerusalem, which was captured by the British while he was recovering from an illness there. The British and Sherifian armies conquered Ottoman-controlled Palestine and Syria in 1918 with Arab Palestinian recruits also taking part in the offensive against the Turks, alongside Jewish troops. As a Sherifian officer, al-Husayni recruited men to serve in Faisal bin Al Hussein Bin Ali El-Hashemi's army during the Arab Revolt, a task he undertook while employed as a recruiter by the British military administration in Jerusalem and Damascus.
In 1919, al-Husayni attended the Pan-Syrian Congress held in Damascus where he supported Emir Faisal for King of Syria. That year al-Husayni founded the pro-British Jerusalem branch of the Syrian-based 'Arab Club' (El-Nadi al-arabi), which then vied with the Nashashibi-sponsored 'Literary Club' (Al-Muntada al-Adabi) for influence over public opinion, and he soon became its President. At the same time he wrote articles for the Suriyya al-Janubiyya (Southern Syria). The paper was published in Jerusalem beginning in September 1919 by the lawyer Muhammad Hassan al-Budayri, and edited by Aref al-Aref, both prominent members of al-Nadi al-'Arabi.
During the annual Nabi Musa procession in Jerusalem in April 1920, violent rioting broke out in protest to the Balfour Declaration's implementation. Much damage to Jewish life and property was caused. The Palin Report laid the blame for the explosion of tensions on both sides. Ze'ev Jabotinsky, organiser of Jewish paramilitary defences, received a 15-year sentence. Al-Husayni, then a teacher at the Rashidiya school, near Herod's Gate in East Jerusalem, was charged with inciting the Arab crowds with an inflammatory speech and sentenced by military court held in camera (private) to ten years imprisonment in absentia, since he had already violated his bail by fleeing to Transjordan to avoid arrest.
After the April riots an event took place that turned the traditional rivalry between the Husayni and Nashashibi clans into a serious rift, with long-term consequences for al-Husayni and Palestinian nationalism. Great pressure was brought to bear on the military administration from Zionist leaders and officials such as David Yellin, to have the Mayor of Jerusalem, Musa Kazim Pasha al-Husayni, dismissed, given his presence in the demonstration of the previous March. Colonel Storrs, the Military Governor of Jerusalem, removed him without further inquiry, replacing him with Raghib al-Nashashibi of the rival Nashashibi clan. This had a profound effect on his co-religionists, confirming the conviction they had already formed from other evidence that the Civil Administration was the mere puppet of the Zionist Organization.
Until late 1921, al-Husayni focused his efforts on Pan-Arabism and the ideology of the Greater Syria in particular, with Palestine understood as a southern province of an Arab state whose capital was to be established in Damascus. Greater Syria was to include territory now occupied by Syria, Lebanon, Jordan and Israel. The struggle for Greater Syria collapsed after Britain ceded control over present day Syria and Lebanon to France in July 1920 in accordance with the prior Sykes-Picot Agreement. The French army entered Damascus at that time, overthrew King Faisal and put an end to the project of a Greater Syria.
Al-Husayni, like many of his class and period, then turned from Damascus-oriented Pan-Arabism to a specifically Palestinian ideology centered on Jerusalem, which sought to block Jewish immigration to Palestine. The frustration of pan-Arab aspirations lent an Islamic color to the struggle for independence, and increasing resort to the idea of restoring the land to Dar al-Islam. From his election as Mufti until 1923, al-Husayni exercised total control over the secret society, Al-Fida’iyya (The Self-Sacrificers), which, together with al-Ikha’ wal-‘Afaf (Brotherhood and Purity), played an important role in clandestine anti-British and anti-Zionist activities, and, via members in the gendarmerie, had engaged in riotous activities as early as April 1920.
Following the death of Amin's half-brother, the mufti Kamil al-Husayni in March 1921, the British High Commissioner Herbert Samuel pardoned al-Husayni. He and another Arab had been excluded from the general amnesty, six weeks earlier, because they had fled before their convictions had been passed down. Elections were then held, and of the four candidates running for the office of Mufti, al-Husayni received the least number of votes, the first three being Nashashibi candidates. Nevertheless, Samuel was anxious to keep a balance between the al-Husaynis and their rival clan the Nashashibis. A year earlier the British had replaced Musa al-Husayni as Mayor of Jerusalem with Ragheb al-Nashashibi. They then moved to secure for the Husayni clan a compensatory function of prestige by appointing one of them to the position of mufti, prevailing upon the Nashashibi front-runner, Sheikh Hussam ad-Din Jarallah, to withdraw. This automatically promoted Amin al-Husayni to third position, which, under Ottoman law, allowed him to qualify, and Samuel then chose him as Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, the title being invented by Samuel. The position came with a life tenure.
In 1922, al-Husayni was elected President of the Supreme Muslim Council which had been created by Samuel in 1921. The Council controlled the Waqf funds, worth annually tens of thousands of pounds and the orphan funds, worth annually about £50,000, as compared to the £600,000 in the Jewish Agency's annual budget. In addition, he controlled the Islamic courts in Palestine. Among other functions, these courts were entrusted with the power to appoint teachers and preachers.
The British initially balanced appointments to the Supreme Muslim Council between the Husaynis and their supporters (known as the majlisiya, or council supporters) and the Nashashibis and their allied clans (known as the mu'aridun, the opposition). The mu'aridun, were more disposed to a compromise with the Jews, and indeed had for some years received annual subventions from the Jewish Agency. During most of the period of the British mandate, bickering between these two families seriously undermined any Palestinian unity. In 1936, however, they achieved a measure of concerted policy when all the Palestinian groups joined to create a permanent executive organ known as the Arab Higher Committee under al-Husayni's chairmanship.
Husayni came to dominate the Palestinian Arab movement after a bitter clash with other nationalist elements, notably the Nashāshībī family, over personal rather than ideological differences. During most of the period of the British mandate, disagreement between these groups seriously weakened the effectiveness of Arab efforts. In 1936 they achieved a measure of unity when all the Palestinian groups joined to create a permanent executive organ known as the Arab Higher Committee, under Husaynī’s chairmanship. The committee demanded a cessation of Jewish immigration and a prohibition of land transfers from Arabs to Jews. A general strike developed into a rebellion against British authority. The British removed Husaynī from the council presidency and declared the committee illegal in Palestine. In October 1937 he fled to Lebanon, where he reconstituted the committee under his domination. Husayni retained the allegiance of most Palestinian Arabs, using his power to punish the Nashāshībīs.
The rebellion forced Britain to make substantial concessions to Arab demands in 1939. The British abandoned the idea of establishing Palestine as a Jewish state, and, while Jewish immigration was to continue for another five years, it was thereafter to depend on Arab consent. Ḥusaynī, however, felt that the concessions did not go far enough, and he repudiated the new policy.
Husaynī spent most of World War II (1939–45) in Germany, where he issued broadcasts urging revolt in the Arab world and endeavored to halt Jewish emigration to Palestine from countries occupied by the Nazis. At the war’s end he fled to Egypt, where he directed an increasingly weak and fragmented Arab Higher Committee from exile.
In 1947, he requested funds, on humanitarian grounds, from Ahmed Belbachir Haskouri, the right-hand man of the caliph of Spanish Morocco; the latter, in turn, did not hesitate to raise and send those funds. During the 1948 Palestine War he represented the Arab Higher Committee and opposed both the 1947 UN Partition Plan and King Abdullah's ambitions for expanding Jordan by capturing Palestinian territory.
After the 1948 Palestine War and Palestinian exodus, his claims to leadership were devastated and, quickly sidelined successively by the Arab Nationalist Movement and the Palestine Liberation Organization, he lost most of his remaining political influence. Al-Husayni died in Beirut, Lebanon in 1974.
Historians debate to what extent his fierce opposition to Zionism was grounded in nationalism or antisemitism or a combination of both.
Husayni, Amin al- see Amin al-Husayni
Mohammad Amin al-Husayni see Amin al-Husayni
Mohammad Amin al-Husseini see Amin al-Husayni
al-Haji Amin see Amin al-Husayni
Amin al-Husayni (b. 1897, Jerusalem, Palestine, Ottoman Empire—d. July 4, 1974, Beirut, Lebanon). Palestinian leader. An avid anti-Zionist, he was appointed Great Mufti by the British. In 1931, he convened a Pan-Islamic conference and attempted to prohibit further sale of Arab land to Jewish settlers. In 1937, he went to Italy and lived in Nazi Germany between 1941 and 1945. His part in the Nazi extermination policy of the Jews is not clearly established, but he actively tried to prevent the emigration of Jews to Palestine from Nazi-occupied countries. After the proclamation of the State of Israel, Egypt allowed him to settle in Gaza. In 1951, he chaired a World Muslim Conference, but at the Bandun Afro-Asian Conference, he was forced to accept President Nasser’s predominance. His influence having diminished, he moved about and died in Beirut.
Mohammad Amin al-Husayni (commonly, but less correctly, transliterated "al-Husseini"), a member of the al-Husayni clan of Jerusalem, was born in 1897 in Jerusalem, the son of the then mufti of that city and prominent early opponent of Zionism, Tahir al-Husayni. The al-Husayni clan consisted of wealthy landowners in southern Palestine, centred around the district of Judea. Thirteen members of the clan had been Mayors of Jerusalem between 1864 and 1920. Another member of the clan and Amin's half-brother, Kamil al-Husayni, also served as Mufti of Jerusalem. In Jerusalem, Amin al-Husayni attended an Islamic school, learned Turkish at a government school, and studied French successively with French Catholic missionaries and at the Alliance Israélite Universelle with its anti-Zionist Jewish director Albert Antébi. He then went to Al-Azhar University in Cairo, where he studied Islamic law for several months under Rashid Rida, a salafi intellectual, who was to remain Amin's mentor until his death in 1935. In 1913 at the age of 18, al-Husayni accompanied his mother to Mecca and received the honorary title of Hajj. Prior to World War I, he studied at the School of Administration in Istanbul, the most secular of Ottoman institutions.
With the outbreak of World War I in 1914, al-Husayni first joined the Ottoman Turkish army, receiving a commission as an artillery officer and being assigned to the Forty-Seventh Brigade stationed in and around the city of Smyrna. In November 1916 he left the Ottoman army on a three month disability leave and returned to Jerusalem, which was captured by the British while he was recovering from an illness there. The British and Sherifian armies conquered Ottoman-controlled Palestine and Syria in 1918 with Arab Palestinian recruits also taking part in the offensive against the Turks, alongside Jewish troops. As a Sherifian officer, al-Husayni recruited men to serve in Faisal bin Al Hussein Bin Ali El-Hashemi's army during the Arab Revolt, a task he undertook while employed as a recruiter by the British military administration in Jerusalem and Damascus.
In 1919, al-Husayni attended the Pan-Syrian Congress held in Damascus where he supported Emir Faisal for King of Syria. That year al-Husayni founded the pro-British Jerusalem branch of the Syrian-based 'Arab Club' (El-Nadi al-arabi), which then vied with the Nashashibi-sponsored 'Literary Club' (Al-Muntada al-Adabi) for influence over public opinion, and he soon became its President. At the same time he wrote articles for the Suriyya al-Janubiyya (Southern Syria). The paper was published in Jerusalem beginning in September 1919 by the lawyer Muhammad Hassan al-Budayri, and edited by Aref al-Aref, both prominent members of al-Nadi al-'Arabi.
During the annual Nabi Musa procession in Jerusalem in April 1920, violent rioting broke out in protest to the Balfour Declaration's implementation. Much damage to Jewish life and property was caused. The Palin Report laid the blame for the explosion of tensions on both sides. Ze'ev Jabotinsky, organiser of Jewish paramilitary defences, received a 15-year sentence. Al-Husayni, then a teacher at the Rashidiya school, near Herod's Gate in East Jerusalem, was charged with inciting the Arab crowds with an inflammatory speech and sentenced by military court held in camera (private) to ten years imprisonment in absentia, since he had already violated his bail by fleeing to Transjordan to avoid arrest.
After the April riots an event took place that turned the traditional rivalry between the Husayni and Nashashibi clans into a serious rift, with long-term consequences for al-Husayni and Palestinian nationalism. Great pressure was brought to bear on the military administration from Zionist leaders and officials such as David Yellin, to have the Mayor of Jerusalem, Musa Kazim Pasha al-Husayni, dismissed, given his presence in the demonstration of the previous March. Colonel Storrs, the Military Governor of Jerusalem, removed him without further inquiry, replacing him with Raghib al-Nashashibi of the rival Nashashibi clan. This had a profound effect on his co-religionists, confirming the conviction they had already formed from other evidence that the Civil Administration was the mere puppet of the Zionist Organization.
Until late 1921, al-Husayni focused his efforts on Pan-Arabism and the ideology of the Greater Syria in particular, with Palestine understood as a southern province of an Arab state whose capital was to be established in Damascus. Greater Syria was to include territory now occupied by Syria, Lebanon, Jordan and Israel. The struggle for Greater Syria collapsed after Britain ceded control over present day Syria and Lebanon to France in July 1920 in accordance with the prior Sykes-Picot Agreement. The French army entered Damascus at that time, overthrew King Faisal and put an end to the project of a Greater Syria.
Al-Husayni, like many of his class and period, then turned from Damascus-oriented Pan-Arabism to a specifically Palestinian ideology centered on Jerusalem, which sought to block Jewish immigration to Palestine. The frustration of pan-Arab aspirations lent an Islamic color to the struggle for independence, and increasing resort to the idea of restoring the land to Dar al-Islam. From his election as Mufti until 1923, al-Husayni exercised total control over the secret society, Al-Fida’iyya (The Self-Sacrificers), which, together with al-Ikha’ wal-‘Afaf (Brotherhood and Purity), played an important role in clandestine anti-British and anti-Zionist activities, and, via members in the gendarmerie, had engaged in riotous activities as early as April 1920.
Following the death of Amin's half-brother, the mufti Kamil al-Husayni in March 1921, the British High Commissioner Herbert Samuel pardoned al-Husayni. He and another Arab had been excluded from the general amnesty, six weeks earlier, because they had fled before their convictions had been passed down. Elections were then held, and of the four candidates running for the office of Mufti, al-Husayni received the least number of votes, the first three being Nashashibi candidates. Nevertheless, Samuel was anxious to keep a balance between the al-Husaynis and their rival clan the Nashashibis. A year earlier the British had replaced Musa al-Husayni as Mayor of Jerusalem with Ragheb al-Nashashibi. They then moved to secure for the Husayni clan a compensatory function of prestige by appointing one of them to the position of mufti, prevailing upon the Nashashibi front-runner, Sheikh Hussam ad-Din Jarallah, to withdraw. This automatically promoted Amin al-Husayni to third position, which, under Ottoman law, allowed him to qualify, and Samuel then chose him as Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, the title being invented by Samuel. The position came with a life tenure.
In 1922, al-Husayni was elected President of the Supreme Muslim Council which had been created by Samuel in 1921. The Council controlled the Waqf funds, worth annually tens of thousands of pounds and the orphan funds, worth annually about £50,000, as compared to the £600,000 in the Jewish Agency's annual budget. In addition, he controlled the Islamic courts in Palestine. Among other functions, these courts were entrusted with the power to appoint teachers and preachers.
The British initially balanced appointments to the Supreme Muslim Council between the Husaynis and their supporters (known as the majlisiya, or council supporters) and the Nashashibis and their allied clans (known as the mu'aridun, the opposition). The mu'aridun, were more disposed to a compromise with the Jews, and indeed had for some years received annual subventions from the Jewish Agency. During most of the period of the British mandate, bickering between these two families seriously undermined any Palestinian unity. In 1936, however, they achieved a measure of concerted policy when all the Palestinian groups joined to create a permanent executive organ known as the Arab Higher Committee under al-Husayni's chairmanship.
Husayni came to dominate the Palestinian Arab movement after a bitter clash with other nationalist elements, notably the Nashāshībī family, over personal rather than ideological differences. During most of the period of the British mandate, disagreement between these groups seriously weakened the effectiveness of Arab efforts. In 1936 they achieved a measure of unity when all the Palestinian groups joined to create a permanent executive organ known as the Arab Higher Committee, under Husaynī’s chairmanship. The committee demanded a cessation of Jewish immigration and a prohibition of land transfers from Arabs to Jews. A general strike developed into a rebellion against British authority. The British removed Husaynī from the council presidency and declared the committee illegal in Palestine. In October 1937 he fled to Lebanon, where he reconstituted the committee under his domination. Husayni retained the allegiance of most Palestinian Arabs, using his power to punish the Nashāshībīs.
The rebellion forced Britain to make substantial concessions to Arab demands in 1939. The British abandoned the idea of establishing Palestine as a Jewish state, and, while Jewish immigration was to continue for another five years, it was thereafter to depend on Arab consent. Ḥusaynī, however, felt that the concessions did not go far enough, and he repudiated the new policy.
Husaynī spent most of World War II (1939–45) in Germany, where he issued broadcasts urging revolt in the Arab world and endeavored to halt Jewish emigration to Palestine from countries occupied by the Nazis. At the war’s end he fled to Egypt, where he directed an increasingly weak and fragmented Arab Higher Committee from exile.
In 1947, he requested funds, on humanitarian grounds, from Ahmed Belbachir Haskouri, the right-hand man of the caliph of Spanish Morocco; the latter, in turn, did not hesitate to raise and send those funds. During the 1948 Palestine War he represented the Arab Higher Committee and opposed both the 1947 UN Partition Plan and King Abdullah's ambitions for expanding Jordan by capturing Palestinian territory.
After the 1948 Palestine War and Palestinian exodus, his claims to leadership were devastated and, quickly sidelined successively by the Arab Nationalist Movement and the Palestine Liberation Organization, he lost most of his remaining political influence. Al-Husayni died in Beirut, Lebanon in 1974.
Historians debate to what extent his fierce opposition to Zionism was grounded in nationalism or antisemitism or a combination of both.
Husayni, Amin al- see Amin al-Husayni
Mohammad Amin al-Husayni see Amin al-Husayni
Mohammad Amin al-Husseini see Amin al-Husayni
al-Haji Amin see Amin al-Husayni
Amin, Hafizullah
Amin, Hafizullah. See Hafizullah Amin.
Amin, Hafizullah. See Hafizullah Amin.
Amin, Idi
Amin, Idi (Idi Amin) (Idi Amin Dada Oumee) (c.1925 - August 16, 2003). Military ruler of Uganda (1971-1979).
Idi Amin Dada Oumee (Idi Amin), a member of the Kakwa, one of Uganda’s smallest ethnic groups, was born in the West Nile District. He received only four years of formal education. At eighteen, he enlisted in the King’s African Rifles. He saw action in Burma in World War II and served with the British during Kenya’s “Mau Mau” emergency.
In 1957, Idi Amin returned to Uganda as a sergeant-major. Four years later, he became one of Uganda’s first African commissioned officers.
After Uganda became independent in 1962, Amin was rapidly promoted. By 1964, he was deputy commander of the army and air force with the rank of colonel. That same year Prime Minister Milton Obote had Amin lead a special mission into the eastern Congo (now Zaire) to support anti-Mobutu rebels. His conduct while on this mission was later the subject of a parliamentary investigation when he and Obote were charged with misappropriating money Congolese rebels had given him for supplies. Obote quashed the investigation by suspending the constitution and elevating Amin to the head of the military forces in 1966. When State President Mutesa II challenged Obote’s actions, Amin led an assault on Mutesa’s palace that drove him into exile, paving the way for Obote’s abolition of the Buganda kingdom.
As a trusted ally of Obote, Amin was promoted to major-general in 1968. However, Amin’s growing power and popularity within the army made Obote increasingly uncomfortable. Obote’s moves toward socializing the economy were weakening his own popular support, and he took steps to reduce Amin’s authority.
When Obote left the country for a Commonwealth conference in January 1971, Amin seized control of the government. He announced that he had no personal political ambitions, but the army soon declared him president and he abolished the parliament and ruled by decree.
In the face of a weakened economy and massive budget deficits, Amin pumped more money into the military and began to purge the army and the government of people loyal to the old regime. A year later he won widespread popular support by expelling more than 50,000 non-citizen Asians from the country, charging that they had economically exploited African citizens. The wholesale removal of key businessmen, managers, and technicians accelerated the deterioration of Uganda’s infrastructure and created an atmosphere in which respect for human rights diminished.
Charges of human rights violations against Amin mounted through the 1970s as tens of thousands of people disappeared or were openly killed. Prominent individuals, whole villages, and ethnic groups within the army were wiped out in the name of state security. Within eight years, an estimated 300,000 Ugandans had been killed and Amin had become an international pariah.
Tanzania’s President Nyerere, who had harbored Obote in exile, was hostile to Amin from the time he assumed power. When Ugandan forces attempted to occupy the Kagera salient in northwest Tanzania in late 1978, Nyerere counter-attacked. In early 1979, Nyerere sent 20,000 Tanzanian troops and a small Ugandan exile force into Uganda. The invasion force occupied Kampala in April, Amin fled to Libya and later settled in Saudi Arabia.
A military commission made up of previously exiled Ugandans installed Yusufu Lule, a professional educator, as president for several months, and then replaced him with a lawyer, Godfrey Binaisa. After a disputed election in late 1980, Obote returned to assume the presidency.
Idi Amin died in 2003 while still in exile in Saudi Arabia.
Idi Amin see Amin, Idi
Oumee, Idi Amin Dada see Amin, Idi
Idi Amin Dada Oumee see Amin, Idi
Amin, Idi (Idi Amin) (Idi Amin Dada Oumee) (c.1925 - August 16, 2003). Military ruler of Uganda (1971-1979).
Idi Amin Dada Oumee (Idi Amin), a member of the Kakwa, one of Uganda’s smallest ethnic groups, was born in the West Nile District. He received only four years of formal education. At eighteen, he enlisted in the King’s African Rifles. He saw action in Burma in World War II and served with the British during Kenya’s “Mau Mau” emergency.
In 1957, Idi Amin returned to Uganda as a sergeant-major. Four years later, he became one of Uganda’s first African commissioned officers.
After Uganda became independent in 1962, Amin was rapidly promoted. By 1964, he was deputy commander of the army and air force with the rank of colonel. That same year Prime Minister Milton Obote had Amin lead a special mission into the eastern Congo (now Zaire) to support anti-Mobutu rebels. His conduct while on this mission was later the subject of a parliamentary investigation when he and Obote were charged with misappropriating money Congolese rebels had given him for supplies. Obote quashed the investigation by suspending the constitution and elevating Amin to the head of the military forces in 1966. When State President Mutesa II challenged Obote’s actions, Amin led an assault on Mutesa’s palace that drove him into exile, paving the way for Obote’s abolition of the Buganda kingdom.
As a trusted ally of Obote, Amin was promoted to major-general in 1968. However, Amin’s growing power and popularity within the army made Obote increasingly uncomfortable. Obote’s moves toward socializing the economy were weakening his own popular support, and he took steps to reduce Amin’s authority.
When Obote left the country for a Commonwealth conference in January 1971, Amin seized control of the government. He announced that he had no personal political ambitions, but the army soon declared him president and he abolished the parliament and ruled by decree.
In the face of a weakened economy and massive budget deficits, Amin pumped more money into the military and began to purge the army and the government of people loyal to the old regime. A year later he won widespread popular support by expelling more than 50,000 non-citizen Asians from the country, charging that they had economically exploited African citizens. The wholesale removal of key businessmen, managers, and technicians accelerated the deterioration of Uganda’s infrastructure and created an atmosphere in which respect for human rights diminished.
Charges of human rights violations against Amin mounted through the 1970s as tens of thousands of people disappeared or were openly killed. Prominent individuals, whole villages, and ethnic groups within the army were wiped out in the name of state security. Within eight years, an estimated 300,000 Ugandans had been killed and Amin had become an international pariah.
Tanzania’s President Nyerere, who had harbored Obote in exile, was hostile to Amin from the time he assumed power. When Ugandan forces attempted to occupy the Kagera salient in northwest Tanzania in late 1978, Nyerere counter-attacked. In early 1979, Nyerere sent 20,000 Tanzanian troops and a small Ugandan exile force into Uganda. The invasion force occupied Kampala in April, Amin fled to Libya and later settled in Saudi Arabia.
A military commission made up of previously exiled Ugandans installed Yusufu Lule, a professional educator, as president for several months, and then replaced him with a lawyer, Godfrey Binaisa. After a disputed election in late 1980, Obote returned to assume the presidency.
Idi Amin died in 2003 while still in exile in Saudi Arabia.
Idi Amin see Amin, Idi
Oumee, Idi Amin Dada see Amin, Idi
Idi Amin Dada Oumee see Amin, Idi
Amini, Jina Mahsa
Jina Mahsa Amini (b. September 21, 1999, Saqqez, Kurdistan Province, Iran - d. September 16, 2022, Tehran, Iran), an Iranian women's rights martyr.
On September 16, 2022, the 22-year-old Iranian woman Mahsa Amini, also known as Jina Amini, died in a hospital in Tehran, Iran, under suspicious circumstances. The Guidance Patrol, the religious morality police of Iran's government, arrested Amini for allegedly not wearing the hijab in accordance with government standards. The Law Enforcement Command of the Islamic Republic of Iran stated that she had a heart attack at a police station, collapsed, and fell into a coma before being transferred to a hospital. However, eyewitnesses, including women who were detained with Amini, reported that she was severely beaten and that she died as a result of police brutality, which was denied by the Iranian authorities. The assertions of police brutality, in addition to leaked medical scans, led some observers to believe Amini had a cerebral hemorrhage or stroke due to head injuries received after her arrest.
Amini's death resulted in a series of protests described by CNN as more widespread than the protests in 2009, 2017, and 2019, and by The New York Times as the largest Iranian protests since at least 2009. Some female demonstrators removed their hijab or publicly cut their hair as acts of protest. Iran Human Rights reported that by December 2022 at least 476 people had been killed by security forces attacking protesters across the country. Amnesty International reported that Iranian security forces had, in some cases, fired into groups with live ammunition and had in other cases killed protesters by beating them with batons.
Mahsa Amini was born on September 21, 1999, to a Kurdish family in Saqqez, Kurdistan Province, in northwestern Iran. While Mahsa was her official Persian given name, her Kurdish name was Jina, and this was the name her family used., Her father is an employee in a government organization and her mother is a housewife. She attended Taleghani Girls' High School in Saqqez, graduating in 2018. At the time of her death, Amini had just been admitted to university, aiming to become a lawyer.
Amini's cousin, a left-wing political activist belonging to the Komala party and a Peshmerga fighter living in self-exile in Iraqi Kurdistan, was the first member of Amini's family to speak to the media after her death. He debunked claims by the Iranian government that Amini was involved in any politics. Instead, Amini has been described as having been a "shy, reserved resident" of her hometown who avoided politics, was never politically active as a teenager, and was not an activist. Amini's family have described her as having no prior health conditions, and as being a healthy 22-year-old, contrasting the claims made by the Iranian government that she possessed prior health conditions.
Amini had come to Tehran to visit her brother and, on September 13, 2022, was arrested by the Guidance Patrol at the entry of the Shahid Haghani Expressway in Tehran while in the company of her family. She was then transferred to the custody of Moral Security. Her brother, who was with her when she was arrested, was told she would be taken to the detention center to undergo a "briefing class" and released an hour later. Her brother was later informed his sister had a heart attack and a brain seizure at the police station to which she had been taken. Two hours after her arrest, she was taken to Kasra Hospital.
According to Amini's cousin, she was tortured and insulted in the van, as witnessed by her co-detainees. After she arrived at the police station, she began to lose vision and fainted. It took 30 minutes for the ambulance to arrive, and an hour and a half for her to get to Kasra hospital.
For two days, Amini was in a coma in Kasra Hospital in Tehran. On September 16, journalist Niloofar Hamedi (who was also later arrested) broke the story of her coma, posting to Twitter a photo of Amini's father and grandmother crying and embracing in the hospital hallway. Amini died in the intensive care unit later that day.
An ongoing series of protests and civil unrest against the government of Iran began in Tehran on September 16, 2022, as a reaction to the death of Amini that day following police custody, after she was arrested by the Guidance Patrol for wearing an "improper" hijab — in violation of Iran's mandatory hijab law — while visiting Tehran from Saqqez. According to eyewitnesses, Amini was severely beaten by Guidance Patrol officers — an assertion denied by Iranian authorities.
The protests began hours after Amini's death, starting at the hospital in Tehran where she was treated and quickly spreading to other parts of the country, first to Amini's hometown of Saqqez and other cities in the Kurdistan Province, including Sanandaj, Divandarreh, Baneh, and Bijar. In response to these demonstrations, beginning around September 19 the Iranian government implemented regional shutdowns of Internet access. As protests grew, a widespread Internet blackout was imposed along with nationwide restrictions on social media.
In response to the protests, people held demonstrations in support of the government across several cities in Iran, in an attempt to counter the women's rights protests. The Iranian government has referred to these counter-protests as "spontaneous". The pro-government protesters called for the anti-government protesters to be executed and have referred to them as "Israel's soldiers", whilst shouting "Death to America" and "Death to Israel", reflecting Iran's clerical rulers' usual narrative of putting the blame of the unrest on foreign countries. On October 3, in his first statement since the outbreak of the protests, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei dismissed the widespread unrest as "riots", and likewise tried to cast the unrest as a foreign plot.
According to Iran Human Rights, as of October 8, 2022, at least 185 people had been killed as a result of the government's intervention in the protests, involving tear gas and live rounds, making the protests the deadliest since the 2019-2020 protests that resulted in more than 1,500 fatalities. The government's response to the protests was largely condemned, and the United States Department of the Treasury sanctioned the Guidance Patrol and several high-ranking Iranian officials.
On October 19, 2023, Jina Mahsa Amini was posthumously awarded European Union's Sakharov human rights prize. The award, named for the Soviet dissident Andrei Sakharov, was created in 1988 to honor individuals or groups who defend human rights and fundamental freedoms. Sakharov, a Nobel peace prize laureate, died in 1989.
Amini died on September 16, 2022, three days after she was arrested for allegedly violating Iran’s mandatory headscarf law. The European parliament president, Roberta Metsola, said that the day of Amini's death would “live in infamy” and Amini’s “brutal murder” marked a turning point.
Amir
Amir. Word which comes from the Arabic root "amara" (“to command”). Amir is traditionally defined as a military commander, leader, governor, or prince. Although the word amir is not found in the Qur’an (its root appears once as ulu’al-amr [those in authority] in Sura 4:59 and Sura 4:83), it does have Islamic origins. Although different shades of the meaning of amir can be gleaned from the rich prophetic traditions, all converge on the importance of leadership in Islam, both to an individual and on a social level. More importantly, many of these hadiths draw a direct link between leadership (amara) and consulting (shawara), suggesting that those who are sought for consultation should be in a position of leadership. This link falls in tandem with the linguistic usage of amir, for it is a synonym of mushawar (“the consulted one”). This conceptual relationship was evidenced particularly in the early period of Islam.
Historically, amir was used as a title for the caliphs – first by the second rightly guided caliph ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab, as “Amir al-Mu’minin,” (“Commander of the Faithful”). This title did not imply a separation of Islamic affiliation from political leadership. In fact, Islamic religious piety was the principal prerequisite for the leader of the Islamic umma (community). Both the Umayyad and ‘Abbasid caliphs followed suit in styling themselves with this title, as did their successors and some of their dynastic opponents (e.g., ‘Alids and Fatimids) who also laid claim to the caliphate.
The title of amir, on the other hand, was bestowed on an ‘amil (delegate) appointed with the approval of the caliph, as well as on those who excelled in the military, such as commanders of armies (and occasionally of divisions of an army), and governors who were initially the conquering generals. The amir’s governance was generally restricted to a province, and his bay‘ah (allegiance) was to the ruling caliph. His authority was substantially enhanced as a result of the increased bureaucratic complexities introduced initially by the seventh-century Umayyad dynasty and further developed by the ‘Abbasids.
Consequently, the duties of the amirate were expanded to incorporate affairs outside the military, allowing amirs to distinguish themselves in both their administrative and financial duties. These included organizing the army, conducting expeditions, concluding agreements, appointing officials to various posts (e.g., ‘arifs who kept registers of their units, qadis [judges], the police, the postmaster), distributing pay, levying or abolishing taxes, leading prayer, and building mosques and other public works. This full ruling power caused many amirs to amass such wealth and power that some established dynasties, thereby reducing their relations with the caliph to receiving his ‘ahd (decree of appointment) and reciting his name in the Friday khutbah (sermon). The military rule of the Seljuks, the Ayyubids, and the Mamelukes illustrates the military orientation of the amir throughout the tenth and eleventh centuries.
In modern times, the title amir denotes membership in the ruling families of the many monarchies governing Muslim countries (e.g., Saudi Arabia, the Gulf countries). The function of the amirate has basically been reduced to that of executive, and the title has come to mean prince.
The word amir is synonymous with the word emir. Emir (Arabic: ãmeer; female: emira; ameerah), ("commander" or "general", also "prince" ; also transliterated as amir, aamir or ameer) is a high title of nobility or office, used throughout the Arab World and historically in 19th-century Afghanistan and also in the medieval Muslim World. Emirs are usually considered high-ranking sheiks, but in monarchical states the term is also used for princes, with "Emirate" being analogous to principality in this sense. The word is also used as a name (rather than an honorific) in Turkey, as in Emir Niego and Emir Sevinc. While emir is the predominant spelling in English and many other languages (for example, United Arab Emirates), amir, closer to the original Arabic, is more common for its numerous compounds (e.g., admiral) and in individual names. Spelling thus differs depending on the sources consulted.
Amir, meaning "chieftain" or "commander", is derived from the Arabic root Amr, "command". Originally simply meaning commander or leader, usually in reference to a group of people, it came to be used as a title of governors or rulers, usually in smaller states, and in modern Arabic usually renders the English word "prince." The word entered English in 1593, from the French émir. It was one of the titles or names of the Islamic prophet Muhammad.
The caliphs first used the title Amir al-Muminin ("Commander of the Faithful"), stressing their leadership over all Islam, especially in the military form of jihad; both this command and the title have been assumed by various other Muslim rulers, including sultans and emirs. For Shitte Muslims, they still give this title to the Caliph Ali as Amir al Muminin. The Abbasid (in theory still universal) Caliph Ar-Radi created the post of Amir al-Umara ("Amir of the Amirs") for his – in fact governing – Wazir (chief minister) Ibn Raik; the title was used in various Islamic monarchies. In Lebanon, the ruling Emir formally used the style al-Amir al-Hakim since, specifying it was still a ruler's title, but now as part of the Ottoman Empire; unchanged when in 1698 the Banu Shihab replaced the Banu Ma'n dynasty and on May 27, 1832 was annexed by khedival Egypt (both nominally Ottoman), but Ottoman rule was restored on October 10, 1840, until the Mount Lebanon emirate ended on January 16, 1842, as the Ottoman Sultans divided their Lebanese province administratively, creating a Christian district in the north and an area under Druze control in the south.
The word Emir is also used less formally for leaders in certain contexts, for example the leader of a group of pilgrims to Mecca is called an emir hadji, a style sometimes used by ruling princes (as a mark of Muslim piety), sometimes awarded in their name. Where an adjectival form is necessary, "emiral" suffices. Amirzade, the son (hence the Persian patronymic suffix -zade) of a prince, gave rise to the Persian princely title Mirza. In Nigeria, the traditional rulers of the predominantly Muslim northern regions are known as Emirs.
The temporal leader of the Yazidi people is known as an emir, or prince.
From the start, Emir has been a military title, roughly meaning "general" or "commander." The Western naval rank "admiral" comes from the Arabic naval title amir al-bahr, "general at sea," which has been used for naval commanders and occasionally the Ministers of Marine. In certain decimally-organized Muslim armies, Amir was an officer rank; e.g. in Mughal India Amirs commanded 1000 horsemen (divided into ten units, each under a Sipah salar), ten of them under one Malik. In the imperial army of Qajar Persia the following titles existed:
Amir-i-Nuyan, Lieutenant general
Amir Panj, "Commander of 5,000" (Brigadier general)
Amir-i-Tuman, "Commander of 10,000" (Major general)
Amir ul-Umara, "Amir of Amirs" or "Commander of Commanders"
In the former Kingdom of Afghanistan, Amir-i-Kabir was a title meaning "great prince" or "great commander."
.
In addition to being an Arabic name, Amir is also a common Muslim male name for both Arab and non-Arab Muslims, taken from Arabic just as the Western name Rex ("king") is borrowed from Latin while Amira is a common Muslim female name. In Bosnia and Herzegovina female-name Emira – often interpreted as "princess" – is a derivative of male-name Emir.
emir see Amir.
aamir see Amir.
ameer see Amir.
Amir. Word which comes from the Arabic root "amara" (“to command”). Amir is traditionally defined as a military commander, leader, governor, or prince. Although the word amir is not found in the Qur’an (its root appears once as ulu’al-amr [those in authority] in Sura 4:59 and Sura 4:83), it does have Islamic origins. Although different shades of the meaning of amir can be gleaned from the rich prophetic traditions, all converge on the importance of leadership in Islam, both to an individual and on a social level. More importantly, many of these hadiths draw a direct link between leadership (amara) and consulting (shawara), suggesting that those who are sought for consultation should be in a position of leadership. This link falls in tandem with the linguistic usage of amir, for it is a synonym of mushawar (“the consulted one”). This conceptual relationship was evidenced particularly in the early period of Islam.
Historically, amir was used as a title for the caliphs – first by the second rightly guided caliph ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab, as “Amir al-Mu’minin,” (“Commander of the Faithful”). This title did not imply a separation of Islamic affiliation from political leadership. In fact, Islamic religious piety was the principal prerequisite for the leader of the Islamic umma (community). Both the Umayyad and ‘Abbasid caliphs followed suit in styling themselves with this title, as did their successors and some of their dynastic opponents (e.g., ‘Alids and Fatimids) who also laid claim to the caliphate.
The title of amir, on the other hand, was bestowed on an ‘amil (delegate) appointed with the approval of the caliph, as well as on those who excelled in the military, such as commanders of armies (and occasionally of divisions of an army), and governors who were initially the conquering generals. The amir’s governance was generally restricted to a province, and his bay‘ah (allegiance) was to the ruling caliph. His authority was substantially enhanced as a result of the increased bureaucratic complexities introduced initially by the seventh-century Umayyad dynasty and further developed by the ‘Abbasids.
Consequently, the duties of the amirate were expanded to incorporate affairs outside the military, allowing amirs to distinguish themselves in both their administrative and financial duties. These included organizing the army, conducting expeditions, concluding agreements, appointing officials to various posts (e.g., ‘arifs who kept registers of their units, qadis [judges], the police, the postmaster), distributing pay, levying or abolishing taxes, leading prayer, and building mosques and other public works. This full ruling power caused many amirs to amass such wealth and power that some established dynasties, thereby reducing their relations with the caliph to receiving his ‘ahd (decree of appointment) and reciting his name in the Friday khutbah (sermon). The military rule of the Seljuks, the Ayyubids, and the Mamelukes illustrates the military orientation of the amir throughout the tenth and eleventh centuries.
In modern times, the title amir denotes membership in the ruling families of the many monarchies governing Muslim countries (e.g., Saudi Arabia, the Gulf countries). The function of the amirate has basically been reduced to that of executive, and the title has come to mean prince.
The word amir is synonymous with the word emir. Emir (Arabic: ãmeer; female: emira; ameerah), ("commander" or "general", also "prince" ; also transliterated as amir, aamir or ameer) is a high title of nobility or office, used throughout the Arab World and historically in 19th-century Afghanistan and also in the medieval Muslim World. Emirs are usually considered high-ranking sheiks, but in monarchical states the term is also used for princes, with "Emirate" being analogous to principality in this sense. The word is also used as a name (rather than an honorific) in Turkey, as in Emir Niego and Emir Sevinc. While emir is the predominant spelling in English and many other languages (for example, United Arab Emirates), amir, closer to the original Arabic, is more common for its numerous compounds (e.g., admiral) and in individual names. Spelling thus differs depending on the sources consulted.
Amir, meaning "chieftain" or "commander", is derived from the Arabic root Amr, "command". Originally simply meaning commander or leader, usually in reference to a group of people, it came to be used as a title of governors or rulers, usually in smaller states, and in modern Arabic usually renders the English word "prince." The word entered English in 1593, from the French émir. It was one of the titles or names of the Islamic prophet Muhammad.
The caliphs first used the title Amir al-Muminin ("Commander of the Faithful"), stressing their leadership over all Islam, especially in the military form of jihad; both this command and the title have been assumed by various other Muslim rulers, including sultans and emirs. For Shitte Muslims, they still give this title to the Caliph Ali as Amir al Muminin. The Abbasid (in theory still universal) Caliph Ar-Radi created the post of Amir al-Umara ("Amir of the Amirs") for his – in fact governing – Wazir (chief minister) Ibn Raik; the title was used in various Islamic monarchies. In Lebanon, the ruling Emir formally used the style al-Amir al-Hakim since, specifying it was still a ruler's title, but now as part of the Ottoman Empire; unchanged when in 1698 the Banu Shihab replaced the Banu Ma'n dynasty and on May 27, 1832 was annexed by khedival Egypt (both nominally Ottoman), but Ottoman rule was restored on October 10, 1840, until the Mount Lebanon emirate ended on January 16, 1842, as the Ottoman Sultans divided their Lebanese province administratively, creating a Christian district in the north and an area under Druze control in the south.
The word Emir is also used less formally for leaders in certain contexts, for example the leader of a group of pilgrims to Mecca is called an emir hadji, a style sometimes used by ruling princes (as a mark of Muslim piety), sometimes awarded in their name. Where an adjectival form is necessary, "emiral" suffices. Amirzade, the son (hence the Persian patronymic suffix -zade) of a prince, gave rise to the Persian princely title Mirza. In Nigeria, the traditional rulers of the predominantly Muslim northern regions are known as Emirs.
The temporal leader of the Yazidi people is known as an emir, or prince.
From the start, Emir has been a military title, roughly meaning "general" or "commander." The Western naval rank "admiral" comes from the Arabic naval title amir al-bahr, "general at sea," which has been used for naval commanders and occasionally the Ministers of Marine. In certain decimally-organized Muslim armies, Amir was an officer rank; e.g. in Mughal India Amirs commanded 1000 horsemen (divided into ten units, each under a Sipah salar), ten of them under one Malik. In the imperial army of Qajar Persia the following titles existed:
Amir-i-Nuyan, Lieutenant general
Amir Panj, "Commander of 5,000" (Brigadier general)
Amir-i-Tuman, "Commander of 10,000" (Major general)
Amir ul-Umara, "Amir of Amirs" or "Commander of Commanders"
In the former Kingdom of Afghanistan, Amir-i-Kabir was a title meaning "great prince" or "great commander."
.
In addition to being an Arabic name, Amir is also a common Muslim male name for both Arab and non-Arab Muslims, taken from Arabic just as the Western name Rex ("king") is borrowed from Latin while Amira is a common Muslim female name. In Bosnia and Herzegovina female-name Emira – often interpreted as "princess" – is a derivative of male-name Emir.
emir see Amir.
aamir see Amir.
ameer see Amir.
Amir ‘Ali, Sayyid
Amir ‘Ali, Sayyid (Ameer 'Ali, Syed) (Syed Ameer Ali) (April 6, 1849; Cuttack, Orissa, India - August 4, 1928; Sussex, England), was an Indian Muslim jurist, political leader, and author of a number of influential books on Muslim history and the modern development of Islam, who is credited for his contributions to the Law of India, particularly Muslim Personal Law, as well as the development of political philosophy for Muslims, during the British Raj. He was a signatory to the 1906 Qur'an Petition and founding-member of the All India Muslim League, and a contemporary of Muhammad Iqbal.
Amir Ali was an Indian lawyer-jurist, politician, and “liberal” Muslim thinker. A member of a family formerly in service to the nawabs of Awadh, Amir Ali attended British sponsored schools in Calcutta and was called to the bar from London’s Inner Temple. A successful barrister in Calcutta, he became a justice of that city’s High Court. In 1908, he became the first non-Briton to sit as a “Law Lord” of the Privy Council. Active in the Muslim League, Amir Ali’s move to England gave him some influence in government circles. His books, most important of which was The Spirit of Islam, were written for European readers. An admirer of British “Progressive” thinkers, he emphasized the role of Islam in inspiring human development. 'Ali argued that a re-working of the faith along “rational” lines would ensure Islam its rightful place in the vanguard of human evolution.
Amir ‘Ali was born in Chinsura, Bengal into a Shi‘a family with a history of service to Persian and Mughal rulers and to the nawabs of Awadh, as well as to the British East India Company.
Amir 'Ali traced his lineage through the eighth Imam, Ali Al-Raza, to Muhammad. Forefathers of his are known to have held office under Shah Abbas II of Persia and taken part in Nadir Shah's invasion of India. After the plunder of Delhi, the family line then settled in the Sub-continent and started serving Muhammad Shah. Another of his forefathers fought against Marhattas in the third battle of Panipat. Finally, when his grandfather died, his father Saadat Ali Khan was brought up and educated by Syed's maternal uncle.
He was born on 6 April 1849 at Cuttack in Orissa as the fourth of five sons of Syed Saadat Ali. His father moved the family to Calcutta, and then to Chinsura where they settled more permanently among the ashraf elite. His family took advantage of the educational facilities provided by the British government but otherwise shunned by the Muslim community. With the assistance of his British teachers and supported by several competitive scholarships, he achieved outstanding examination results, graduating from Calcutta University in 1867, and earning a master's degree with honors in History in 1868. The law degree followed quickly in 1869. He then studied law in London and was called to the Bar in 1873.
After moving to London, where he stayed between 1869 and 1873, joined the Inner Temple and made contacts with the elite of the city. He absorbed the influence of contemporary liberalism. He had contacts with almost all the administrators concerned with India and with leading English liberals such as John Bright and the Fewcetts, Henry (1831-1898) and his wife, Millicent Fawcett (1847-1929).
He resumed his legal practice at Calcutta High Court on his return to India in 1873. The year after, he was elected as a Fellow of Calcutta University as well as being appointed as a lecturer in Islamic Law at the Presidency College, Kolkata. In 1878, he was appointed as the member of the Bengal Legislative Council. He revisited England in 1880 for one year.
In 1883, he was nominated to the membership of the Governor General Council. He became a professor of law in Calcutta University in 1881. In 1890 he was made a judge in the Calcutta High Court. He founded the political organisation, Central National Muhamedan Association, in Calcutta in 1877. This made him the first Muslim leader to put into practice the need for such an organisation due to the belief that efforts directed through an organisation would be more effective than those originating from an individual leader. The Association played an important role in the modernisation of Muslims and in arousing their political consciousness. He was associated with it for over 25 years, and worked for the political advancement of the Muslims.
In 1904, Amir 'Ali "retired" to England, his wife's home.. Although he was out of the way of the main current of Muslim political life, through his career in general he became a jurist and a well-known Islamic scholar. In England, he established the London Muslim League in 1908. This organisation was an independent body and not a branch of the All India Muslim League. In 1909, he became the first Indian to sit as a member of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. On appointment to the Privy Council he became entitled to be addressed as The Rt Hon.
In 1910, he established the first mosque in London. In doing so he formally co-established the London Mosque Fund, alongside a group of prominent British Muslims, to finance the building of the mosque in the capital. His field of activities was now broadened and he stood for Muslim welfare all over the world. He played an important role in securing separate electorates for the Muslims in South Asia and promoting the cause of the Khilafat Movement.
He died on August 4, 1928 in Sussex.
Ali's record as the only Muslim privy councillor in British history was only broken a century later in June 2009 when Sadiq Khan was appointed as Minister of State for Transport with membership of the Privy Council.
Amir ‘Ali’s distinguished public career was punctuated by frequent writings on Islamic topics for such British journals as Nineteenth Century. His books on Islamic religions and history were written in English with a Western readership in mind and established his reputation as a modern apologist for Islamic culture. His best known works are A Short History of the Saracens (1889) and The Spirit of Islam (1891). He viewed Islam as the vehicle of rationality and dynamism during the age of European barbarism, and the Prophet Muhammad as a messenger of moral humanism and progress entirely in tune with the modern age. These works had considerable influence on the thinking of Western-educated Muslims in India in their efforts to refute British or Christian missionary criticisms of their faith, and in their sense of an emerging political and religious identity.
Amir 'Ali believed that the Muslims as a downtrodden nation could get more benefit from the loyalty to the British rather than from any opposition to them. For this reason he called upon his followers to devote their energy and attention to popularising English education among the Muslims. This perception and consequent activism has been known as the Aligarh Movement.
Amir ‘Ali’s position and politics allied him with the British, but throughout his career he endeavored to represent Indian Muslim opinion, as he saw it, to the government. In1877, he founded the Central National Muhammadan Association with the purpose of petitioning the British government to safeguard Muslim interests. He also established the London branch of the All-India Muslim League in 1908. He lobbied for the establishment of separate electorates for Muslims, a provision of the Morley-Minto constitutional reforms of 1909. Amir 'Ali also lobbied the British government for fair treatment of the Ottoman sultan-caliph in the treaties ending World War I, even though he took no part in the Khilafat movement in India. His efforts on behalf of the Ottoman caliph included a letter that he and the Aga Khan wrote to the prime minister of Turkey in 1923, urging a restoration of the caliph’s temporal powers. Ironically, this letter from the two Indian Shi‘a leaders had the opposite effect. The Turkish National Assembly, indignant at this foreign meddling, voted to abolish the caliphate early in 1924.
'Ali, Sayyid Amir see Amir ‘Ali, Sayyid
Ameer 'Ali, Syed see Amir ‘Ali, Sayyid
Sayyid Amir 'Ali see Amir ‘Ali, Sayyid
Syed Ameer 'Ali see Amir ‘Ali, Sayyid
Amir ‘Ali, Sayyid (Ameer 'Ali, Syed) (Syed Ameer Ali) (April 6, 1849; Cuttack, Orissa, India - August 4, 1928; Sussex, England), was an Indian Muslim jurist, political leader, and author of a number of influential books on Muslim history and the modern development of Islam, who is credited for his contributions to the Law of India, particularly Muslim Personal Law, as well as the development of political philosophy for Muslims, during the British Raj. He was a signatory to the 1906 Qur'an Petition and founding-member of the All India Muslim League, and a contemporary of Muhammad Iqbal.
Amir Ali was an Indian lawyer-jurist, politician, and “liberal” Muslim thinker. A member of a family formerly in service to the nawabs of Awadh, Amir Ali attended British sponsored schools in Calcutta and was called to the bar from London’s Inner Temple. A successful barrister in Calcutta, he became a justice of that city’s High Court. In 1908, he became the first non-Briton to sit as a “Law Lord” of the Privy Council. Active in the Muslim League, Amir Ali’s move to England gave him some influence in government circles. His books, most important of which was The Spirit of Islam, were written for European readers. An admirer of British “Progressive” thinkers, he emphasized the role of Islam in inspiring human development. 'Ali argued that a re-working of the faith along “rational” lines would ensure Islam its rightful place in the vanguard of human evolution.
Amir ‘Ali was born in Chinsura, Bengal into a Shi‘a family with a history of service to Persian and Mughal rulers and to the nawabs of Awadh, as well as to the British East India Company.
Amir 'Ali traced his lineage through the eighth Imam, Ali Al-Raza, to Muhammad. Forefathers of his are known to have held office under Shah Abbas II of Persia and taken part in Nadir Shah's invasion of India. After the plunder of Delhi, the family line then settled in the Sub-continent and started serving Muhammad Shah. Another of his forefathers fought against Marhattas in the third battle of Panipat. Finally, when his grandfather died, his father Saadat Ali Khan was brought up and educated by Syed's maternal uncle.
He was born on 6 April 1849 at Cuttack in Orissa as the fourth of five sons of Syed Saadat Ali. His father moved the family to Calcutta, and then to Chinsura where they settled more permanently among the ashraf elite. His family took advantage of the educational facilities provided by the British government but otherwise shunned by the Muslim community. With the assistance of his British teachers and supported by several competitive scholarships, he achieved outstanding examination results, graduating from Calcutta University in 1867, and earning a master's degree with honors in History in 1868. The law degree followed quickly in 1869. He then studied law in London and was called to the Bar in 1873.
After moving to London, where he stayed between 1869 and 1873, joined the Inner Temple and made contacts with the elite of the city. He absorbed the influence of contemporary liberalism. He had contacts with almost all the administrators concerned with India and with leading English liberals such as John Bright and the Fewcetts, Henry (1831-1898) and his wife, Millicent Fawcett (1847-1929).
He resumed his legal practice at Calcutta High Court on his return to India in 1873. The year after, he was elected as a Fellow of Calcutta University as well as being appointed as a lecturer in Islamic Law at the Presidency College, Kolkata. In 1878, he was appointed as the member of the Bengal Legislative Council. He revisited England in 1880 for one year.
In 1883, he was nominated to the membership of the Governor General Council. He became a professor of law in Calcutta University in 1881. In 1890 he was made a judge in the Calcutta High Court. He founded the political organisation, Central National Muhamedan Association, in Calcutta in 1877. This made him the first Muslim leader to put into practice the need for such an organisation due to the belief that efforts directed through an organisation would be more effective than those originating from an individual leader. The Association played an important role in the modernisation of Muslims and in arousing their political consciousness. He was associated with it for over 25 years, and worked for the political advancement of the Muslims.
In 1904, Amir 'Ali "retired" to England, his wife's home.. Although he was out of the way of the main current of Muslim political life, through his career in general he became a jurist and a well-known Islamic scholar. In England, he established the London Muslim League in 1908. This organisation was an independent body and not a branch of the All India Muslim League. In 1909, he became the first Indian to sit as a member of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. On appointment to the Privy Council he became entitled to be addressed as The Rt Hon.
In 1910, he established the first mosque in London. In doing so he formally co-established the London Mosque Fund, alongside a group of prominent British Muslims, to finance the building of the mosque in the capital. His field of activities was now broadened and he stood for Muslim welfare all over the world. He played an important role in securing separate electorates for the Muslims in South Asia and promoting the cause of the Khilafat Movement.
He died on August 4, 1928 in Sussex.
Ali's record as the only Muslim privy councillor in British history was only broken a century later in June 2009 when Sadiq Khan was appointed as Minister of State for Transport with membership of the Privy Council.
Amir ‘Ali’s distinguished public career was punctuated by frequent writings on Islamic topics for such British journals as Nineteenth Century. His books on Islamic religions and history were written in English with a Western readership in mind and established his reputation as a modern apologist for Islamic culture. His best known works are A Short History of the Saracens (1889) and The Spirit of Islam (1891). He viewed Islam as the vehicle of rationality and dynamism during the age of European barbarism, and the Prophet Muhammad as a messenger of moral humanism and progress entirely in tune with the modern age. These works had considerable influence on the thinking of Western-educated Muslims in India in their efforts to refute British or Christian missionary criticisms of their faith, and in their sense of an emerging political and religious identity.
Amir 'Ali believed that the Muslims as a downtrodden nation could get more benefit from the loyalty to the British rather than from any opposition to them. For this reason he called upon his followers to devote their energy and attention to popularising English education among the Muslims. This perception and consequent activism has been known as the Aligarh Movement.
Amir ‘Ali’s position and politics allied him with the British, but throughout his career he endeavored to represent Indian Muslim opinion, as he saw it, to the government. In1877, he founded the Central National Muhammadan Association with the purpose of petitioning the British government to safeguard Muslim interests. He also established the London branch of the All-India Muslim League in 1908. He lobbied for the establishment of separate electorates for Muslims, a provision of the Morley-Minto constitutional reforms of 1909. Amir 'Ali also lobbied the British government for fair treatment of the Ottoman sultan-caliph in the treaties ending World War I, even though he took no part in the Khilafat movement in India. His efforts on behalf of the Ottoman caliph included a letter that he and the Aga Khan wrote to the prime minister of Turkey in 1923, urging a restoration of the caliph’s temporal powers. Ironically, this letter from the two Indian Shi‘a leaders had the opposite effect. The Turkish National Assembly, indignant at this foreign meddling, voted to abolish the caliphate early in 1924.
'Ali, Sayyid Amir see Amir ‘Ali, Sayyid
Ameer 'Ali, Syed see Amir ‘Ali, Sayyid
Sayyid Amir 'Ali see Amir ‘Ali, Sayyid
Syed Ameer 'Ali see Amir ‘Ali, Sayyid
Amir al-mu’minin
Amir al-mu’minin. A title created early in Islamic history and adopted by a series of Muslim polities to the present day, "amir al-mu’minin" means “commander of the faithful.” Early medieval Muslim historians report that the term was used in reference to those in positions of command over Muslim forces during the initial period of conquest, both during and after the life of the Prophet. According to separate anecdotes reported by al-Tabari and al-Ya‘qubi, among others, the second of the Rashidun caliphs, ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab, adopted it as a title. Neither passage explicitly supports the assertion that the adoption of the title was connected to the Qur’anic injunction {see Suras 4:58 and 4:62} to obey not only God and the Prophet, but “those among you who are charged with authority (al-amr)” as well.
Under Umayyad rule, beginning with Mu‘awiyah, the title appears to have taken on increasing ideological weight. Along with Hijra dates and the Basmalah (the “in the name of God” invocation), the title was used on coins minted by the Islamic state. Early Arab-Sassanian coins bear the legend “Mu‘awiyah, Commander of the Faithful” in Pahlavi script, although a change to the use of Arabic on coins appears to have occurred by the end of the seventh century. On at least two occasions in the later part of the century, the title was claimed by rivals to the Umayyad caliphate: ‘Abd Allah ibn Zubayr in the second civil war and a Khariji leader, ‘Abd Allah ibn Qatari ibn al-Fuja’ah, over the years 688 to 699.
The anecdote concerning ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab suggests that from early on the title was used more commonly than its complex companion term, khalifah. Like khalifah, it did not refer to a clearly delineated set of powers or the possession of absolute authority; in this sense then, its meaning evolved as the scope and nature of the caliphal office were defined and debated by Muslim political and religious writers over the course of Islamic history. Generally speaking, the term amir al-mu’minin referred to the temporal powers of the sovereign, whereas the term khalifah connoted “deputyship,” either to the Prophet or to God. A third term, imam, often used for caliphs or caliphal aspirants, connoted religious authority.
In the Sunni Islamic world, the adoption of the title implied the claim either to the caliphate, as during the Umayyad and ‘Abbasid dynasties, or to autonomous political authority over a region of the Islamic world, as used by the Umayyad rulers of Spain, beginning with ‘Abd al-Rahman III in 928. Its use by the Fatimid state, a Shi‘a dynasty with Isma‘ili roots, was a rival claim to the universal sovereignty of the caliphate. In Yemen, in the early tenth century, the founder of the Zaydi Imamate, which was only overthrown in 1962, laid claim to the title as well. The use of the title by the various branches of Shi'ism generally reflects their respective conceptions of authority. The Twelvers, for example, apply it exclusively to ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib.
The use either of titles bearing the component amir al-mu’minin (as in the sultanate dynasties of the Seljuks and Ghaznavids and others such as the Ayyubids in Syria and Rasulids of Yemen) or of a new title, for example amir al-mu’minin, adopted by the Almoravid (al-Murabitun) state in the western Maghrib in the early twelfth century, implied primarily a symbolic recognition of ‘Abbasid sovereignty. The Almohad (al-Muwahhidun) ruler, ‘Abd al-Mu’min, successor to the founder of the dynasty, Ibn Tumart, assumed the title around 1132, thereby directly challenging the claim of the ‘Abbasids (by that time, a badly weakened dynasty) to the caliphate. The Almohad claim was then taken up by the Hafsid dynasty in the thirteenth century. In the following century, in Morocco, the Marinids pushed the Hafsids aside and assumed the title and its accompanying claim to authority for themselves. The two succeeding dynasties of Morocco, the Sa‘dis and ‘Alawis, refined a Marinid idea of combining caliphal like authority, expressed in the use of amir al-mu’minin, with Sufi doctrines and the claim of descent from the Prophet. While the Moroccan king, Hasan II, a member of the ‘Alawi dynasty, drew some support from his assertion of a combined spiritual and temporal authority, his authoritarian regime relied to a great extent upon backing from the military and security services.
The use of amir al-mu’minin, quite unlike that of khalifah, appears to have waned in the Middle East following the Mongol invasions of the thirteenth century. The Ottoman rulers, even at the height of their power in the sixteenth century, do not appear, with several rare exceptions, to have laid formal claim to the title, a change that has been linked to later developments in the theory of the caliphate. The title retained, however, a strong ideological resonance in West African Muslim communities. In the late seventeenth century, in Mauritania, ethnic and religious tensions sparked the formation of a primarily Berber socio-religious movement under the leadership of Nasir al-Din. He announced himself to be both the imam and amir al-mu’minin, and bringing together messianic and militant reformist ideas, led his followers against local Arab tribal forces. The movement was effectively crushed by 1677, following the death of Nasir al-Din in 1674. Messianic and reformist ideas also fueled the more successful movement led by 'Uthman dan Fodio (1754-1817) in what is today northern Nigeria. Drawing on his training as a Sunni ‘alim, and responding to what he perceived as the corrupt and irreligious ways of the rulers of the Gobir state, dan Fodio announced a jihad against them in 1804-1805. Among his titles was that of amir al-mu’minin. Military victories led to the creation of the Sokoto Caliphate, which survived until its defeat by the British in 1903.
“commander of the faithful” see Amir al-mu’minin.
Amir al-mu’minin. A title created early in Islamic history and adopted by a series of Muslim polities to the present day, "amir al-mu’minin" means “commander of the faithful.” Early medieval Muslim historians report that the term was used in reference to those in positions of command over Muslim forces during the initial period of conquest, both during and after the life of the Prophet. According to separate anecdotes reported by al-Tabari and al-Ya‘qubi, among others, the second of the Rashidun caliphs, ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab, adopted it as a title. Neither passage explicitly supports the assertion that the adoption of the title was connected to the Qur’anic injunction {see Suras 4:58 and 4:62} to obey not only God and the Prophet, but “those among you who are charged with authority (al-amr)” as well.
Under Umayyad rule, beginning with Mu‘awiyah, the title appears to have taken on increasing ideological weight. Along with Hijra dates and the Basmalah (the “in the name of God” invocation), the title was used on coins minted by the Islamic state. Early Arab-Sassanian coins bear the legend “Mu‘awiyah, Commander of the Faithful” in Pahlavi script, although a change to the use of Arabic on coins appears to have occurred by the end of the seventh century. On at least two occasions in the later part of the century, the title was claimed by rivals to the Umayyad caliphate: ‘Abd Allah ibn Zubayr in the second civil war and a Khariji leader, ‘Abd Allah ibn Qatari ibn al-Fuja’ah, over the years 688 to 699.
The anecdote concerning ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab suggests that from early on the title was used more commonly than its complex companion term, khalifah. Like khalifah, it did not refer to a clearly delineated set of powers or the possession of absolute authority; in this sense then, its meaning evolved as the scope and nature of the caliphal office were defined and debated by Muslim political and religious writers over the course of Islamic history. Generally speaking, the term amir al-mu’minin referred to the temporal powers of the sovereign, whereas the term khalifah connoted “deputyship,” either to the Prophet or to God. A third term, imam, often used for caliphs or caliphal aspirants, connoted religious authority.
In the Sunni Islamic world, the adoption of the title implied the claim either to the caliphate, as during the Umayyad and ‘Abbasid dynasties, or to autonomous political authority over a region of the Islamic world, as used by the Umayyad rulers of Spain, beginning with ‘Abd al-Rahman III in 928. Its use by the Fatimid state, a Shi‘a dynasty with Isma‘ili roots, was a rival claim to the universal sovereignty of the caliphate. In Yemen, in the early tenth century, the founder of the Zaydi Imamate, which was only overthrown in 1962, laid claim to the title as well. The use of the title by the various branches of Shi'ism generally reflects their respective conceptions of authority. The Twelvers, for example, apply it exclusively to ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib.
The use either of titles bearing the component amir al-mu’minin (as in the sultanate dynasties of the Seljuks and Ghaznavids and others such as the Ayyubids in Syria and Rasulids of Yemen) or of a new title, for example amir al-mu’minin, adopted by the Almoravid (al-Murabitun) state in the western Maghrib in the early twelfth century, implied primarily a symbolic recognition of ‘Abbasid sovereignty. The Almohad (al-Muwahhidun) ruler, ‘Abd al-Mu’min, successor to the founder of the dynasty, Ibn Tumart, assumed the title around 1132, thereby directly challenging the claim of the ‘Abbasids (by that time, a badly weakened dynasty) to the caliphate. The Almohad claim was then taken up by the Hafsid dynasty in the thirteenth century. In the following century, in Morocco, the Marinids pushed the Hafsids aside and assumed the title and its accompanying claim to authority for themselves. The two succeeding dynasties of Morocco, the Sa‘dis and ‘Alawis, refined a Marinid idea of combining caliphal like authority, expressed in the use of amir al-mu’minin, with Sufi doctrines and the claim of descent from the Prophet. While the Moroccan king, Hasan II, a member of the ‘Alawi dynasty, drew some support from his assertion of a combined spiritual and temporal authority, his authoritarian regime relied to a great extent upon backing from the military and security services.
The use of amir al-mu’minin, quite unlike that of khalifah, appears to have waned in the Middle East following the Mongol invasions of the thirteenth century. The Ottoman rulers, even at the height of their power in the sixteenth century, do not appear, with several rare exceptions, to have laid formal claim to the title, a change that has been linked to later developments in the theory of the caliphate. The title retained, however, a strong ideological resonance in West African Muslim communities. In the late seventeenth century, in Mauritania, ethnic and religious tensions sparked the formation of a primarily Berber socio-religious movement under the leadership of Nasir al-Din. He announced himself to be both the imam and amir al-mu’minin, and bringing together messianic and militant reformist ideas, led his followers against local Arab tribal forces. The movement was effectively crushed by 1677, following the death of Nasir al-Din in 1674. Messianic and reformist ideas also fueled the more successful movement led by 'Uthman dan Fodio (1754-1817) in what is today northern Nigeria. Drawing on his training as a Sunni ‘alim, and responding to what he perceived as the corrupt and irreligious ways of the rulers of the Gobir state, dan Fodio announced a jihad against them in 1804-1805. Among his titles was that of amir al-mu’minin. Military victories led to the creation of the Sokoto Caliphate, which survived until its defeat by the British in 1903.
“commander of the faithful” see Amir al-mu’minin.
Amir Hamzah
Amir Hamzah (1911-1946). Indonesian lyric poet. Although a man of modern education, Amir Hamzah was a traditionalist. A member of the family of the Sultan of Langkat in East Sumatra, Amir Hamzah loved ancient Malay vocabulary, culture, history and verse forms. But above all, Amir Hamzah was a staunch Muslim. Amir Hamzah’s poem on the Malay hero Hang Tuah brought to mind a European ballad. Amir Hamzah’s earliest poems were published in 1941 under the title Buah Rindu (“Fruit of Longing”). These early poems were sad songs of a lonely wanderer. In his later poems, published in 1937 as Njanji Sunji (“Songs of Solitude”), Amir Hamzah shows strong religious feeling and addresses himself to God as the God of Love. Amir Hamzah was killed in the disturbances in East Sumatra that preceded independence.
Hamzah, Amir see Amir Hamzah
Amir Hamzah (1911-1946). Indonesian lyric poet. Although a man of modern education, Amir Hamzah was a traditionalist. A member of the family of the Sultan of Langkat in East Sumatra, Amir Hamzah loved ancient Malay vocabulary, culture, history and verse forms. But above all, Amir Hamzah was a staunch Muslim. Amir Hamzah’s poem on the Malay hero Hang Tuah brought to mind a European ballad. Amir Hamzah’s earliest poems were published in 1941 under the title Buah Rindu (“Fruit of Longing”). These early poems were sad songs of a lonely wanderer. In his later poems, published in 1937 as Njanji Sunji (“Songs of Solitude”), Amir Hamzah shows strong religious feeling and addresses himself to God as the God of Love. Amir Hamzah was killed in the disturbances in East Sumatra that preceded independence.
Hamzah, Amir see Amir Hamzah
Amir ibn Sa’sa’a
Amir ibn Sa’sa’a. Large group of tribes in western Central Arabia.
Banu 'Amir ibn Sa'sa'ah or Banu 'Amir (Arabic: بنو عامر بن صعصعة) were a large and ancient Arab tribal confederation originating from central and southwestern Arabia that dominated Nejd for centuries after the rise of Islam. The tribe is of North Arabian stock, tracing its lineage to Adnan through Hawazin, and its original homeland was the border area between Nejd and Hejaz near Bisha. Although the Banu 'Amir were engaged in a long war with Quraysh before the appearance of Islam, the tribe was characterized by giving late allegiance to Muhammad and his immediate successors. The Banu Amir took part in the Ridda ("apostasy") following Muhammad's death, and instead allied themselves with the Apostates against the muslims. During that period the tribe produced several well-known Arabic poets, the most famous of whom was Labid ibn Rabi'ah, an author of one of the Seven Hanged Poems. Other poets included Amir ibn al-Tufayl, an important tribal chief; al-Ra'i al-Numayri, an opponent of Jarir; and the female poet Layla al-Akhyaliyyah. The protagonists of the romantic saga of Layla wal Majnun, Qays and Layla, also belonged to Banu 'Amir.
The main tribes that constituted this confederation were as follows:
Banu Kilab - a bedouin tribe that lived in western Nejd and who led the Banu Amir confederation prior to Islam. Like other Amiri tribes, they were allied with the eastern Arabian Qarmatian movement, then came to dominate central Arabia after the Qartmatian's demise. Later the tribe migrated northwards to Syria and briefly established the Mirdasid dynasty there. The tribe seems to have settled and dispersed among the native population there during the Mameluke period.
Banu Numayr - a mostly bedouin tribe that lived on the western borders of al-Yamamah and were allied with the Umayyad dynasty. They left for the banks of the Euphrates river in Iraq after a 9th century Abbasid military campaign against them in al-Yamama.
Banu Kaab - this section was the largest of the Bani Amir, and was divided into four tribes: Banu Uqayl, Banu Ja'dah, Banu Qushayr, and Al-Harish. All were natives of al-Yamamah, particularly the southern regions of that district, and included both bedouin pastoralists and settled agriculturists. Of the four, Banu Uqayl was by far the largest and most powerful. Having left for northern Iraq in the late Abbasid era, the bedouins of Banu Uqayl established the Uqaylid dynasty in Mosul (5th Islamic century). Later, sections of the tribe returned to Arabia, settling in the Province of Bahrain where they gave rise to the Usfurid and Jabrid dynasties. Several tribal groups in Iraq originated from Uqayl, including Khafajah, Ubadah, and al-Muntafiq. Other sections of Kaab left al-Yamamah and Nejd at a later date and settled along both sides of the Persian Gulf. They are now known as Bani Kaab and mostly live in the Ahwaz region of Iran.
Banu Hilal - probably the most well-known Amirid tribe, they were enlisted by the Fatimid rulers of Egypt in the 11th century, and left for Upper Egypt before invading North Africa in what later became a celebrated saga in the Arab World.
In addition to the Uqaylid tribes of Iraq, the modern tribes of Subay', the Suhool in Nejd, and some sections of Bani Khalid trace their lineage to Banu 'Amir.
Amir ibn Sa’sa’a. Large group of tribes in western Central Arabia.
Banu 'Amir ibn Sa'sa'ah or Banu 'Amir (Arabic: بنو عامر بن صعصعة) were a large and ancient Arab tribal confederation originating from central and southwestern Arabia that dominated Nejd for centuries after the rise of Islam. The tribe is of North Arabian stock, tracing its lineage to Adnan through Hawazin, and its original homeland was the border area between Nejd and Hejaz near Bisha. Although the Banu 'Amir were engaged in a long war with Quraysh before the appearance of Islam, the tribe was characterized by giving late allegiance to Muhammad and his immediate successors. The Banu Amir took part in the Ridda ("apostasy") following Muhammad's death, and instead allied themselves with the Apostates against the muslims. During that period the tribe produced several well-known Arabic poets, the most famous of whom was Labid ibn Rabi'ah, an author of one of the Seven Hanged Poems. Other poets included Amir ibn al-Tufayl, an important tribal chief; al-Ra'i al-Numayri, an opponent of Jarir; and the female poet Layla al-Akhyaliyyah. The protagonists of the romantic saga of Layla wal Majnun, Qays and Layla, also belonged to Banu 'Amir.
The main tribes that constituted this confederation were as follows:
Banu Kilab - a bedouin tribe that lived in western Nejd and who led the Banu Amir confederation prior to Islam. Like other Amiri tribes, they were allied with the eastern Arabian Qarmatian movement, then came to dominate central Arabia after the Qartmatian's demise. Later the tribe migrated northwards to Syria and briefly established the Mirdasid dynasty there. The tribe seems to have settled and dispersed among the native population there during the Mameluke period.
Banu Numayr - a mostly bedouin tribe that lived on the western borders of al-Yamamah and were allied with the Umayyad dynasty. They left for the banks of the Euphrates river in Iraq after a 9th century Abbasid military campaign against them in al-Yamama.
Banu Kaab - this section was the largest of the Bani Amir, and was divided into four tribes: Banu Uqayl, Banu Ja'dah, Banu Qushayr, and Al-Harish. All were natives of al-Yamamah, particularly the southern regions of that district, and included both bedouin pastoralists and settled agriculturists. Of the four, Banu Uqayl was by far the largest and most powerful. Having left for northern Iraq in the late Abbasid era, the bedouins of Banu Uqayl established the Uqaylid dynasty in Mosul (5th Islamic century). Later, sections of the tribe returned to Arabia, settling in the Province of Bahrain where they gave rise to the Usfurid and Jabrid dynasties. Several tribal groups in Iraq originated from Uqayl, including Khafajah, Ubadah, and al-Muntafiq. Other sections of Kaab left al-Yamamah and Nejd at a later date and settled along both sides of the Persian Gulf. They are now known as Bani Kaab and mostly live in the Ahwaz region of Iran.
Banu Hilal - probably the most well-known Amirid tribe, they were enlisted by the Fatimid rulers of Egypt in the 11th century, and left for Upper Egypt before invading North Africa in what later became a celebrated saga in the Arab World.
In addition to the Uqaylid tribes of Iraq, the modern tribes of Subay', the Suhool in Nejd, and some sections of Bani Khalid trace their lineage to Banu 'Amir.
Amirids
Amirids. The viceroys of the Spanish caliphate (r. 978-1009) and rulers of the taifa kingdom of Valencia from 1016 (1021?) to 1085. The Amirids were a Hispano-Arabic dynasty of Yemeni origins and the family of the viceroy, Muhammad ibn Abu Amir, known as al-Mansur (r. 978-1002), and his eldest son, 'Abd al-Malik (r. 1002-1008). 'Abd al-Malik led the Spanish caliphate to a final period of prosperity through successful military engagement in Spain (by capture of Barcelona in 985 and Santiago de Compostela in 997) and in the Maghreb (by capture of Fez in 986). Following the murder in 1009 of al-Mansur’s younger son, Abd al-Rahman, who had sought the rank of caliph, his son, Abd al-Aziz (1021-1061), moved to Valencia (administered by client lords after 1016), where he and his descendants were recognized as rulers. After being expelled from Toledo by the Dhun-Nunids (Dhu’l-Nunids), they were then ousted by them in 1085. Amirid client rulers established several fiefdoms in southeastern Spain, including Almeria (1012-1041), Murcia and Denia (1019-1076), Tortosa (1038-1061), and on the Balearics (1019-1114).
Amirids. The viceroys of the Spanish caliphate (r. 978-1009) and rulers of the taifa kingdom of Valencia from 1016 (1021?) to 1085. The Amirids were a Hispano-Arabic dynasty of Yemeni origins and the family of the viceroy, Muhammad ibn Abu Amir, known as al-Mansur (r. 978-1002), and his eldest son, 'Abd al-Malik (r. 1002-1008). 'Abd al-Malik led the Spanish caliphate to a final period of prosperity through successful military engagement in Spain (by capture of Barcelona in 985 and Santiago de Compostela in 997) and in the Maghreb (by capture of Fez in 986). Following the murder in 1009 of al-Mansur’s younger son, Abd al-Rahman, who had sought the rank of caliph, his son, Abd al-Aziz (1021-1061), moved to Valencia (administered by client lords after 1016), where he and his descendants were recognized as rulers. After being expelled from Toledo by the Dhun-Nunids (Dhu’l-Nunids), they were then ousted by them in 1085. Amirid client rulers established several fiefdoms in southeastern Spain, including Almeria (1012-1041), Murcia and Denia (1019-1076), Tortosa (1038-1061), and on the Balearics (1019-1114).
Amiri, Sarah bint Yousef Al
Sarah bint Yousef Al Amiri (b. 1987, United Arab Emirates) is the Minister of State for Advanced Technology within the Ministry of Industry and Advanced Technology in the government of the United Arab Emirates (UAE), chair of the UAE Space Agency, and the United Arab Emirates Council of Scientists, and Deputy Project Manager of the Emirates Mars Mission.
Amiri was born in the United Arab Emirates in 1987. She studied computer science at the American University of Sharjah, earning bachelor's and master's degrees. She was always interested in aerospace engineering but grew up at a time when the United Arab Emirates did not have a space program.
Amiri began her career at the Emirates Institution for Advanced Science and Technology, where she worked on DubaiSat-1 and DubaSat-2. In 2018 she was appointed the chairwoman of the UAE Council for the Fourth Industrial Revolution and in 2016 the head of the Emirates Scientist Council.
In 2020, Amiri was the science lead for the Emirates Mars Mission, Hope. The mission was partnered with the University of Colorado Boulder, the University of California, Berkeley, and Arizona State University. She spoke at TEDxDubai Salon about the Hope Mars Mission. In November 2017, Amiri became the first Emirati to speak at an international TED event when she spoke about the Hope Mars Mission in Louisiana. The mission launched in July 2020 and reached Mars in February 2021 to coincide with the 50th anniversary of the United Arab Emirates. In 2015, the World Economic Forum honored Amiri as one of its 50 Young Scientists for her contributions to science, technology and engineering.
In October 2017, Amiri was named Minister of State for Advanced Sciences and became a member of the United Arab Emirates Cabinet. In an effort to increase global scientific collaboration, Amiri toured scientific institutions in the United States in November 2017. On November 23, 2020, Amiri was placed on the list of the BBC's 100 Women and, in February 2021, she was also named in Time’s 2021 List of Next 100 Most Influential People.
Amir Kabir
Amir Kabir (Mirza Taqi Khan Farahani) (Mirza Taqi Khan Amir-Nezam) (1807 - January 11, 1852). An Iranian prime minister and reformer of the Qajar period. Son of a minister’s cook, he was first employed in the administration of the crown prince in Tabriz. He rose to prominence as the head of the Iranian mission to the Erzurum Conference (1843-1846). Upon accession to the throne, Nasir al-Din Shah (r. 1848-1896) appointed him to premiership with broad executive power. He embarked on a comprehensive program of reforms, which included administrative, military, and financial reorganizations; new agricultural and industrial projects; reduction of the trade deficit; and the foundation of the first technical college. His authoritative centralization policies brought the defeat of the Babi resistance (1848-1850). His brief term of office came to an end when he lost control over the shah and the administration and was executed. Perhaps the most prominent of nineteenth century reformers, his idealized image served as a model for future generations.
Amir Kabir served as Prime Minister of Persia (Iran) under Nasereddin Shah. Born in Hazaveh, a county of Arak, and murdered in 1852, Amir Kabir is a controversial historical figure. He is considered by some to be "widely respected by liberal nationalist Iranians" as `Iran's first reformer`, a modernizer who was "unjustly struck down" because he attempted to bring "gradual reform" to Iran. He is also considered a ruthless tyrant for his involvement in the massacre of thousands of the Bab'i's (later Baha'i's), and his hand in the execution of the Bab'i/Baha'i Messenger, the Bab.
His father, Karbalaee Qorban, was a cook for Mirza Abu'l-Qasim Farahani Qá'im Maqam, a previous prime minister, which made Mirza Taghi Khan learn many skills of the court.
Amir Kabir was sent to the Ottoman Empire to represent Persia in negotiations for an end to a hundred years of war between the two empires. He also helped Nasereddin Shah to receive the throne, so the Shah made him his chancellor and gave his sister to him in marriage.
Under his tenure, government expenditure was slashed, and a distinction made between the privy and public purses. The instruments of central administration were overhauled, and Amir Kabir assumed responsibility for all areas of the bureaucracy. His most immediate success was the vaccination of Iranians against smallpox, saving the lives of many thousands if not millions. Additionally, Amir Kabir curtailed foreign interference in Iran's domestic affairs.
Amir Kabir started some reformist movements in Persia. He founded Darolfonoon, the first European-style university in Persia in 1848, which taught modern sciences and languages. Decades later, many parts of this establishment were turned into the University of Tehran, with the remaining becoming Darolfonoon Secondary School. He also supported the foundation of the first Persian newspaper, vaghaye al etefaghiyeh. He established and planned for almost all of the industries that were existent in the world in that era, in Persia. His efforts included planning for a steel mill and a ship making industry and establishing the textile, weaponry, sugar, glass, Samovar, tea, and ceramic industries. These efforts, in turn, dramatically reduced the amount of importation from Russia. Amir Kabir established tariffs to reduce importing from Britain, and created a strong and stable economy. Amir Kabir implemented patent regulation for the first time in Iran to support inventors and industries and supplied them with loans and facilities. He enforced Quarantines and mandatory vaccination to prevent frequent outbreaks. He made improvements in the military and in discipline, planned for a Navy, and extended Persian influence in Northern and Eastern borders. Notably, he captured Herat without using force, doing it instead by diplomacy. He developed a very sophisticated intelligence service and fought against bribery, fraud and foreign interference.
Amir Kabir strengthened the law, discipline and order and even set the Shah's salary. He fixed deficits by lapsing the huge salaries that members of the royal family were receiving from the national treasury. This caused some of the royals, led by the Shah's mother and other members of the Royal family who had "suffered" cuts in their grand lifestyle to forge allegations against him. The allegations convinced the Shah to dismiss Amir Kabir and send him into internal exile in Kashan. At the time, the shamed Qajars, having realized the unpopularity of what they had done, spun a rumor that it had been the Shah's mother (whom the Shah allegedly did not like) and the succeeding Prime Minister Mirza Agha Khan Noori, whom some have suggested was a British sympathiser, who hatched the plot, thereby, exonerating the rest of the real culprits. However, entries from the diary of the impartial crown prince Mozaffar-e-din, Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar's son, make it clear that was it was Amir Kabir's reforms that had antagonized various Royals and nobles who had been excluded from the government. They regarded Amir Kabir as a social upstart and a threat to their interests, and they formed a coalition against him, in which the queen mother was active. She convinced the young shah that Amir Kabir wanted to usurp the throne. It seems from this source that not only was Mirza Agha Khan Noori not involved in Amir Kabir's downfall but that he, in fact, interceded on his behalf with the Shah.
It is said that the Russian embassy offered Amir Kabir a refuge in Russia, but Amir Kabir declined. Later, when the Shah was drunk, the Shah's mother and her aides asked him for an order to execute Amir Kabir, and executed the order very quickly in Kashan's Fin Bath, before the Shah could rescind the order.
Amir Kabir is also known in Iranian history for taking a decisive stance against the Babis. During his term he supported strong action against the Babis in the Shaykh Tabarsi, Nayriz and Zanjan upheavals. He was also the prime instigator in the execution of the Báb in 1850.
Tehran Polytechnic was established during Pahlavi Dynasty in 1958. It was renamed Amirkabir University of Technology after Amir Kabir in 1979.
Kabir, Amir see Amir Kabir
Mirza Taqi Khan Farahani see Amir Kabir
Farahani, Mirza Taqi Khan see Amir Kabir
Mirza Taqi Khan Amir-Nezam see Amir Kabir
Amir Kabir (Mirza Taqi Khan Farahani) (Mirza Taqi Khan Amir-Nezam) (1807 - January 11, 1852). An Iranian prime minister and reformer of the Qajar period. Son of a minister’s cook, he was first employed in the administration of the crown prince in Tabriz. He rose to prominence as the head of the Iranian mission to the Erzurum Conference (1843-1846). Upon accession to the throne, Nasir al-Din Shah (r. 1848-1896) appointed him to premiership with broad executive power. He embarked on a comprehensive program of reforms, which included administrative, military, and financial reorganizations; new agricultural and industrial projects; reduction of the trade deficit; and the foundation of the first technical college. His authoritative centralization policies brought the defeat of the Babi resistance (1848-1850). His brief term of office came to an end when he lost control over the shah and the administration and was executed. Perhaps the most prominent of nineteenth century reformers, his idealized image served as a model for future generations.
Amir Kabir served as Prime Minister of Persia (Iran) under Nasereddin Shah. Born in Hazaveh, a county of Arak, and murdered in 1852, Amir Kabir is a controversial historical figure. He is considered by some to be "widely respected by liberal nationalist Iranians" as `Iran's first reformer`, a modernizer who was "unjustly struck down" because he attempted to bring "gradual reform" to Iran. He is also considered a ruthless tyrant for his involvement in the massacre of thousands of the Bab'i's (later Baha'i's), and his hand in the execution of the Bab'i/Baha'i Messenger, the Bab.
His father, Karbalaee Qorban, was a cook for Mirza Abu'l-Qasim Farahani Qá'im Maqam, a previous prime minister, which made Mirza Taghi Khan learn many skills of the court.
Amir Kabir was sent to the Ottoman Empire to represent Persia in negotiations for an end to a hundred years of war between the two empires. He also helped Nasereddin Shah to receive the throne, so the Shah made him his chancellor and gave his sister to him in marriage.
Under his tenure, government expenditure was slashed, and a distinction made between the privy and public purses. The instruments of central administration were overhauled, and Amir Kabir assumed responsibility for all areas of the bureaucracy. His most immediate success was the vaccination of Iranians against smallpox, saving the lives of many thousands if not millions. Additionally, Amir Kabir curtailed foreign interference in Iran's domestic affairs.
Amir Kabir started some reformist movements in Persia. He founded Darolfonoon, the first European-style university in Persia in 1848, which taught modern sciences and languages. Decades later, many parts of this establishment were turned into the University of Tehran, with the remaining becoming Darolfonoon Secondary School. He also supported the foundation of the first Persian newspaper, vaghaye al etefaghiyeh. He established and planned for almost all of the industries that were existent in the world in that era, in Persia. His efforts included planning for a steel mill and a ship making industry and establishing the textile, weaponry, sugar, glass, Samovar, tea, and ceramic industries. These efforts, in turn, dramatically reduced the amount of importation from Russia. Amir Kabir established tariffs to reduce importing from Britain, and created a strong and stable economy. Amir Kabir implemented patent regulation for the first time in Iran to support inventors and industries and supplied them with loans and facilities. He enforced Quarantines and mandatory vaccination to prevent frequent outbreaks. He made improvements in the military and in discipline, planned for a Navy, and extended Persian influence in Northern and Eastern borders. Notably, he captured Herat without using force, doing it instead by diplomacy. He developed a very sophisticated intelligence service and fought against bribery, fraud and foreign interference.
Amir Kabir strengthened the law, discipline and order and even set the Shah's salary. He fixed deficits by lapsing the huge salaries that members of the royal family were receiving from the national treasury. This caused some of the royals, led by the Shah's mother and other members of the Royal family who had "suffered" cuts in their grand lifestyle to forge allegations against him. The allegations convinced the Shah to dismiss Amir Kabir and send him into internal exile in Kashan. At the time, the shamed Qajars, having realized the unpopularity of what they had done, spun a rumor that it had been the Shah's mother (whom the Shah allegedly did not like) and the succeeding Prime Minister Mirza Agha Khan Noori, whom some have suggested was a British sympathiser, who hatched the plot, thereby, exonerating the rest of the real culprits. However, entries from the diary of the impartial crown prince Mozaffar-e-din, Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar's son, make it clear that was it was Amir Kabir's reforms that had antagonized various Royals and nobles who had been excluded from the government. They regarded Amir Kabir as a social upstart and a threat to their interests, and they formed a coalition against him, in which the queen mother was active. She convinced the young shah that Amir Kabir wanted to usurp the throne. It seems from this source that not only was Mirza Agha Khan Noori not involved in Amir Kabir's downfall but that he, in fact, interceded on his behalf with the Shah.
It is said that the Russian embassy offered Amir Kabir a refuge in Russia, but Amir Kabir declined. Later, when the Shah was drunk, the Shah's mother and her aides asked him for an order to execute Amir Kabir, and executed the order very quickly in Kashan's Fin Bath, before the Shah could rescind the order.
Amir Kabir is also known in Iranian history for taking a decisive stance against the Babis. During his term he supported strong action against the Babis in the Shaykh Tabarsi, Nayriz and Zanjan upheavals. He was also the prime instigator in the execution of the Báb in 1850.
Tehran Polytechnic was established during Pahlavi Dynasty in 1958. It was renamed Amirkabir University of Technology after Amir Kabir in 1979.
Kabir, Amir see Amir Kabir
Mirza Taqi Khan Farahani see Amir Kabir
Farahani, Mirza Taqi Khan see Amir Kabir
Mirza Taqi Khan Amir-Nezam see Amir Kabir
Amir Khusraw Dihlawi
Amir Khusraw Dihlawi (Amir Khusrau) (Amir Khusrow Dehlawi) (Ab'ul Hasan Yamin al-Din Khusrow) (1253-1325). A great Indo-Persian poet. He enjoyed favor under the Khalji sultan of Delhi. Khusraw was a versatile genius, accomplished not only as a poet but also as an artist, humorist, soldier, historian, naturalist, linguist, mystic, and inventor of musical tones. A Lachin Turk by descent, he had an Indian taste and temperament. He was the court poet of seven Delhi sultans, for whom he produced most of his works; he also composed five historical idylls (1299-1302) as a rejoinder to the Khamsa of the Persian poet Nizami. His Ijaz-i Khusravi (1319) contains letters and documents that he drafted to be used as models for specific occasions. Scholars note that Khusraw’s lyrical poetry has depth of emotion, rhythmic beauty, and artistic perfection. A disciple of Shaikh Nizam ud-Din Auliya, he had strong mystic leanings. He lies buried near his master’s cenotaph in Delhi. Deep humanism, profound faith in the higher values of mysticism, and patriotic fervor characterize his poetry.
Amir Khusraw Dihlawi was an iconic figure in the cultural history of the Indian subcontinent. A Sufi mystic and a spiritual disciple of Nizamuddin Auliya of Delhi, Amīr Khusraw was not only a notable poet but also a prolific and seminal musician. He wrote poetry primarily in Persian, but also in Hindavi.
He is regarded as the "father of qawwali" (the devotional music of the Indian Sufis). He is also credited with enriching Hindustani classical music by introducing Persian and Arabic elements in it, and was the originator of the khayal and tarana styles of music. The invention of the tabla is also traditionally attributed to Amīr Khusrow.. Amir Khusrau used only 11 metrical schemes with 35 distinct divisions. He wrote Ghazal, Masnavi, Qata, Rubai, Do-Beti and Tarkibhand.
A musician and a scholar, Amīr Khusraw was as prolific in tender lyrics as in highly involved prose and could easily emulate all styles of Persian poetry which had developed in medieval Persia, from Khāqānī's forceful qasidas to Nezāmī's khamsa. His contribution to the development of the ghazal, hitherto little used in India, is particularly significant..
Amīr Khusraw was born in Patiali near Etah in northern India. His father, Amīr Sayf ud-Dīn Mahmūd, was a Turkic officer and a member of the Lachin tribe of Transoxania, themselves belonging to the Kara-Khitais. His mother, who belonged to the Rajput tribes of Uttar Pradesh, was the daughter of Rawat Arz, the famous war minister of Balban, a king of the Mamluk dynasty (1246-87).
Khusraw was a prolific classical poet associated with the royal courts of more than seven rulers of the Delhi Sultanate. He is popular in much of North India and Pakistan, because of many playful riddles, songs and legends attributed to him. Through his enormous literary output and legendary folk personality, Khusraw represents one of the first (recorded) Indian personages with a true multi-cultural or pluralistic identity.
He wrote in both Persian and Hindustani. He also spoke Arabic and Sanskrit. His poetry is still sung today at Sufi shrines throughout Pakistan and India.
Amir Khusraw was the author of a Khamsa which emulated that of the earlier poet of Persian epics Nezami Ganjavi. His work was considered to be one of the great classics of Persian poetry during the Timurid period in Transoxiana.
Amir Khusraw is credited with fashioning the tabla as a split version of the traditional Indian drum, the pakhawaj.
Popular lore also credits him with inventing the sitar, the Indian grand lute, but it is possible that the Amir Khusraw associated with the sitar lived in the 18th century (he is said to be a descendant of the son-in-law of Tansen, the celebrated classical singer in the court of the Mughal Emperor Akbar).
Dihlawi, Amir Khusraw see Amir Khusraw Dihlawi
Amir Khusrau see Amir Khusraw Dihlawi
Khusrau, Amir see Amir Khusraw Dihlawi
Amir Khusraw Dehlawi see Amir Khusraw Dihlawi
Ab'ul Hasan Yamin al-Din Khusrow see Amir Khusraw Dihlawi
Father of Qawwali see Amir Khusraw Dihlawi
Amir Khusraw Dihlawi (Amir Khusrau) (Amir Khusrow Dehlawi) (Ab'ul Hasan Yamin al-Din Khusrow) (1253-1325). A great Indo-Persian poet. He enjoyed favor under the Khalji sultan of Delhi. Khusraw was a versatile genius, accomplished not only as a poet but also as an artist, humorist, soldier, historian, naturalist, linguist, mystic, and inventor of musical tones. A Lachin Turk by descent, he had an Indian taste and temperament. He was the court poet of seven Delhi sultans, for whom he produced most of his works; he also composed five historical idylls (1299-1302) as a rejoinder to the Khamsa of the Persian poet Nizami. His Ijaz-i Khusravi (1319) contains letters and documents that he drafted to be used as models for specific occasions. Scholars note that Khusraw’s lyrical poetry has depth of emotion, rhythmic beauty, and artistic perfection. A disciple of Shaikh Nizam ud-Din Auliya, he had strong mystic leanings. He lies buried near his master’s cenotaph in Delhi. Deep humanism, profound faith in the higher values of mysticism, and patriotic fervor characterize his poetry.
Amir Khusraw Dihlawi was an iconic figure in the cultural history of the Indian subcontinent. A Sufi mystic and a spiritual disciple of Nizamuddin Auliya of Delhi, Amīr Khusraw was not only a notable poet but also a prolific and seminal musician. He wrote poetry primarily in Persian, but also in Hindavi.
He is regarded as the "father of qawwali" (the devotional music of the Indian Sufis). He is also credited with enriching Hindustani classical music by introducing Persian and Arabic elements in it, and was the originator of the khayal and tarana styles of music. The invention of the tabla is also traditionally attributed to Amīr Khusrow.. Amir Khusrau used only 11 metrical schemes with 35 distinct divisions. He wrote Ghazal, Masnavi, Qata, Rubai, Do-Beti and Tarkibhand.
A musician and a scholar, Amīr Khusraw was as prolific in tender lyrics as in highly involved prose and could easily emulate all styles of Persian poetry which had developed in medieval Persia, from Khāqānī's forceful qasidas to Nezāmī's khamsa. His contribution to the development of the ghazal, hitherto little used in India, is particularly significant..
Amīr Khusraw was born in Patiali near Etah in northern India. His father, Amīr Sayf ud-Dīn Mahmūd, was a Turkic officer and a member of the Lachin tribe of Transoxania, themselves belonging to the Kara-Khitais. His mother, who belonged to the Rajput tribes of Uttar Pradesh, was the daughter of Rawat Arz, the famous war minister of Balban, a king of the Mamluk dynasty (1246-87).
Khusraw was a prolific classical poet associated with the royal courts of more than seven rulers of the Delhi Sultanate. He is popular in much of North India and Pakistan, because of many playful riddles, songs and legends attributed to him. Through his enormous literary output and legendary folk personality, Khusraw represents one of the first (recorded) Indian personages with a true multi-cultural or pluralistic identity.
He wrote in both Persian and Hindustani. He also spoke Arabic and Sanskrit. His poetry is still sung today at Sufi shrines throughout Pakistan and India.
Amir Khusraw was the author of a Khamsa which emulated that of the earlier poet of Persian epics Nezami Ganjavi. His work was considered to be one of the great classics of Persian poetry during the Timurid period in Transoxiana.
Amir Khusraw is credited with fashioning the tabla as a split version of the traditional Indian drum, the pakhawaj.
Popular lore also credits him with inventing the sitar, the Indian grand lute, but it is possible that the Amir Khusraw associated with the sitar lived in the 18th century (he is said to be a descendant of the son-in-law of Tansen, the celebrated classical singer in the court of the Mughal Emperor Akbar).
Dihlawi, Amir Khusraw see Amir Khusraw Dihlawi
Amir Khusrau see Amir Khusraw Dihlawi
Khusrau, Amir see Amir Khusraw Dihlawi
Amir Khusraw Dehlawi see Amir Khusraw Dihlawi
Ab'ul Hasan Yamin al-Din Khusrow see Amir Khusraw Dihlawi
Father of Qawwali see Amir Khusraw Dihlawi
Amir Nizam
Amir Nizam (1820-1899). Iranian official of Kurdish heritage. He protected the interests of the Russians and was hostile towards modernization.
Nizam, Amir see Amir Nizam
Amir Nizam (1820-1899). Iranian official of Kurdish heritage. He protected the interests of the Russians and was hostile towards modernization.
Nizam, Amir see Amir Nizam
Amir Sjarifuddin
Amir Sjarifuddin (Amir Sjarifuddin Harahap) (Amir Sjarifoeddin Harahap) (April 27, 1907 - December 19, 1948). Indonesian political leader. Born in Medan, Sumatra, Amir received a Western language education, graduating from the faculty of law in Jakarta in 1933. In the closing years of Dutch rule, he was a leader of the nationalist organizations Partindo and Gerindo, and in 1940 he became a member of the Department of Economic Affairs. In 1944, he was arrested and sentenced to death for organizing and heading an underground movement to overthrow the Japanese government but, thanks to the intercession of President Sukarno and Vice President Hatta, the sentence was commuted. Amir then served in Premier Sjahein’s cabinet as the minister of defense and information (1945-1947) and founded what eventually became the Indonesian Socialist Party. On July 3, 1947, he became premier as well as defense minister. He headed the Indonesian delegation in the negotiations with the Dutch that led to the controversial Renville Agreement of January 1948. Discredited by his role in this unpopular agreement, Amir was compelled to resign. Joining radical opposition to the Sukarno-Hatta government, he became involved in the Madiun Affair of September 18, 1948 and was arrested and executed by the Indonesian army in December of that year.
A Christian convert from a Muslim Batak family, Amir Sjarifuddin Harahap was a major leader of the Left during the Revolution. He was executed in 1948 by Indonesian Republican officers following his involvement in a Communist revolt.
Born into Sumatran aristocracy in the city of Medan, Amir's wealthy background and outstanding intellectual abilities allowed him to enter the most elite schools. He was educated in Haarlem and Leiden in the Netherlands before gaining a law degree in Batavia (now Jakarta). During his time in the Netherlands he studied Eastern and Western philosophy under the tutelage of the Theosophical Society. Amir converted from Islam to Christianity in 1931.
In 1937, one of the final years of the Dutch period, Amir led a group of younger Marxists in establishing Gerindo ('Indonesian People's Movement'), a radical co-operating party opposed to international fascism as the first enemy. The Soviet Union’s Dmitrov doctrine had called for a common front against fascism which helped swell the numbers of Indonesians taking an approach cooperative with the Dutch in an attempt to secure Indonesian independence. Gerindo was one of the more significant cooperative parties which, in the years before World War II, had objectives that included a full Indonesian legislature; modest goals in comparison to the Dutch-suppressed radical nationalists led by the likes of Sukarno and Hatta, who Amir had met before the War.
By 1940, Dutch intelligence suspected Amir of being involved with the Communist underground. Watching the increased strength and influence of Imperial Japan, Amir was one of a number of Indonesian leaders who before the war, warned against the danger of fascism. Before the Netherlands' invasion by Japan's ally, Germany, the Netherlands Indies was a major exporter of raw materials to East Asia and to this end, Amir's groups had promoted boycotts against Japan. It is thought that it was his prominent roles in these campaigns that prompted the head of Dutch intelligence to provide Amir with 25,000 guilders in March 1942 to organize an underground resistance movement against Japan through his Marxist and nationalist connections. At this point, the Dutch administration was crumbling against the Japanese onslaught and the top Dutch military fled Indonesia for Australia.
Upon their occupation of Indonesia, the Japanese enforced total suppression of any opposition to their rule. Most Indonesian leaders obliged as either 'neutral observers' or actively cooperated. Amir, however, was the only prominent Indonesian politician to organize active resistance. The Japanese arrested Amir in 1943 and he only escaped execution following intervention from Sukarno whose popularity in Indonesia, and hence importance to the war effort, was recognized by the Japanese.
As a cabinet minister, and later prime minister, Amir aligned himself with the generally older group of political leaders who, in establishing Indonesian independence, emphasized the need for diplomacy and the formation of sound political structures. This group struggle contrasted with the alternative and generally younger alternative political leadership advocating struggle; the vying for influence between these two groups was a defining feature of the Indonesian National Revolution.
In 1945, Amir was the most widely known and respected Republican politician to consider himself communist. Although Amir had been in contact with the 'illegal' Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), he had nothing but disdain for the 'unsophisticated' and unknown Marxists who re-established it in 1935. His closest colleagues from the 'illegal PKI' underground or the pre-war Gerindo formed the Partai Sosialis Indonesia (PARSI) on November 1, 1945. The same month, Amir followers formed PESINDO (Pemuda Sosialis Indonesia, "Indonesian Socialist Youth").
At a two-party conference on December 16-17, it was announced that Amir's PARSI would merge with Sjahrir's political grouping, PARAS, forming the Partai Sosialis (PS). The Partai Sosialis quickly became the strongest pro-government party, especially in Yogyakarta and East Java. The party accepted the argument of Amir and its other leaders that the time was not ripe to implement socialism, rather that international support necessary for independence be sought, and that unruly constituents had to be opposed. The party's westernised leaders showed more faith in Netherlands left-wing forces, than in the revolutionary fervor of the Indonesian people, which became a source of discontent among the party's opponents.
Following the Japanese surrender on August 15, 1945 and the proclamation of Indonesian independence two days later, the Republic announced its first ministry on September 4. The seventeen-member cabinet was comprised mostly of 'collaborating' nationalists. Amir, appointed as Information Minister, was, however, still imprisoned by the Japanese following his 1942-43 anti-Japanese underground activities. Early in the Revolution, Amir worked closely with first Prime Minister and Sukarno rival, Sutan Sjahrir. Indeed, the two played the major role in shaping the arrangements linking the new government of Indonesia with its people remarkably effectively.
On October 30, Amir, along with Sukarno and Hatta, was flown into the East Java city of Surabaya by the desperate British caretaker administration. The three were seen as the only Indonesian leaders likely able to quell fighting between Republican and British Indian forces in which the British Brigade were hopelessly outnumbered and facing annihilation. A cease fire was immediately adhered to, but fighting soon recommenced after confused communications and mistrust between the two sides, leading to the famed Battle of Surabaya.
On October 16, 1945, Sjahrir and Amir engineered a takeover within the KNIP. and following the November 11 transition to parliamentary government, Amir was appointed to a new cabinet with Sjahrir as Prime Minister. Described as 'a man even his political adversaries found difficult to hate', Amir played a key role as Minister of Defence. His position, however, was a source of friction with the TKR and its new commander, Sudirman, who had nominated their own candidate, the Sultan of Yogyakarta, Hamengkubuwono IX. (The Sultan, however, was not eager to contest the position). Amir was a central figure in the government's 'anti-fascist' program with the army a key target, which caused further frictions. PETA-trained army officers led Sjahrir's attacks on the 'traitors', 'fascists', and 'running dogs' who had cooperated with the Japanese. Amir promoted the Red Army as a model of a citizens' army loyal to the government and holding socialist ideals. On February 19, 1946, Amir inaugurated a socialist and Masyumi politician-dominated 'education staff' for the army. The body appointed fifty-five 'political officers' at the end of May without consulting the army command. These new officers were to educate each TRI unit on the goals of the revolution. Amir was not, however, able to effectively impose such ideals on unit commanders, particularly as Sudirman and other PETA-trained officers resented the 'fascist' slur cast on them. The Marxist's overtones of Amir's new military academies conflicted with the popular army view of being above politics and the need to play a unifying role in the national struggle. The army leadership consequently rejected attempts to introduce partisan ideology and alignments.
This antagonism between the government and PETA-trained officers forced Amir to find an armed support base elsewhere He aligned himself with sympathetic Dutch-educated officers in certain divisions, such as the West Java 'Siliwangi' Division the command of which had been assumed by KNIL Lieutenant A.H. Nasution in May 1946. Another source of support for the new cabinet was the more educated armed pemuda sympathetic to the cabinet's 'anti-fascist' approach. With an engaging personality and persuasive oratory skills, Amir had more time and aptitude than Sjahrir for party building, and he played the main part in wooing these pemuda.
A split between Amir's and Prime Minister Sjahrir's supporters rapidly deepened in 1947. There had long been mutual suspicion between Sjahrir and the communists who had returned from the Netherlands in 1946. The fading of the 'anti-fascist' cause made these suspicions more obvious. Sjahrir's preoccupation with diplomasi (diplomacy), his physical isolation in Jakarta from revolution-infused Central Java, and his dislike of mass rallies allowed the more Moscow-inclined Marxists to assume more control in both the PS and Sayap Kiri. By June 1946, Sjahrir's increasing isolation from the coalition encouraged the opposing factions to depose him. This group put their support behind Amir, the alternative PS leader. On June 26, 1947, Amir, along with two other Moscow-inclined Ministers—Abdulmadjid (PS) and Wikana (PESINDO)— backed by a majority of Sayap Kiri withdrew their support for Sjahrir. Their argument was that Sjahrir had compromised the Republic in his pursuit of diplomasi—the same charge that deposed every revolutionary government—and that in the face of Dutch belligerence, such conciliation seemed futile.
Amir courted a broad coalition but hostility from Muslim Masyumi prevented its leader, Dr Sukiman, and pro-Sjahrir 'religious socialists' from previous cabinets from joining the new cabinet. In July, Amir was appointed Prime Minister of the Republic. Other influential Masyumi factions, such as that of Wondoamiseno, provided support. Although Amir's communist allies controlled abou ten percent (10%) of the thirty-four with Amir's Defence Ministry their sole key one, this cabinet was the highest point of orthodox communist influence in the Revolution. Amir succeeded Sutan Sjahrir as Prime Minister
Following a backlash over the Renville Agreement, a disaster for the Republic for which Amir received much of the blame, PNI and Masyumi cabinet members resigned in early January 1947. On January 23, with his support base disappearing, Amir resigned from the prime ministership. President Sukarno subsequently appointed Hatta to head an emergency 'presidential cabinet' directly responsible to the President and not the KNIP. The new cabinet consisted mainly of PNI, Masyumi and non-party members; Amir and the "Left Wing" were subsequently in opposition.
The "Left Wing" coalition renamed itself the "People's Democratic Front" (Front Demokrasi Rakyat) and denounced the "Renville Agreement", which Amir's government had itself negotiated. In August 1947, Musso, the 1920s leader of the PKI, arrived in Yogyakarta from the Soviet Union. Amir and the leadership of the People’s Democratic Front immediately accepted his authority, and Amir admitted membership of the underground PKI since 1935. Adhering to Musso's Stalinist thinking of a single party of the working class, the major leftist parties in the Front dissolved themselves into the PKI.
Following industrial action, demonstrations, and subsequent open warfare between the PKI and pro-government forces in the Central Java city of Surakarta, on September 18 a group of PKI supporters took over strategic points in the Madiun area. They killed pro-government officers, and announced over radio the formation of a new "National Front" government. Caught off guard by the premature coup attempt, Musso, Amir and other PKI leaders traveled to Madiun to take charge. The following day, about 200 pro-PKI and other leftist leaders remaining in Yogyakarta were arrested. Sukarno denounced the Madiun rebels over radio, and called upon Indonesians to rally to himself and Hatta rather than to Musso and his plans for a Soviet-style government. Musso replied on radio that he would fight to the finish, while, the People's Democratic Front in Banten and Sumatra announced they had nothing to do with the rebellion.
In the following weeks, pro-government forces, led by the Siliwangi Division, marched on Madiun where there was an estimated 5,000-10,000 pro-PKI soldiers. As the rebels retreated they killed Masyumi and PNI leaders and officials, and in the villages killings took place along santri-abangan lines. On September 30, the rebels abandoned Madiun town, and were pursued by pro-government troops through the countryside. Musso was killed on October 31 trying to escape custody.
Amir and 300 rebel soldiers were captured by Siliwangi troops on December 1. Some 35,000 people were later arrested. It is thought perhaps 8,000 people were killed in the affair. As part of a second major military offensive against the Republic, on December 19 Dutch troops occupied Yogyakarta city and the Republican government was captured, including Sukarno, Hatta, Agus Salim, and Sjahrir. Republican forces withdrew to the countryside beginning full-scale guerrilla war on either side of the van Mook line. Rather than risk their release, the army killed Amir and fifty other leftist prisoners as it withdrew from Yogyakarta that evening.
Sjarifuddin, Amir see Amir Sjarifuddin
Amir Sjarifuddin Harahap see Amir Sjarifuddin
Harahap, Amir Sjarifuddin see Amir Sjarifuddin
Amir Sjarifoeddin Harahap see Amir Sjarifuddin
Harahap, Amir Sjarifoeddin see Amir Sjarifuddin
Amir Sjarifuddin (Amir Sjarifuddin Harahap) (Amir Sjarifoeddin Harahap) (April 27, 1907 - December 19, 1948). Indonesian political leader. Born in Medan, Sumatra, Amir received a Western language education, graduating from the faculty of law in Jakarta in 1933. In the closing years of Dutch rule, he was a leader of the nationalist organizations Partindo and Gerindo, and in 1940 he became a member of the Department of Economic Affairs. In 1944, he was arrested and sentenced to death for organizing and heading an underground movement to overthrow the Japanese government but, thanks to the intercession of President Sukarno and Vice President Hatta, the sentence was commuted. Amir then served in Premier Sjahein’s cabinet as the minister of defense and information (1945-1947) and founded what eventually became the Indonesian Socialist Party. On July 3, 1947, he became premier as well as defense minister. He headed the Indonesian delegation in the negotiations with the Dutch that led to the controversial Renville Agreement of January 1948. Discredited by his role in this unpopular agreement, Amir was compelled to resign. Joining radical opposition to the Sukarno-Hatta government, he became involved in the Madiun Affair of September 18, 1948 and was arrested and executed by the Indonesian army in December of that year.
A Christian convert from a Muslim Batak family, Amir Sjarifuddin Harahap was a major leader of the Left during the Revolution. He was executed in 1948 by Indonesian Republican officers following his involvement in a Communist revolt.
Born into Sumatran aristocracy in the city of Medan, Amir's wealthy background and outstanding intellectual abilities allowed him to enter the most elite schools. He was educated in Haarlem and Leiden in the Netherlands before gaining a law degree in Batavia (now Jakarta). During his time in the Netherlands he studied Eastern and Western philosophy under the tutelage of the Theosophical Society. Amir converted from Islam to Christianity in 1931.
In 1937, one of the final years of the Dutch period, Amir led a group of younger Marxists in establishing Gerindo ('Indonesian People's Movement'), a radical co-operating party opposed to international fascism as the first enemy. The Soviet Union’s Dmitrov doctrine had called for a common front against fascism which helped swell the numbers of Indonesians taking an approach cooperative with the Dutch in an attempt to secure Indonesian independence. Gerindo was one of the more significant cooperative parties which, in the years before World War II, had objectives that included a full Indonesian legislature; modest goals in comparison to the Dutch-suppressed radical nationalists led by the likes of Sukarno and Hatta, who Amir had met before the War.
By 1940, Dutch intelligence suspected Amir of being involved with the Communist underground. Watching the increased strength and influence of Imperial Japan, Amir was one of a number of Indonesian leaders who before the war, warned against the danger of fascism. Before the Netherlands' invasion by Japan's ally, Germany, the Netherlands Indies was a major exporter of raw materials to East Asia and to this end, Amir's groups had promoted boycotts against Japan. It is thought that it was his prominent roles in these campaigns that prompted the head of Dutch intelligence to provide Amir with 25,000 guilders in March 1942 to organize an underground resistance movement against Japan through his Marxist and nationalist connections. At this point, the Dutch administration was crumbling against the Japanese onslaught and the top Dutch military fled Indonesia for Australia.
Upon their occupation of Indonesia, the Japanese enforced total suppression of any opposition to their rule. Most Indonesian leaders obliged as either 'neutral observers' or actively cooperated. Amir, however, was the only prominent Indonesian politician to organize active resistance. The Japanese arrested Amir in 1943 and he only escaped execution following intervention from Sukarno whose popularity in Indonesia, and hence importance to the war effort, was recognized by the Japanese.
As a cabinet minister, and later prime minister, Amir aligned himself with the generally older group of political leaders who, in establishing Indonesian independence, emphasized the need for diplomacy and the formation of sound political structures. This group struggle contrasted with the alternative and generally younger alternative political leadership advocating struggle; the vying for influence between these two groups was a defining feature of the Indonesian National Revolution.
In 1945, Amir was the most widely known and respected Republican politician to consider himself communist. Although Amir had been in contact with the 'illegal' Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), he had nothing but disdain for the 'unsophisticated' and unknown Marxists who re-established it in 1935. His closest colleagues from the 'illegal PKI' underground or the pre-war Gerindo formed the Partai Sosialis Indonesia (PARSI) on November 1, 1945. The same month, Amir followers formed PESINDO (Pemuda Sosialis Indonesia, "Indonesian Socialist Youth").
At a two-party conference on December 16-17, it was announced that Amir's PARSI would merge with Sjahrir's political grouping, PARAS, forming the Partai Sosialis (PS). The Partai Sosialis quickly became the strongest pro-government party, especially in Yogyakarta and East Java. The party accepted the argument of Amir and its other leaders that the time was not ripe to implement socialism, rather that international support necessary for independence be sought, and that unruly constituents had to be opposed. The party's westernised leaders showed more faith in Netherlands left-wing forces, than in the revolutionary fervor of the Indonesian people, which became a source of discontent among the party's opponents.
Following the Japanese surrender on August 15, 1945 and the proclamation of Indonesian independence two days later, the Republic announced its first ministry on September 4. The seventeen-member cabinet was comprised mostly of 'collaborating' nationalists. Amir, appointed as Information Minister, was, however, still imprisoned by the Japanese following his 1942-43 anti-Japanese underground activities. Early in the Revolution, Amir worked closely with first Prime Minister and Sukarno rival, Sutan Sjahrir. Indeed, the two played the major role in shaping the arrangements linking the new government of Indonesia with its people remarkably effectively.
On October 30, Amir, along with Sukarno and Hatta, was flown into the East Java city of Surabaya by the desperate British caretaker administration. The three were seen as the only Indonesian leaders likely able to quell fighting between Republican and British Indian forces in which the British Brigade were hopelessly outnumbered and facing annihilation. A cease fire was immediately adhered to, but fighting soon recommenced after confused communications and mistrust between the two sides, leading to the famed Battle of Surabaya.
On October 16, 1945, Sjahrir and Amir engineered a takeover within the KNIP. and following the November 11 transition to parliamentary government, Amir was appointed to a new cabinet with Sjahrir as Prime Minister. Described as 'a man even his political adversaries found difficult to hate', Amir played a key role as Minister of Defence. His position, however, was a source of friction with the TKR and its new commander, Sudirman, who had nominated their own candidate, the Sultan of Yogyakarta, Hamengkubuwono IX. (The Sultan, however, was not eager to contest the position). Amir was a central figure in the government's 'anti-fascist' program with the army a key target, which caused further frictions. PETA-trained army officers led Sjahrir's attacks on the 'traitors', 'fascists', and 'running dogs' who had cooperated with the Japanese. Amir promoted the Red Army as a model of a citizens' army loyal to the government and holding socialist ideals. On February 19, 1946, Amir inaugurated a socialist and Masyumi politician-dominated 'education staff' for the army. The body appointed fifty-five 'political officers' at the end of May without consulting the army command. These new officers were to educate each TRI unit on the goals of the revolution. Amir was not, however, able to effectively impose such ideals on unit commanders, particularly as Sudirman and other PETA-trained officers resented the 'fascist' slur cast on them. The Marxist's overtones of Amir's new military academies conflicted with the popular army view of being above politics and the need to play a unifying role in the national struggle. The army leadership consequently rejected attempts to introduce partisan ideology and alignments.
This antagonism between the government and PETA-trained officers forced Amir to find an armed support base elsewhere He aligned himself with sympathetic Dutch-educated officers in certain divisions, such as the West Java 'Siliwangi' Division the command of which had been assumed by KNIL Lieutenant A.H. Nasution in May 1946. Another source of support for the new cabinet was the more educated armed pemuda sympathetic to the cabinet's 'anti-fascist' approach. With an engaging personality and persuasive oratory skills, Amir had more time and aptitude than Sjahrir for party building, and he played the main part in wooing these pemuda.
A split between Amir's and Prime Minister Sjahrir's supporters rapidly deepened in 1947. There had long been mutual suspicion between Sjahrir and the communists who had returned from the Netherlands in 1946. The fading of the 'anti-fascist' cause made these suspicions more obvious. Sjahrir's preoccupation with diplomasi (diplomacy), his physical isolation in Jakarta from revolution-infused Central Java, and his dislike of mass rallies allowed the more Moscow-inclined Marxists to assume more control in both the PS and Sayap Kiri. By June 1946, Sjahrir's increasing isolation from the coalition encouraged the opposing factions to depose him. This group put their support behind Amir, the alternative PS leader. On June 26, 1947, Amir, along with two other Moscow-inclined Ministers—Abdulmadjid (PS) and Wikana (PESINDO)— backed by a majority of Sayap Kiri withdrew their support for Sjahrir. Their argument was that Sjahrir had compromised the Republic in his pursuit of diplomasi—the same charge that deposed every revolutionary government—and that in the face of Dutch belligerence, such conciliation seemed futile.
Amir courted a broad coalition but hostility from Muslim Masyumi prevented its leader, Dr Sukiman, and pro-Sjahrir 'religious socialists' from previous cabinets from joining the new cabinet. In July, Amir was appointed Prime Minister of the Republic. Other influential Masyumi factions, such as that of Wondoamiseno, provided support. Although Amir's communist allies controlled abou ten percent (10%) of the thirty-four with Amir's Defence Ministry their sole key one, this cabinet was the highest point of orthodox communist influence in the Revolution. Amir succeeded Sutan Sjahrir as Prime Minister
Following a backlash over the Renville Agreement, a disaster for the Republic for which Amir received much of the blame, PNI and Masyumi cabinet members resigned in early January 1947. On January 23, with his support base disappearing, Amir resigned from the prime ministership. President Sukarno subsequently appointed Hatta to head an emergency 'presidential cabinet' directly responsible to the President and not the KNIP. The new cabinet consisted mainly of PNI, Masyumi and non-party members; Amir and the "Left Wing" were subsequently in opposition.
The "Left Wing" coalition renamed itself the "People's Democratic Front" (Front Demokrasi Rakyat) and denounced the "Renville Agreement", which Amir's government had itself negotiated. In August 1947, Musso, the 1920s leader of the PKI, arrived in Yogyakarta from the Soviet Union. Amir and the leadership of the People’s Democratic Front immediately accepted his authority, and Amir admitted membership of the underground PKI since 1935. Adhering to Musso's Stalinist thinking of a single party of the working class, the major leftist parties in the Front dissolved themselves into the PKI.
Following industrial action, demonstrations, and subsequent open warfare between the PKI and pro-government forces in the Central Java city of Surakarta, on September 18 a group of PKI supporters took over strategic points in the Madiun area. They killed pro-government officers, and announced over radio the formation of a new "National Front" government. Caught off guard by the premature coup attempt, Musso, Amir and other PKI leaders traveled to Madiun to take charge. The following day, about 200 pro-PKI and other leftist leaders remaining in Yogyakarta were arrested. Sukarno denounced the Madiun rebels over radio, and called upon Indonesians to rally to himself and Hatta rather than to Musso and his plans for a Soviet-style government. Musso replied on radio that he would fight to the finish, while, the People's Democratic Front in Banten and Sumatra announced they had nothing to do with the rebellion.
In the following weeks, pro-government forces, led by the Siliwangi Division, marched on Madiun where there was an estimated 5,000-10,000 pro-PKI soldiers. As the rebels retreated they killed Masyumi and PNI leaders and officials, and in the villages killings took place along santri-abangan lines. On September 30, the rebels abandoned Madiun town, and were pursued by pro-government troops through the countryside. Musso was killed on October 31 trying to escape custody.
Amir and 300 rebel soldiers were captured by Siliwangi troops on December 1. Some 35,000 people were later arrested. It is thought perhaps 8,000 people were killed in the affair. As part of a second major military offensive against the Republic, on December 19 Dutch troops occupied Yogyakarta city and the Republican government was captured, including Sukarno, Hatta, Agus Salim, and Sjahrir. Republican forces withdrew to the countryside beginning full-scale guerrilla war on either side of the van Mook line. Rather than risk their release, the army killed Amir and fifty other leftist prisoners as it withdrew from Yogyakarta that evening.
Sjarifuddin, Amir see Amir Sjarifuddin
Amir Sjarifuddin Harahap see Amir Sjarifuddin
Harahap, Amir Sjarifuddin see Amir Sjarifuddin
Amir Sjarifoeddin Harahap see Amir Sjarifuddin
Harahap, Amir Sjarifoeddin see Amir Sjarifuddin
‘Amr ibn al-As
‘Amr ibn al-As (c.573-589 - January 6, 664). Arab general. First sent by the Prophet to Oman, he proceeded to conquer Palestine in 633 and Egypt in 640. He played an important role in the arbitration between the Prophet’s son-in-law ‘Ali and Mu’awiya at Siffin in 657.
'Amr ibn al-Ās was an Arab military commander who is most noted for leading the Muslim conquest of Egypt in 640. He was a contemporary of Muhammad who rose quickly through the Muslim hierarchy following his conversion to Islam in the year 8 AH (629 C.C.). He founded the Egyptian capital of Fustat, and built the Mosque of 'Amr ibn al-As at its center — the first Mosque on the continent of Africa.
'Amr ibn al-As belonged to the Banu Sahm clan of the Quraish. Assuming he was over ninety years old when he died, he was born around 573. He was the son of Layla bint Harmalah aka "Al-Nabighah". Before his military career, Amr was a trader, who had accompanied caravans along the commercial trading routes through Asia and the Middle East, including Egypt.
Like the other Quraysh chiefs, 'Amr opposed Islam in the early days. 'Amr headed the delegation that the Quraysh sent to Abyssinia to prevail upon the ruler of Abyssinia to turn away the Muslims from his country. The mission failed and the ruler of Abyssinia refused to oblige the Quraysh. After the migration of Muhammad to Madina (Medina), 'Amr took part in all the battles that the Quraysh fought against the Muslims. Indeed, he commanded a Quraysh contingent at the battle of Uhud.
'Amr ibn al-ˤĀs was married to Umm Kulthum bint Uqba but he divorced her when she embraced Islam. She then re-married Umar ibn al-Khattab.
In the company of Khalid bin Waleed, 'Amr rode from Mecca to Medina where both of them converted to Islam.
Abu Bakr, Umar ibn al-Khattab and Abu Ubayda ibn al-Jarrah served under ˤAmr ibn al-ˤĀs in the campaign of Dhat as-Salasil and had offered their prayers behind him for many weeks. At that time, ˤAmr ibn al-ˤĀs was their chief not only in the army but also as a leader in religious services .
ˤAmr was dispatched by Muhammad to Oman and played a key role in the conversion of the leaders of that nation, Jayfar and 'Abbād ibn Julanda. He was then made governor of the region until shortly after Muhammad's death.
ˤAmr was sent by the Caliph Abū-Bakr with the Arab armies into Palestine following Prophet Muhammad's death. It is believed that he played an important role in the Arab conquest of that region, and he is known to have been at the battles of Ajnadayn and Yarmuk as well as the fall of Damascus.
Following the success over the Byzantines in Syria, 'Amr suggested to Umar that he march on Egypt, to which Umar agreed.
The actual invasion began towards the end of 630, as 'Amr crossed the Sinai Peninsula with 3,500-4,000 men. After taking the small fortified towns of Pelusium (Arabic: Al-Farama) and beating back a Byzantine surprise attack near Bilbais, 'Amr headed towards the fort of Babylon (in the region of modern-day Cairo). After some skirmishes south of the area, 'Amr marched north towards Heliopolis, with reinforcements reaching him from Syria, against the Byzantine forces in Egypt, under Theodore. The resulting Arab victory at the Battle of Heliopolis brought about the fall of much of the country. The Heliopolis battle resolved fairly quickly, though Babylon Fortress withstood a siege of several months, and the Byzantine capital of Alexandria, which had been the capital of Egypt for a thousand years, surrendered a few months after that. A treaty of peace was signed in late 641, in the ruins of a palace in Memphis. Despite a brief re-conquest by Byzantine forces in 645, the Byzantine forces were beaten at the Battle of Nikiou and the country was firmly in Arab hands.
Needing a new capital, 'Amr suggested that they set up an administration in the large and well-equipped city of Alexandria, at the western edge of the Nile River Delta. However, Caliph Umar refused, saying that he did not want the capital to be separated from him by a body of water. So in 641 'Amr founded a new city on the eastern side of the Nile, centered on his own tent which was near the Babylon Fortress. According to legend, when 'Amr returned from his victory at Alexandria, he saw that a dove was nesting in his tent. The new city became known as Misr al-Fustat ("The tented city")..'Amr also founded a mosque at the center of his new city—it was the first mosque in Egypt, which also made it the first mosque on the continent of Africa. The Mosque of 'Amr still exists today in Old Cairo, though it has been extensively rebuilt over the centuries, and nothing remains of the original structure.
After founding Fustat, 'Amr was then recalled to the capital (which had, by then, moved from Mecca to Damascus) where he became Muˤāwiyya's close advisor.
Muhammad had told 'Amr "that when you conquer Egypt be kind to its people because they are your protege kith and kin".
The Prophet's wife Maria Al Kibtya (the Copt) was an Egyptian. And Hagar the maidservent of Abraham and mother of Ishmael (the biblical ancestor of the Arabs) had come from Egypt.
After his military conquests, 'Amr was an important player in internal conflicts within Islam. 'Amr was originally a supporter of the caliph 'Ali, but later switched to the side of Muawiya. He died during Muawiya's reign.
'Amr ibn al-As is widely acclaimed by Sunnis for his military and political acumen. His brilliant leadership is credited with the conquests of vast lands, without which millions of people would not be Muslim today. Generally, he is viewed by the Sunnis as an illustrious companion of the Islamic prophet Muhammad.
Shi'a generally accuse 'Amr ibn al-As for his open attack on 'Ali's Caliphate. Additionally, he was one of the engineers of the coming of the Umayyad Dynasty which marked a contrast of lifestyle to the piety of Prophet Muhammad and Imam 'Ali.
‘Amr ibn al-As (c.573-589 - January 6, 664). Arab general. First sent by the Prophet to Oman, he proceeded to conquer Palestine in 633 and Egypt in 640. He played an important role in the arbitration between the Prophet’s son-in-law ‘Ali and Mu’awiya at Siffin in 657.
'Amr ibn al-Ās was an Arab military commander who is most noted for leading the Muslim conquest of Egypt in 640. He was a contemporary of Muhammad who rose quickly through the Muslim hierarchy following his conversion to Islam in the year 8 AH (629 C.C.). He founded the Egyptian capital of Fustat, and built the Mosque of 'Amr ibn al-As at its center — the first Mosque on the continent of Africa.
'Amr ibn al-As belonged to the Banu Sahm clan of the Quraish. Assuming he was over ninety years old when he died, he was born around 573. He was the son of Layla bint Harmalah aka "Al-Nabighah". Before his military career, Amr was a trader, who had accompanied caravans along the commercial trading routes through Asia and the Middle East, including Egypt.
Like the other Quraysh chiefs, 'Amr opposed Islam in the early days. 'Amr headed the delegation that the Quraysh sent to Abyssinia to prevail upon the ruler of Abyssinia to turn away the Muslims from his country. The mission failed and the ruler of Abyssinia refused to oblige the Quraysh. After the migration of Muhammad to Madina (Medina), 'Amr took part in all the battles that the Quraysh fought against the Muslims. Indeed, he commanded a Quraysh contingent at the battle of Uhud.
'Amr ibn al-ˤĀs was married to Umm Kulthum bint Uqba but he divorced her when she embraced Islam. She then re-married Umar ibn al-Khattab.
In the company of Khalid bin Waleed, 'Amr rode from Mecca to Medina where both of them converted to Islam.
Abu Bakr, Umar ibn al-Khattab and Abu Ubayda ibn al-Jarrah served under ˤAmr ibn al-ˤĀs in the campaign of Dhat as-Salasil and had offered their prayers behind him for many weeks. At that time, ˤAmr ibn al-ˤĀs was their chief not only in the army but also as a leader in religious services .
ˤAmr was dispatched by Muhammad to Oman and played a key role in the conversion of the leaders of that nation, Jayfar and 'Abbād ibn Julanda. He was then made governor of the region until shortly after Muhammad's death.
ˤAmr was sent by the Caliph Abū-Bakr with the Arab armies into Palestine following Prophet Muhammad's death. It is believed that he played an important role in the Arab conquest of that region, and he is known to have been at the battles of Ajnadayn and Yarmuk as well as the fall of Damascus.
Following the success over the Byzantines in Syria, 'Amr suggested to Umar that he march on Egypt, to which Umar agreed.
The actual invasion began towards the end of 630, as 'Amr crossed the Sinai Peninsula with 3,500-4,000 men. After taking the small fortified towns of Pelusium (Arabic: Al-Farama) and beating back a Byzantine surprise attack near Bilbais, 'Amr headed towards the fort of Babylon (in the region of modern-day Cairo). After some skirmishes south of the area, 'Amr marched north towards Heliopolis, with reinforcements reaching him from Syria, against the Byzantine forces in Egypt, under Theodore. The resulting Arab victory at the Battle of Heliopolis brought about the fall of much of the country. The Heliopolis battle resolved fairly quickly, though Babylon Fortress withstood a siege of several months, and the Byzantine capital of Alexandria, which had been the capital of Egypt for a thousand years, surrendered a few months after that. A treaty of peace was signed in late 641, in the ruins of a palace in Memphis. Despite a brief re-conquest by Byzantine forces in 645, the Byzantine forces were beaten at the Battle of Nikiou and the country was firmly in Arab hands.
Needing a new capital, 'Amr suggested that they set up an administration in the large and well-equipped city of Alexandria, at the western edge of the Nile River Delta. However, Caliph Umar refused, saying that he did not want the capital to be separated from him by a body of water. So in 641 'Amr founded a new city on the eastern side of the Nile, centered on his own tent which was near the Babylon Fortress. According to legend, when 'Amr returned from his victory at Alexandria, he saw that a dove was nesting in his tent. The new city became known as Misr al-Fustat ("The tented city")..'Amr also founded a mosque at the center of his new city—it was the first mosque in Egypt, which also made it the first mosque on the continent of Africa. The Mosque of 'Amr still exists today in Old Cairo, though it has been extensively rebuilt over the centuries, and nothing remains of the original structure.
After founding Fustat, 'Amr was then recalled to the capital (which had, by then, moved from Mecca to Damascus) where he became Muˤāwiyya's close advisor.
Muhammad had told 'Amr "that when you conquer Egypt be kind to its people because they are your protege kith and kin".
The Prophet's wife Maria Al Kibtya (the Copt) was an Egyptian. And Hagar the maidservent of Abraham and mother of Ishmael (the biblical ancestor of the Arabs) had come from Egypt.
After his military conquests, 'Amr was an important player in internal conflicts within Islam. 'Amr was originally a supporter of the caliph 'Ali, but later switched to the side of Muawiya. He died during Muawiya's reign.
'Amr ibn al-As is widely acclaimed by Sunnis for his military and political acumen. His brilliant leadership is credited with the conquests of vast lands, without which millions of people would not be Muslim today. Generally, he is viewed by the Sunnis as an illustrious companion of the Islamic prophet Muhammad.
Shi'a generally accuse 'Amr ibn al-As for his open attack on 'Ali's Caliphate. Additionally, he was one of the engineers of the coming of the Umayyad Dynasty which marked a contrast of lifestyle to the piety of Prophet Muhammad and Imam 'Ali.
‘Amr ibn Kulthum
‘Amr ibn Kulthum ('Amr ibn Kulthum ibn Malik ibn A'tab Abu al-Aswad al-Taghlibi) (d. 584). Pre-Islamic poet of the sixth century. He resisted the domination of the kings of al-Hira and was seen as an incarnation of the virtues of pre-Islamic times.
'Amr ibn Kulthum was a knight and the leader of the Taghlab tribe which was on Al-Forat island. The Taghlab tribe was famous for its bravery and merciless behavior in battle.
'Amr ibn Kulthum ibn Malik ibn A'tab Abu al-Aswad al-Taghlibi< see ‘Amr ibn Kulthum
‘Amr ibn Kulthum ('Amr ibn Kulthum ibn Malik ibn A'tab Abu al-Aswad al-Taghlibi) (d. 584). Pre-Islamic poet of the sixth century. He resisted the domination of the kings of al-Hira and was seen as an incarnation of the virtues of pre-Islamic times.
'Amr ibn Kulthum was a knight and the leader of the Taghlab tribe which was on Al-Forat island. The Taghlab tribe was famous for its bravery and merciless behavior in battle.
'Amr ibn Kulthum ibn Malik ibn A'tab Abu al-Aswad al-Taghlibi< see ‘Amr ibn Kulthum
‘Amr ibn ‘Ubayd
‘Amr ibn ‘Ubayd ('Amr ibn 'Ubayd ibn Bab) (d. c. 761). One of the first of the Mu‘tazila.
'Amr ibn 'Ubayd was one of the earliest leaders in the "rationalist" theological movement of the Mu'tazilis, literally "those who withdraw themselves" - which was founded by Wasil ibn Ata (d. 749). A student of the famous early theologian Hasan al-Basri, he led the Mutazilis during the early years of the Abbasid caliphate. He generally followed a quietist political stance toward the Abbasid political establishment.
The grandfather of 'Amr ibn 'Ubayd was captured when the Muslims conquered Kabul under 'Abd Allah ibn Samora in 663 and again in 665. 'Amr's father was a weaver. 'Amr learned the same craft and thus may have made an early acquantance with Wasil ibn Ata. Their close personal relations are attested by the fact that Wasil married his sister. Doctrinally, they had disagreements in the beginning. Wasil is said to have converted 'Amr to his Mu'tazilite opinion after a long discussion. However, in addition to Wasil, 'Amr belonged to the circle of close disciples around Hasan al-Basri, whose Tafsir 'Amr transmitted.
According to the Muslim heresiographers, members of the movement adhered to five principles, which were clearly enunciated for the first time by Abu al-Hudhayl. The five principles were: (1) the unity of God; (2) divine justice; (3) the promise and the threat; (4) the intermediate position; and (5) the commanding of good and forbidding of evil (al-amr bil ma'ruf wa al-nahy 'an al munkar).
After the death of Hasan al-Basri, 'Amr seems to have contended with Qatada ibn De'ama (d.735) for the leadership of the school. The fact that he lost this competition may explain, to a certain degree, why he became a Mu'tazilte and created a circle of his own. It seems almost certain that 'Amr did not start playing a major role in the Mu'tazilite movement until after Wasil's death in 749. In about 759 he had to negotiate, as the doyen of the Mu'tazilities, with the caliph al-Mansur concerning the attitude of his adherents toward al-Nafs al-Zakiya, who had begun propaganda for the cause of the Alids in Iraq. Although there were strong sympathies for al-Nafs al-Zakiya among the Mu'tazilities (probably not so much because the members of the movement believed in the 'Alid pretendent as the true Mahdi, but rather because of their frustration with Abbasid rule), 'Amr ibn Ubayd managed to remain neutral. He died before the outbreak of rebellion.
'Amr ibn 'Ubayd ibn Bab see ‘Amr ibn ‘Ubayd
‘Amr ibn ‘Ubayd ('Amr ibn 'Ubayd ibn Bab) (d. c. 761). One of the first of the Mu‘tazila.
'Amr ibn 'Ubayd was one of the earliest leaders in the "rationalist" theological movement of the Mu'tazilis, literally "those who withdraw themselves" - which was founded by Wasil ibn Ata (d. 749). A student of the famous early theologian Hasan al-Basri, he led the Mutazilis during the early years of the Abbasid caliphate. He generally followed a quietist political stance toward the Abbasid political establishment.
The grandfather of 'Amr ibn 'Ubayd was captured when the Muslims conquered Kabul under 'Abd Allah ibn Samora in 663 and again in 665. 'Amr's father was a weaver. 'Amr learned the same craft and thus may have made an early acquantance with Wasil ibn Ata. Their close personal relations are attested by the fact that Wasil married his sister. Doctrinally, they had disagreements in the beginning. Wasil is said to have converted 'Amr to his Mu'tazilite opinion after a long discussion. However, in addition to Wasil, 'Amr belonged to the circle of close disciples around Hasan al-Basri, whose Tafsir 'Amr transmitted.
According to the Muslim heresiographers, members of the movement adhered to five principles, which were clearly enunciated for the first time by Abu al-Hudhayl. The five principles were: (1) the unity of God; (2) divine justice; (3) the promise and the threat; (4) the intermediate position; and (5) the commanding of good and forbidding of evil (al-amr bil ma'ruf wa al-nahy 'an al munkar).
After the death of Hasan al-Basri, 'Amr seems to have contended with Qatada ibn De'ama (d.735) for the leadership of the school. The fact that he lost this competition may explain, to a certain degree, why he became a Mu'tazilte and created a circle of his own. It seems almost certain that 'Amr did not start playing a major role in the Mu'tazilite movement until after Wasil's death in 749. In about 759 he had to negotiate, as the doyen of the Mu'tazilities, with the caliph al-Mansur concerning the attitude of his adherents toward al-Nafs al-Zakiya, who had begun propaganda for the cause of the Alids in Iraq. Although there were strong sympathies for al-Nafs al-Zakiya among the Mu'tazilities (probably not so much because the members of the movement believed in the 'Alid pretendent as the true Mahdi, but rather because of their frustration with Abbasid rule), 'Amr ibn Ubayd managed to remain neutral. He died before the outbreak of rebellion.
'Amr ibn 'Ubayd ibn Bab see ‘Amr ibn ‘Ubayd
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