Sama
Sama. Sometimes called Samal, the Sama are the most widely dispersed ethnic group indigenous to Southeast Asia. Their villages are scattered over a maritime territory extending from northern Philippines to southern Indonesia, from Borneo to the Moluccas. Land based Sama in the Philippines, except for the Yakan and and Abak, are generally referred to as Samal, a Tausug term also used by the Christian population. In Malaysia and Indonesia, they are referred to by some variant of the Malay term, Bajau (also spelled Badjau or Bajaw). Nomadic, boat-dwelling Sama are known as Bajau in the Philippines, and as Orang Laut (“sea people”) or Bajau Laut in Malaysia and Indonesia. The most common self-designation is Sama, almost always with a modifier to indicate geographical and/or dialect affiliation. (For example, Sama Baangingiq refers to a group of Sama who trace their origin and dialect to Balangingi Island in northern Sulu.) “Sama” used by itself is often considered pejorative.
Except for the Abak, all of the Sama groups of the Philippines, Malaysia and Indonesia are at least nominally Muslim in their formal religious orientation. Beyond this point, however, there is a great unevenness in the degree to which Islam has actually penetrated the various Sama groups. Some, like the nomadic Sama Dilaut, are still effectively pagan (but not in their own estimation), while others, such as the Sama Baangingiq, have gone much farther towards a full-scale adoption of orthodox belief and practice.
The close association between Islam and trade in insular Southeast Asia probably had much to do with the development of such variation. Those groups with extensive economic, political or military interests outside their own immediate area generally found an advantage in the adoption of Islam. Among the Sama groups of Sulu, therefore, it is not too surprising that the most Islamicized were those with the strongest political and economic links to the powerful sultanates of the region.
After 1970, there was considerable organized violence in Mindanao and Sulu. What began as a series of isolated conflicts between local Muslim communities and immigrant Christians over land titles in the Cotabato hinterlands rapidly escalated into civil war. The situation was exacerbated by animosities between Muslim and Christian that go back to the Spanish period and the days of widespread Muslim piracy, by a sense among Muslims that martial law and military intervention of the Philippine government was a loosely disguised attempt to eradicate Islam and perhaps its followers and by the intervention of foreign governments willing to supply the Muslim warriors with arms and moral support.
Samal see Sama.
Sama. Sometimes called Samal, the Sama are the most widely dispersed ethnic group indigenous to Southeast Asia. Their villages are scattered over a maritime territory extending from northern Philippines to southern Indonesia, from Borneo to the Moluccas. Land based Sama in the Philippines, except for the Yakan and and Abak, are generally referred to as Samal, a Tausug term also used by the Christian population. In Malaysia and Indonesia, they are referred to by some variant of the Malay term, Bajau (also spelled Badjau or Bajaw). Nomadic, boat-dwelling Sama are known as Bajau in the Philippines, and as Orang Laut (“sea people”) or Bajau Laut in Malaysia and Indonesia. The most common self-designation is Sama, almost always with a modifier to indicate geographical and/or dialect affiliation. (For example, Sama Baangingiq refers to a group of Sama who trace their origin and dialect to Balangingi Island in northern Sulu.) “Sama” used by itself is often considered pejorative.
Except for the Abak, all of the Sama groups of the Philippines, Malaysia and Indonesia are at least nominally Muslim in their formal religious orientation. Beyond this point, however, there is a great unevenness in the degree to which Islam has actually penetrated the various Sama groups. Some, like the nomadic Sama Dilaut, are still effectively pagan (but not in their own estimation), while others, such as the Sama Baangingiq, have gone much farther towards a full-scale adoption of orthodox belief and practice.
The close association between Islam and trade in insular Southeast Asia probably had much to do with the development of such variation. Those groups with extensive economic, political or military interests outside their own immediate area generally found an advantage in the adoption of Islam. Among the Sama groups of Sulu, therefore, it is not too surprising that the most Islamicized were those with the strongest political and economic links to the powerful sultanates of the region.
After 1970, there was considerable organized violence in Mindanao and Sulu. What began as a series of isolated conflicts between local Muslim communities and immigrant Christians over land titles in the Cotabato hinterlands rapidly escalated into civil war. The situation was exacerbated by animosities between Muslim and Christian that go back to the Spanish period and the days of widespread Muslim piracy, by a sense among Muslims that martial law and military intervention of the Philippine government was a loosely disguised attempt to eradicate Islam and perhaps its followers and by the intervention of foreign governments willing to supply the Muslim warriors with arms and moral support.
Samal see Sama.
Samanids
Samanids. Members of the Persian family that took over Khurasan and Transoxiana in the late ninth century and later imported Turkic nomads such as the Ghaznavids and the Seljuks to serve as border guards. The Samanids ruled Transoxiana, parts of Persia, and Afghanistan from 819 to 899. Their main capital was Bukhara. Their founding father and namesake, Saman Khudat (Saman-Khuda), was descended from an old Iranian priestly family which adopted Islam in the eighth century at the hands of Asad ibn ‘Abd Allah al-Qasri. After 819, his four grandsons became Tahirid governors in Samarkand, Ferghana, Shash, and Herat. These four grandsons played a political role in eastern caliphate under the ‘Abbasid Caliph al-Ma’mun, and were subgovernors of the Tahirids.
Nasr I ibn Ahmad (r. 864-892), son of the governor of Samarkand, took over his office in 864, became Abbasid governor of Transoxiana after the collapse of the Tahirids in 874, and claimed de facto independence. The reign of Nasr ibn Ahmad, the patron of Rudaki, marked the zenith of the dynasty. His brother, Isma‘il (r. 892-907), had destroyed the Saffarid empire by 903 and taken possession of Afghanistan and large parts of Persia with Khorasan. The empire underwent its greatest expansion under Nasr II (r. 914-943): from Baghdad, Kerman, and Mazandaran (Persian Gulf) to Turkestan and the Indian border. From 945 onwards the Buyids drove the Samanids back to Transoxiana and Khorasan. Under Mansur I (r. 961-976) and Nuh II (r. 976-997), the flourishing court constituted the focal point of spiritual life in Persia and Persian Islamic literature. It is from the epoch of the Samanids that New Persian language and literature took their rise with Rudaki and Firdawsi.
The turbulence of the military aristocracy and the danger from the northern Turkish tribes caused the decline of the dynasty. Having for many years guarded the border against the Turkish peoples attacking from the east, in 994, the Samanids lost Khorasan to the Ghaznavids and in 999 Transoxiana to the Qarakhanids, who finally drove them out. In 1005, the last Samanid was murdered while fleeing.
Samanids were a prominent family of Iranian aristocrats who ruled much of central Asia from 864 to 999. They were much admired by Muslim historians. Ibn Khallikan considered the Samanids to have been :one of the best dynasties that ever ruled.”
Several different genealogies purporting to trace the ancestry of the Samanids are preserved in the available sources. Most depict the Samanids as an offshoot of the Mihran, one of the great feudal families of pre-Islamic Iran with ties to the Arsacid dynasty, and as descendants of Bahram Chubin, a general who distinguished himself in guarding Iran’s eastern borders and who attempted to usurp the throne in late Sasanid times. While of dubious authenticity, this genealogy was clearly intended to emphasize the image the Samanids wished to project of themselves, namely, members of an aristocratic military elite, champions of eastern Iran and its culture, and defenders of the Central Asian frontier against the nomadic threat.
The first member of this family in Muslim historical sources was known as Saman Khudah, a name that implies that he was the petty ruler (probably the dihqan) of the town of Saman (variously located near Samarkand or, more likely, Balkh), which he had founded. Narshakhi, author of a history of Bukhara, noted that this Saman Khudah had fled from Balkh to Merv, where he was assisted by the Umayyad governor of Khurasan, Asad ibn Abd Allah al-Qasri (d. 738), in defeating his foes and returning to Balkh. In gratitude, Saman Khudah supposedly converted to Islam and named his own son Asad in honor of his benefactor. Narshakhi does not name the enemies of Saman Khudah, but it may be assumed that they were the Turgesh tribesmen who, with encouragement from the Chinese, were harassing the borders of Khurasan. This is quite credible since it is well known that Asad advocated a policy of cooperation between the Arabs and the noble Iranian families (i.e., the military aristocracy) in order to deal with their common enemies and that led several campaigns against the Turgesh in the environs of Balkh.
Saman Khudah’s grandchildren further distinguish the family by coming to the assistance of the Abbasids against the rebel Rafi ibn Laith, who had seized control of most of Transoxiana during the caliphate of Harun al-Rashid (786-809). Some sources allege that the four sons of Asad ibn Saman Khudah interceded with Rafi and negotiated a settlement of this rebellion at the request of Ma’mun (Harun’s son who was serving as governor of Khurasan). When Ma’mun became caliph, he rewarded each of the four brothers with the governorship of a district: Ilyas in Herat, Yahya in Shash (modern Tashkent), Ahmad in Ferghana, and Nuh, the oldest, in Samarkand. Ilyas played a prominent role in the Tahirid army, served for a while as governor of Egypt, and returned to Herat, where he died in 856. His son, Ibrahim, apparently lost Herat to the Saffarids after a battle near Pushang in 867, and so the line of Ilyas is of little importance. The fortunes of the family fared much better in Transoxiana, which was gradually united under the rule of Ahmad ibn Asad. For reasons that are not clear, one of Ahmad’s sons, Nasr, took over Samarkand upon the death of Nuh (842), and another, Ya’qub, assumed power in Shash when Yahya died in 855.
Nasr ibn Ahmad became the head of the family when his father died in 864, and he continued to govern from Samarkand. Following the destruction of the Tahirid dynasty by the Saffarids in 873, the Abbasid caliph al-Mu’tamid recognized Nasr as the legitimate ruler of all Transoxiana in hopes of blunting further expansion by the Saffarids. In 875, Nasr sent his brother, Isma’il, to govern Bukhara in response to an appeal from citizens of Bukhara alarmed by the collapse of law and order after the fall of the Tahirids. The two brothers, however, soon began to quarrel, and war between them broke out in 885. Isma’il defeated Nasr in 888 but allowed him to return to Samarkand, where he remained as nominal head of the family until his death in 892.
Under Isma’il ibn Ahmad (r.892-907), the Samanids became the pre-eminent power in Central Asia and eastern Iran. Not only did he succeed in uniting Transoxiana under his rule, but he also compelled a number of local rulers in adjacent areas (such as Khwarazm and Khuttal) to recognize Samanid sovereignty. He conquered Talas (Taraz), Ushrusana, Gorgan, and part of Tabaristan; he drove back the Turkish nomads on the northern and eastern frontiers; and, most importantly, he defeated Amr ibn Laith and expelled the Saffarid forces from Khurasan. His son, Ahmad (r. 907-914), completed the conquest of Sistan. Nasr ibn Ahmad (r. 914-943) suppressed various revolts in the outlying areas and maintained the integrity of the Samanid principality. His reign marked the political and especially the cultural zenith of the dynasty. Subsequently, the Samanids became embroiled in a number of dynastic struggles, internal problems, and external conflicts that resulted in the precipitous decline of the dynasty.
The accomplishments of the early Samanids were manifold. The sophisticate and elaborate bureaucracy of their court and chancellery was praised by Narshakhi and Nizam al-Mulk and served as a model for later rulers. Isma’il himself was regarded as the ideal type of ruler: just, pious, magnanimous, and concerned with the welfare of his subjects. Samanid patronage of the arts and sciences made Bukhara and Samarkand two of the leading intellectual centers of the Islamic world. A host of famous religious scholars, scientists, poets (both Arabic and Persian), men of letters, and talented officials surrounded the Samanid court. The Samanids also pursued a vigorous religious policy as champions of Sunni “orthodoxy” (although Nasr flirted with Isma’ili Islam). In particular, they promoted and popularized the Hanafi school of Islamic law, professed loyalty (but not subservience) to the Abbasid caliphate, and encouraged missionary activities to spread Islam among the Turks in and on the borders of their territory. Because of their conquests and maintenance of law and order, the Samanids were also able to stimulate trade between their cities and China, Iraq, and eastern Europe. A key element in Samanid commercial success was their virtual monopoly of the trade in Turkish slaves. The recruiting, training, and indoctrination of these Turks (described at length by Nizam al-Mulk) were of tremendous importance in both the Islamicization of the Turks and the Turkicization of Central Asia.
A number of factors contributed to the decline of Samanid power. Most fundamentally, an emphasis on trade seems to have led to a neglect of the agricultural base of the economy of Khurasan and Transoxiana as well as a movement of population from the rural areas to the major cities. (Bukhara, despite its newfound political and cultural glory as the Samanid capital, was notoriously filthy, over-crowded, and prone to urban violence owing to sectarian strife.) At the same time, the Samanids, although probably of dihqan origins themselves, contributed to the downfall of the dihqan class, which had been the backbone of eastern Iranian society. This was partly the result of the neglect of rural interests and partly that of the Samanid preference for basing their military power on Turkish “slave troops.” It was increasingly difficult for the Samanids to control the Turks in their service: some became involved in politics and dynastic succession squabbles; others were able to break away and form their own states. In addition, Turkish tribes in areas outside Samanid control gradually infiltrated Samanid territory. Samanid slave-raiding and missionary activities probably stimulated them to do so, and the decline of the dihqans and the de-population of the countryside must have helped to make that infiltration possible. In any case, the newly Islamized Karakhanid Turks seized Bukhara from the Samanids in 999. Without support from the non-Turkish rural and urban population, the dynasty collapsed completely by 1005.
Samanids. Members of the Persian family that took over Khurasan and Transoxiana in the late ninth century and later imported Turkic nomads such as the Ghaznavids and the Seljuks to serve as border guards. The Samanids ruled Transoxiana, parts of Persia, and Afghanistan from 819 to 899. Their main capital was Bukhara. Their founding father and namesake, Saman Khudat (Saman-Khuda), was descended from an old Iranian priestly family which adopted Islam in the eighth century at the hands of Asad ibn ‘Abd Allah al-Qasri. After 819, his four grandsons became Tahirid governors in Samarkand, Ferghana, Shash, and Herat. These four grandsons played a political role in eastern caliphate under the ‘Abbasid Caliph al-Ma’mun, and were subgovernors of the Tahirids.
Nasr I ibn Ahmad (r. 864-892), son of the governor of Samarkand, took over his office in 864, became Abbasid governor of Transoxiana after the collapse of the Tahirids in 874, and claimed de facto independence. The reign of Nasr ibn Ahmad, the patron of Rudaki, marked the zenith of the dynasty. His brother, Isma‘il (r. 892-907), had destroyed the Saffarid empire by 903 and taken possession of Afghanistan and large parts of Persia with Khorasan. The empire underwent its greatest expansion under Nasr II (r. 914-943): from Baghdad, Kerman, and Mazandaran (Persian Gulf) to Turkestan and the Indian border. From 945 onwards the Buyids drove the Samanids back to Transoxiana and Khorasan. Under Mansur I (r. 961-976) and Nuh II (r. 976-997), the flourishing court constituted the focal point of spiritual life in Persia and Persian Islamic literature. It is from the epoch of the Samanids that New Persian language and literature took their rise with Rudaki and Firdawsi.
The turbulence of the military aristocracy and the danger from the northern Turkish tribes caused the decline of the dynasty. Having for many years guarded the border against the Turkish peoples attacking from the east, in 994, the Samanids lost Khorasan to the Ghaznavids and in 999 Transoxiana to the Qarakhanids, who finally drove them out. In 1005, the last Samanid was murdered while fleeing.
Samanids were a prominent family of Iranian aristocrats who ruled much of central Asia from 864 to 999. They were much admired by Muslim historians. Ibn Khallikan considered the Samanids to have been :one of the best dynasties that ever ruled.”
Several different genealogies purporting to trace the ancestry of the Samanids are preserved in the available sources. Most depict the Samanids as an offshoot of the Mihran, one of the great feudal families of pre-Islamic Iran with ties to the Arsacid dynasty, and as descendants of Bahram Chubin, a general who distinguished himself in guarding Iran’s eastern borders and who attempted to usurp the throne in late Sasanid times. While of dubious authenticity, this genealogy was clearly intended to emphasize the image the Samanids wished to project of themselves, namely, members of an aristocratic military elite, champions of eastern Iran and its culture, and defenders of the Central Asian frontier against the nomadic threat.
The first member of this family in Muslim historical sources was known as Saman Khudah, a name that implies that he was the petty ruler (probably the dihqan) of the town of Saman (variously located near Samarkand or, more likely, Balkh), which he had founded. Narshakhi, author of a history of Bukhara, noted that this Saman Khudah had fled from Balkh to Merv, where he was assisted by the Umayyad governor of Khurasan, Asad ibn Abd Allah al-Qasri (d. 738), in defeating his foes and returning to Balkh. In gratitude, Saman Khudah supposedly converted to Islam and named his own son Asad in honor of his benefactor. Narshakhi does not name the enemies of Saman Khudah, but it may be assumed that they were the Turgesh tribesmen who, with encouragement from the Chinese, were harassing the borders of Khurasan. This is quite credible since it is well known that Asad advocated a policy of cooperation between the Arabs and the noble Iranian families (i.e., the military aristocracy) in order to deal with their common enemies and that led several campaigns against the Turgesh in the environs of Balkh.
Saman Khudah’s grandchildren further distinguish the family by coming to the assistance of the Abbasids against the rebel Rafi ibn Laith, who had seized control of most of Transoxiana during the caliphate of Harun al-Rashid (786-809). Some sources allege that the four sons of Asad ibn Saman Khudah interceded with Rafi and negotiated a settlement of this rebellion at the request of Ma’mun (Harun’s son who was serving as governor of Khurasan). When Ma’mun became caliph, he rewarded each of the four brothers with the governorship of a district: Ilyas in Herat, Yahya in Shash (modern Tashkent), Ahmad in Ferghana, and Nuh, the oldest, in Samarkand. Ilyas played a prominent role in the Tahirid army, served for a while as governor of Egypt, and returned to Herat, where he died in 856. His son, Ibrahim, apparently lost Herat to the Saffarids after a battle near Pushang in 867, and so the line of Ilyas is of little importance. The fortunes of the family fared much better in Transoxiana, which was gradually united under the rule of Ahmad ibn Asad. For reasons that are not clear, one of Ahmad’s sons, Nasr, took over Samarkand upon the death of Nuh (842), and another, Ya’qub, assumed power in Shash when Yahya died in 855.
Nasr ibn Ahmad became the head of the family when his father died in 864, and he continued to govern from Samarkand. Following the destruction of the Tahirid dynasty by the Saffarids in 873, the Abbasid caliph al-Mu’tamid recognized Nasr as the legitimate ruler of all Transoxiana in hopes of blunting further expansion by the Saffarids. In 875, Nasr sent his brother, Isma’il, to govern Bukhara in response to an appeal from citizens of Bukhara alarmed by the collapse of law and order after the fall of the Tahirids. The two brothers, however, soon began to quarrel, and war between them broke out in 885. Isma’il defeated Nasr in 888 but allowed him to return to Samarkand, where he remained as nominal head of the family until his death in 892.
Under Isma’il ibn Ahmad (r.892-907), the Samanids became the pre-eminent power in Central Asia and eastern Iran. Not only did he succeed in uniting Transoxiana under his rule, but he also compelled a number of local rulers in adjacent areas (such as Khwarazm and Khuttal) to recognize Samanid sovereignty. He conquered Talas (Taraz), Ushrusana, Gorgan, and part of Tabaristan; he drove back the Turkish nomads on the northern and eastern frontiers; and, most importantly, he defeated Amr ibn Laith and expelled the Saffarid forces from Khurasan. His son, Ahmad (r. 907-914), completed the conquest of Sistan. Nasr ibn Ahmad (r. 914-943) suppressed various revolts in the outlying areas and maintained the integrity of the Samanid principality. His reign marked the political and especially the cultural zenith of the dynasty. Subsequently, the Samanids became embroiled in a number of dynastic struggles, internal problems, and external conflicts that resulted in the precipitous decline of the dynasty.
The accomplishments of the early Samanids were manifold. The sophisticate and elaborate bureaucracy of their court and chancellery was praised by Narshakhi and Nizam al-Mulk and served as a model for later rulers. Isma’il himself was regarded as the ideal type of ruler: just, pious, magnanimous, and concerned with the welfare of his subjects. Samanid patronage of the arts and sciences made Bukhara and Samarkand two of the leading intellectual centers of the Islamic world. A host of famous religious scholars, scientists, poets (both Arabic and Persian), men of letters, and talented officials surrounded the Samanid court. The Samanids also pursued a vigorous religious policy as champions of Sunni “orthodoxy” (although Nasr flirted with Isma’ili Islam). In particular, they promoted and popularized the Hanafi school of Islamic law, professed loyalty (but not subservience) to the Abbasid caliphate, and encouraged missionary activities to spread Islam among the Turks in and on the borders of their territory. Because of their conquests and maintenance of law and order, the Samanids were also able to stimulate trade between their cities and China, Iraq, and eastern Europe. A key element in Samanid commercial success was their virtual monopoly of the trade in Turkish slaves. The recruiting, training, and indoctrination of these Turks (described at length by Nizam al-Mulk) were of tremendous importance in both the Islamicization of the Turks and the Turkicization of Central Asia.
A number of factors contributed to the decline of Samanid power. Most fundamentally, an emphasis on trade seems to have led to a neglect of the agricultural base of the economy of Khurasan and Transoxiana as well as a movement of population from the rural areas to the major cities. (Bukhara, despite its newfound political and cultural glory as the Samanid capital, was notoriously filthy, over-crowded, and prone to urban violence owing to sectarian strife.) At the same time, the Samanids, although probably of dihqan origins themselves, contributed to the downfall of the dihqan class, which had been the backbone of eastern Iranian society. This was partly the result of the neglect of rural interests and partly that of the Samanid preference for basing their military power on Turkish “slave troops.” It was increasingly difficult for the Samanids to control the Turks in their service: some became involved in politics and dynastic succession squabbles; others were able to break away and form their own states. In addition, Turkish tribes in areas outside Samanid control gradually infiltrated Samanid territory. Samanid slave-raiding and missionary activities probably stimulated them to do so, and the decline of the dihqans and the de-population of the countryside must have helped to make that infiltration possible. In any case, the newly Islamized Karakhanid Turks seized Bukhara from the Samanids in 999. Without support from the non-Turkish rural and urban population, the dynasty collapsed completely by 1005.
Samaw’al ibn Gharid ibn ‘Adiya, al-
Samaw’al ibn Gharid ibn ‘Adiya, al- (Samaw'al ibn 'Adiya) (as-Samaw'al bin 'Adiya) (Samuel ben 'Adiya). Jewish Arab poet of the sixth century. He owes his fame to his devotion to his guest Imru’ al-Qays ibn Hujr, which has become proverbial: “more faithful than al-Samaw’al.”
Samaw'al ibn 'Adiya was an Arabian poet and warrior, in the first half of the 6th century of the Christian calendar. His clan converted to Judaism when they were in Yemen. Later, they moved to northern Arabia where Samaw'al was born and lived his life.
Samaw'al's mother was of the royal tribe of Ghassan, while his father, was from the clan of Banu Alrayan who belong to the tribe of Harith bin Ka'b from Qahtan. Samaw'al was one of the most famous poets of his time. Thanks to the famous poem that he composed after a princess tried to degrade his people. In this poem, Samaw'al brags about the history of his clan - the Banu Alrayan- and how they ascended to the lordship of their tribe. Before moving out of Yemen, his clan were the kings in Najran, and at one point they had supremacy over Yemen before some of them -including the poet's father- converted to Judaism and moved to northern Arabia.. In this poem, Samaw'al also traces his genealogy to the Banu Aldayan. Samaw'al owned a castle near Taima (eight hours north of Medina), built by his grandfather 'Adiya and called, from its mixed color, al-Ablaq. It was situated on a high hill and was a halting-place for travelers to and from Syria.
More than for his poetic talents Samaw'al is famous for his connection with the warrior-poet and prince Imru' al-Qais, which won for him the epithet "faithful," and gave rise to the Arabic saying "more faithful than Samaw'al." This came about in the following manner: Amru al-Qais, being abandoned by his followers in his fight with the Banu Asad to avenge the death of his father, and being pursued by Al-No'man Ibn al-Munthir Ibn Ma' al-Sama', wandered about from tribe to tribe seeking protection as well as support in his endeavor to regain his inheritance. When he came to the Banu Fazarah their chief advised him to seek out Samaw'al ibn 'Adiya' in his castle al-Ablaq, saying that although he had seen the emperor of the Greeks and visited the Lakhmid kingdom of Hira, he had never found a place better fitted for assuring safety to those in need, nor known a more faithful protector than its owner. Amru al-Qais, who was accompanied by his daughter Hind, and his cousin, and had with him five suits of chainmail besides other weapons, immediately set out for the castle, and on the way he and his guide composed a poem in praise of their prospective host. Samaw'al received the poet hospitably, erected a tent of skins for Hind, and received the men into his own hall. After they had been there "as long as God willed," Amru al-Qais, wishing to secure the assistance of the emperor Justinian I, asked Samaw'al to give him a letter to the Ghassanid prince Harith ibn Abi Shamir, who might further him on his way. The poet then departed, leaving Hind, his cousin, and his armor in Samaw'al's keeping, and he never came to reclaim them. According to Arabian tradition, while on his homeward journey from Constantinople, he was poisoned by order of Justinian, who had listened to treacherous accusations against him.
After Amru al-Qais had left Al-Ablaq, Prince al-Munthir —it is not known whether before or after Amru's death— sent Harith to Samaw'al ordering him to deliver up the articles deposited with him. Samaw'al refusing to do so, Harith laid siege to the castle. The besiegers met with no success until one day Harith captured Samaw'al's son, who, according to the story in the "Kitab al-Aghani," was returning from the chase. Harith then called upon the father to choose between giving up the property and witnessing his son's death. Samaw'al answered that his son had brothers, but that his honor once lost could not be recovered. Harith at once struck off the boy's head before the unhappy father's eyes and then withdrew, perceiving that he could accomplish nothing in the face of such steadfastness.
Samaw'al ibn 'Adiya see Samaw’al ibn Gharid ibn ‘Adiya, al-
Samaw'al bin 'Adiya, as- see Samaw’al ibn Gharid ibn ‘Adiya, al-
Samuel ben 'Adiya see Samaw’al ibn Gharid ibn ‘Adiya, al-
Samaw’al ibn Gharid ibn ‘Adiya, al- (Samaw'al ibn 'Adiya) (as-Samaw'al bin 'Adiya) (Samuel ben 'Adiya). Jewish Arab poet of the sixth century. He owes his fame to his devotion to his guest Imru’ al-Qays ibn Hujr, which has become proverbial: “more faithful than al-Samaw’al.”
Samaw'al ibn 'Adiya was an Arabian poet and warrior, in the first half of the 6th century of the Christian calendar. His clan converted to Judaism when they were in Yemen. Later, they moved to northern Arabia where Samaw'al was born and lived his life.
Samaw'al's mother was of the royal tribe of Ghassan, while his father, was from the clan of Banu Alrayan who belong to the tribe of Harith bin Ka'b from Qahtan. Samaw'al was one of the most famous poets of his time. Thanks to the famous poem that he composed after a princess tried to degrade his people. In this poem, Samaw'al brags about the history of his clan - the Banu Alrayan- and how they ascended to the lordship of their tribe. Before moving out of Yemen, his clan were the kings in Najran, and at one point they had supremacy over Yemen before some of them -including the poet's father- converted to Judaism and moved to northern Arabia.. In this poem, Samaw'al also traces his genealogy to the Banu Aldayan. Samaw'al owned a castle near Taima (eight hours north of Medina), built by his grandfather 'Adiya and called, from its mixed color, al-Ablaq. It was situated on a high hill and was a halting-place for travelers to and from Syria.
More than for his poetic talents Samaw'al is famous for his connection with the warrior-poet and prince Imru' al-Qais, which won for him the epithet "faithful," and gave rise to the Arabic saying "more faithful than Samaw'al." This came about in the following manner: Amru al-Qais, being abandoned by his followers in his fight with the Banu Asad to avenge the death of his father, and being pursued by Al-No'man Ibn al-Munthir Ibn Ma' al-Sama', wandered about from tribe to tribe seeking protection as well as support in his endeavor to regain his inheritance. When he came to the Banu Fazarah their chief advised him to seek out Samaw'al ibn 'Adiya' in his castle al-Ablaq, saying that although he had seen the emperor of the Greeks and visited the Lakhmid kingdom of Hira, he had never found a place better fitted for assuring safety to those in need, nor known a more faithful protector than its owner. Amru al-Qais, who was accompanied by his daughter Hind, and his cousin, and had with him five suits of chainmail besides other weapons, immediately set out for the castle, and on the way he and his guide composed a poem in praise of their prospective host. Samaw'al received the poet hospitably, erected a tent of skins for Hind, and received the men into his own hall. After they had been there "as long as God willed," Amru al-Qais, wishing to secure the assistance of the emperor Justinian I, asked Samaw'al to give him a letter to the Ghassanid prince Harith ibn Abi Shamir, who might further him on his way. The poet then departed, leaving Hind, his cousin, and his armor in Samaw'al's keeping, and he never came to reclaim them. According to Arabian tradition, while on his homeward journey from Constantinople, he was poisoned by order of Justinian, who had listened to treacherous accusations against him.
After Amru al-Qais had left Al-Ablaq, Prince al-Munthir —it is not known whether before or after Amru's death— sent Harith to Samaw'al ordering him to deliver up the articles deposited with him. Samaw'al refusing to do so, Harith laid siege to the castle. The besiegers met with no success until one day Harith captured Samaw'al's son, who, according to the story in the "Kitab al-Aghani," was returning from the chase. Harith then called upon the father to choose between giving up the property and witnessing his son's death. Samaw'al answered that his son had brothers, but that his honor once lost could not be recovered. Harith at once struck off the boy's head before the unhappy father's eyes and then withdrew, perceiving that he could accomplish nothing in the face of such steadfastness.
Samaw'al ibn 'Adiya see Samaw’al ibn Gharid ibn ‘Adiya, al-
Samaw'al bin 'Adiya, as- see Samaw’al ibn Gharid ibn ‘Adiya, al-
Samuel ben 'Adiya see Samaw’al ibn Gharid ibn ‘Adiya, al-
Samhudi, Nur al-Din Abu’l-Hasan al-
Samhudi, Nur al-Din Abu’l-Hasan al- (Nur al-Din Abu'l-Hasan al-Samhudi) (1440-1505). Arab historian. He is known for his history of the city of Medina.
Nur al-Din Abu'l-Hasan al-Samhudi see Samhudi, Nur al-Din Abu’l-Hasan al-
Samhudi, Nur al-Din Abu’l-Hasan al- (Nur al-Din Abu'l-Hasan al-Samhudi) (1440-1505). Arab historian. He is known for his history of the city of Medina.
Nur al-Din Abu'l-Hasan al-Samhudi see Samhudi, Nur al-Din Abu’l-Hasan al-
Samiri, al-
Samiri, al- (“the Samaritan”). Name given in the Qur’an to the man who tempted the Israelites to the sin of the golden calf.
The Samaritan see Samiri, al-
Samiri, al- (“the Samaritan”). Name given in the Qur’an to the man who tempted the Israelites to the sin of the golden calf.
The Samaritan see Samiri, al-
Sami, Shams al-Din
Sami, Shams al-Din (Shams al-Din Sami) (Sami Frashëri) (b. June 1, 1850, Frashër, Kolonje, Albania, then Ottoman Empire – d. June 18, 1904, Erenkoy, Istanbul, Turkey, then Ottoman Empire). Turkish author and lexicographer from Albania. He wrote a French-Turkish/Turkish-French dictionary, a six volume general encyclopedia and a Turkish dictionary, which is a true picture of the educated Turkish of his time. However, he does not seem to have had any traceable influence on the development of the Turkish language.
Sami Frashëri was an Albanian writer, philosopher, playwright and a prominent figure of the Rilindja Kombëtare, the National Renaissance movement of Albania, together with his two brothers Naim and Abdyl.
Frashëri was one of the sons of an impoverished Bey from Frashër (Fraşer during the Ottoman rule) in the District of Përmet. He gained a place in Ottoman literature as a talented author under the name of Şemseddin Sami Efendi and contributed to the Turkish language reforms.
Frashëri's message, as declared in his book "Albania - What it was, what it is, and what will become of it" published in 1899, became the manifesto of the Albanian Renaissance (Rilindja Kombëtare). Frashëri discussed the prospects for a free and independent republic of Albania. In this way, beginning with a demand for autonomy and struggle for their own alphabet and education, he helped the Albanian National Liberation movement develop its claim for independence.
Frasheri finished gymnasium in Zosimea Greek language school in Ioannina. There, he came in touch with Western Philosophy and studied Greek, French and Italian. With the help of a personal teacher, he also learned Arabic, Turkish and Persian.
In 1872, Frasheri migrated to Istanbul where he worked in a governmental press bureau. His lifetime goal, as that of many other members of the Albanian renaissance, was the development and improvement of Albania's culture and independence.
Along with his elder brother Abdyl, Hasan Tahsini, Pashko Vasa and Jani Vreto, he founded the Central Committee for Defending Albanian Rights. Early in 1879, this committee formed a commission for the Albanian alphabet.
Sami Frashëri also founded and headed the Society for the Printing of Albanian Writings in October 1879 , where Albanian scholastic books and texts were compiled by him and his brother Naim. The society was forced to close by the Ottoman Government in 1885 along with the Drita magazine, then Dituria, which had began publication in 1884 by Petro Poga, but on the decree issued on the demand of Sami Frasheri.
Sami Frasheri died in June 18, 1904 after a severe illness at his home in Erenköy, Istanbul.
His son, Ali Sami Yen (1886–1951), was a footballer (soccer player) and founder of Galatasaray SK and chairman of Galatasaray between 1905–1918 and 1925-1926.
Sami Frasheri is author of around 50 masterpieces. Some of his most important writings are:
Novels
* Ta'aşşûk-ı Tal'at ve Fitnât (Albanian: Dashuria e Talatit me Fitneten -English: The Love Between Talat and Fitnat, 1873)
The story carries a sentimental subject of love between Talat and Fitnat. Generally, the novel consists of a combination of Oriental and Western writing styles. This novel is commonly mistaken to be the first novel written in Turkish.
Drama
* Besâ yâhut Âhde Vefâ (Albanian: "Besa ose Mbajtja e Fjalës" - English: Besa or The Given Word of Trust, 1874).
Is a melodrama with Besa as a subject, but in a very tragic situation: the father kills his son to keep the given word.
* Seydi Yahya (1875)
* Gâve (1876)
* Mezalim-i Endülûs (Never printed)
* Vicdân (Never printed)
Dictionaries and Encyclopedical Works
* Kamûs-ı Fransevî (1882–1905, French-Turkish dictionary)
* Kamûs-ı Fransevî (1885, French-Turkish dictionary)
* Küçük Kamûs-ı Fransevî (1886, French-Turkish dictionary)
* Kamûs-ül Â'lâm (6 volumes, 1889–1898, Encyclopedia of General Science, known to be the first Encyclopedia printed in Turkish)
* Kamûs-ı 'Arabî (1898, Arabic-Turkish dictionary, unfinished)
* Kamus-ı Türki (2 volumes, dictionary of the Classical Ottoman Turkish language, still widely used as a reference as of today, 1899–1900, reprints and facsimiles in 1978 and 1998)
Scientific Writings
Sami Frasheri also did a series of scientific writings in Albanian such as Qielli (Sky), Toka (Earth), Njeriu (Human Being), Gjuha (Language), and many more.
Educational Writings in Albanian
* Allfabetarja e Stambollit (Alphabet of Istanbul, 1879),
* Abetarja e Shkronjëtoreja (Grammatical Work, 1886).
Other
In Turkish in his "Pocket Library" collection, he published small scientific booklets on subjects as Astronomy, Geology, Anthropology, History of Islam and the Islamic civilization, Women, Mythology and Linguistics. He also published a small compilation of humor named Letâ'if in two volumes, a compilation of Proverbs and Quotes named Emsâl in four volumes, and a series of reading-oriented educational books for schoolchildren.
Linguistics
* Usûl-ü Tenkîd ve Tertîb (1886, Orthography of Turkish)
* Nev'usûl Sarf-ı Türkî (1891, Modern Turkish Grammar)
* Yeñi Usûl-ü Elifbâ-yı Türkî (1898, New Turkish Alphabetical System))
* Usûl-ü Cedîd-i Kavâ'id-i 'Arabiyye (1910, New Method for Learning Arabic)
* Tatbîkât-ı 'Arabiyye (1911, Exercises in Arabic)
Political Work
* Shqipëria ç'ka qenë, ç'është e çdo të bëhetë (Albania - what it was, what it is and what it is going be, 1889).
Theoretical commentary that became Rilindja Kombëtare's manifesto.
Shams al-Din Sami see Sami, Shams al-Din
Sami Frasheri see Sami, Shams al-Din
Frasheri, Sami see Sami, Shams al-Din
Sami, Shams al-Din (Shams al-Din Sami) (Sami Frashëri) (b. June 1, 1850, Frashër, Kolonje, Albania, then Ottoman Empire – d. June 18, 1904, Erenkoy, Istanbul, Turkey, then Ottoman Empire). Turkish author and lexicographer from Albania. He wrote a French-Turkish/Turkish-French dictionary, a six volume general encyclopedia and a Turkish dictionary, which is a true picture of the educated Turkish of his time. However, he does not seem to have had any traceable influence on the development of the Turkish language.
Sami Frashëri was an Albanian writer, philosopher, playwright and a prominent figure of the Rilindja Kombëtare, the National Renaissance movement of Albania, together with his two brothers Naim and Abdyl.
Frashëri was one of the sons of an impoverished Bey from Frashër (Fraşer during the Ottoman rule) in the District of Përmet. He gained a place in Ottoman literature as a talented author under the name of Şemseddin Sami Efendi and contributed to the Turkish language reforms.
Frashëri's message, as declared in his book "Albania - What it was, what it is, and what will become of it" published in 1899, became the manifesto of the Albanian Renaissance (Rilindja Kombëtare). Frashëri discussed the prospects for a free and independent republic of Albania. In this way, beginning with a demand for autonomy and struggle for their own alphabet and education, he helped the Albanian National Liberation movement develop its claim for independence.
Frasheri finished gymnasium in Zosimea Greek language school in Ioannina. There, he came in touch with Western Philosophy and studied Greek, French and Italian. With the help of a personal teacher, he also learned Arabic, Turkish and Persian.
In 1872, Frasheri migrated to Istanbul where he worked in a governmental press bureau. His lifetime goal, as that of many other members of the Albanian renaissance, was the development and improvement of Albania's culture and independence.
Along with his elder brother Abdyl, Hasan Tahsini, Pashko Vasa and Jani Vreto, he founded the Central Committee for Defending Albanian Rights. Early in 1879, this committee formed a commission for the Albanian alphabet.
Sami Frashëri also founded and headed the Society for the Printing of Albanian Writings in October 1879 , where Albanian scholastic books and texts were compiled by him and his brother Naim. The society was forced to close by the Ottoman Government in 1885 along with the Drita magazine, then Dituria, which had began publication in 1884 by Petro Poga, but on the decree issued on the demand of Sami Frasheri.
Sami Frasheri died in June 18, 1904 after a severe illness at his home in Erenköy, Istanbul.
His son, Ali Sami Yen (1886–1951), was a footballer (soccer player) and founder of Galatasaray SK and chairman of Galatasaray between 1905–1918 and 1925-1926.
Sami Frasheri is author of around 50 masterpieces. Some of his most important writings are:
Novels
* Ta'aşşûk-ı Tal'at ve Fitnât (Albanian: Dashuria e Talatit me Fitneten -English: The Love Between Talat and Fitnat, 1873)
The story carries a sentimental subject of love between Talat and Fitnat. Generally, the novel consists of a combination of Oriental and Western writing styles. This novel is commonly mistaken to be the first novel written in Turkish.
Drama
* Besâ yâhut Âhde Vefâ (Albanian: "Besa ose Mbajtja e Fjalës" - English: Besa or The Given Word of Trust, 1874).
Is a melodrama with Besa as a subject, but in a very tragic situation: the father kills his son to keep the given word.
* Seydi Yahya (1875)
* Gâve (1876)
* Mezalim-i Endülûs (Never printed)
* Vicdân (Never printed)
Dictionaries and Encyclopedical Works
* Kamûs-ı Fransevî (1882–1905, French-Turkish dictionary)
* Kamûs-ı Fransevî (1885, French-Turkish dictionary)
* Küçük Kamûs-ı Fransevî (1886, French-Turkish dictionary)
* Kamûs-ül Â'lâm (6 volumes, 1889–1898, Encyclopedia of General Science, known to be the first Encyclopedia printed in Turkish)
* Kamûs-ı 'Arabî (1898, Arabic-Turkish dictionary, unfinished)
* Kamus-ı Türki (2 volumes, dictionary of the Classical Ottoman Turkish language, still widely used as a reference as of today, 1899–1900, reprints and facsimiles in 1978 and 1998)
Scientific Writings
Sami Frasheri also did a series of scientific writings in Albanian such as Qielli (Sky), Toka (Earth), Njeriu (Human Being), Gjuha (Language), and many more.
Educational Writings in Albanian
* Allfabetarja e Stambollit (Alphabet of Istanbul, 1879),
* Abetarja e Shkronjëtoreja (Grammatical Work, 1886).
Other
In Turkish in his "Pocket Library" collection, he published small scientific booklets on subjects as Astronomy, Geology, Anthropology, History of Islam and the Islamic civilization, Women, Mythology and Linguistics. He also published a small compilation of humor named Letâ'if in two volumes, a compilation of Proverbs and Quotes named Emsâl in four volumes, and a series of reading-oriented educational books for schoolchildren.
Linguistics
* Usûl-ü Tenkîd ve Tertîb (1886, Orthography of Turkish)
* Nev'usûl Sarf-ı Türkî (1891, Modern Turkish Grammar)
* Yeñi Usûl-ü Elifbâ-yı Türkî (1898, New Turkish Alphabetical System))
* Usûl-ü Cedîd-i Kavâ'id-i 'Arabiyye (1910, New Method for Learning Arabic)
* Tatbîkât-ı 'Arabiyye (1911, Exercises in Arabic)
Political Work
* Shqipëria ç'ka qenë, ç'është e çdo të bëhetë (Albania - what it was, what it is and what it is going be, 1889).
Theoretical commentary that became Rilindja Kombëtare's manifesto.
Shams al-Din Sami see Sami, Shams al-Din
Sami Frasheri see Sami, Shams al-Din
Frasheri, Sami see Sami, Shams al-Din
Samma
Samma. Name of a Rajput clan who accepted Islam and ruled Sind (r.1335-1520).
The Samma dynasty ruled in Sindh and parts of Punjab and Balochistan from 1335-1520, with their capital at Thatta in modern Pakistan before being replaced by the Arghun Dynasty. The Samma dynasty has left its mark in Sindh with magnificent structures including the necropolis of kings and royalties in Thatta and many more ruins.
The Sindh is a fertile valley with a sub-tropical climate watered by the Indus river, the location of some of the oldest civilizations in the world, with settlements dating back to 7000 B.C.T. Always a prize possession, it has been controlled by many different empires, alternating with periods of independence. Before the Samma dynasty took control, the Sindh was ruled by the Soomra, first as nominal vassals of the Fatimid Caliphate of Cairo, later as vassals of the Delhi Sultanate, which reached its greatest extent under Muhammad bin Tughluq (c.1300–1351), but began to break up towards the end of his reign.
The Sammas, a Rajput tribe, gained control of Thatta in the southern Sindh from the Sumras around 1335, and expanded their territory northward to Bhakkar and beyond. Throughout the period of the Samma dynasty, Turkic groups were pushing down from the northwest, including those led by Timur (Tamerlane) who sacked Delhi in 1398, and later the Mughals who finally conquered Delhi under Babur in 1526. The Sammas fought off these invaders until they were finally defeated by the Arghun Dynasty, who had been displaced from Kandahar in Afghanistan by Babur, in 1519-1520.
Information about the early years of the Samma dynasty is very sketchy. We know from Ibn Battuta that in 1333 the Sammas were in rebellion, led by the Rajput founder of the dynasty, Unar. The Sammas overthrew the Soomras soon after 1335 and the last Soomra ruler took shelter with the governor of Gujarat, under the protection of Muhammad bin Tughluq, the sultan of Delhi. Mohammad bin Tughlaq made an expedition against Sindh in 1351 and died at Sondha, possibly in an attempt to restore the Soomras. With this, the Sammas became independent. The next sultan, Firuz Shah Tughlaq attacked Sindh in 1365 and 1367, unsuccessfully, but with reinforcements from Delhi he later obtained Banbhiniyo's surrender. The Samma dynasty overtook the Sumra dynasty and ruled Sindh during 1365-1521. Around that time, the Sindhi Swarankar community returned from Kutch to their home towns in Sindh, and some settled empty land on the banks of Sindhu River near Dadu, Sindh. By the end of year 1500, nearly the entire Sindhi Swarankar community had returned to Sindh. This period marks the beginning of Sufistic thought and teachings in Sindh.
For a period the Sammas were, therefore, subject to Delhi again. Later as the Sultanate of Delhi collapsed they became fully independent. During most of the period of Samma rule, the Sindh was politically and economically tied to the Gujarat Sultanate, with occasional
periods of friction. Coins struck by the Samma dynasty show the titles "Sultan" and "Shah" as well as "Jam".
The rulers of the Samma were:
1335-1339 'Unar Founder of dynasty
1339-1352 Junan (Junan) Brother of 'Unar
1352-1367 Banhbina (Babinho Sadr al-Din) Son of 'Unar
1367-1379 Tamachi (Tamachi Rukn al-Din)
1379-1389 Salah-ud-din (Saláhuddín) Son of Tamachi (usurper)
1389-1391 Nizam-ud-din (Nizámuddín) Son of Salah-ud-din
1391-1398 Ali Sher Son of Tamachi
1398 Karn Karan
1398-1414 Fath Khan (Fateh Khán bin Sikandar) Nephew of Karn
1414-1442 Tughluq (Taghlak bin Sikandar) Brother of Fath Khan
1442 Mubarak (usurper)
1442-1444 Sikandar Son of Tughluq
1444-1453 Raidhan
1453-1461 Sanjar (Sanjar (Radhan) Sadr al-Din)
1461-1508 Nanda (Nizámuddín)
1508-1527 Firuz Son of Nanda
The rulers of the Samma were:
1335-1339 'Unar Founder of dynasty
1339-1352 Junan (Junan) Brother of 'Unar
1352-1367 Banhbina (Babinho Sadr al-Din) Son of 'Unar
1367-1379 Tamachi (Tamachi Rukn al-Din)
1379-1389 Salah-ud-din (Saláhuddín) Son of Tamachi (usurper)
1389-1391 Nizam-ud-din (Nizámuddín) Son of Salah-ud-din
1391-1398 Ali Sher Son of Tamachi
1398 Karn Karan
1398-1414 Fath Khan (Fateh Khán bin Sikandar) Nephew of Karn
1414-1442 Tughluq (Taghlak bin Sikandar) Brother of Fath Khan
1442 Mubarak (usurper)
1442-1444 Sikandar Son of Tughluq
1444-1453 Raidhan
1453-1461 Sanjar (Sanjar (Radhan) Sadr al-Din)
1461-1508 Nanda (Nizámuddín)
1508-1527 Firuz Son of Nanda
Sam Mirza
Sam Mirza (1517-1576). Persian poet. He was a son of the Safavid Shah Isma‘il and compiled an anthology of contemporary poetry.
Mirza, Sam see Sam Mirza
Sam Mirza (1517-1576). Persian poet. He was a son of the Safavid Shah Isma‘il and compiled an anthology of contemporary poetry.
Mirza, Sam see Sam Mirza
Samori Toure
Samori Toure (Samory Toure) (Almamy Samory Lafiya Toure) (b. c. 1830, near Sarranko, Upper Guinea [now in Guinea] - d. June 2, 1900, Gabon, French Congo [now Gabon]). Creator of the largest Mandinka Dyula (Jula) state (the Wassoulou Empire) in West Africa.
Samori Toure (Samory) was the creator of the largest Mandinka Dyula (Jula) state in West Africa. Samory was the last and most successful of the Dyula revolutionaries in the nineteenth century until he succumbed to the French imperial drive. Samory’s two successive empires covered large parts of the Upper Niger and the interior of the Ivory Coast.
Samory was born around 1830 in Konyan (in present day Guinea). He spent his early manhood as a Dyula merchant. The Dyula were a class of professional traders who travelled and settled throughout West Africa, particularly between Senegal and the Ivory Coast. The Dyula were usually Muslims unlike most of the people amongst whom they lived.
In the 1800s, the Dyula among the Mandinka of Guinea began to seize political control. The first Dyula revolutionary, Mori-Ule Sise, launched a military campaign against his Mandinka neighbors in 1835.
Around 1853, Samory’s mother was captured by Mori-Ule’s soldiers. Samory went to live with the Sise to try and obtain her release. There Samory learned the skills of warfare which he was later to apply so effectively. After leaving the Sise, Samory began to amass his own following. Samory expanded his holdings by entering into various inter-chiefdom disputes, and then ruthlessly seizing power.
By the 1860s, Samory’s authority was acknowledged in the Milo River region. In the 1870s, Samory continued to expand his new empire, establishing his capital at Bisandugu (Guinea), and making alliances with Dyula communities which controlled the arms traffic from the coast. By 1880, Samory was the unchallenged leader of the Dyula revolution.
Up until this time, the unifying principle which Samory had employed was loyalty to his person. With the expansion of his empire, Samory felt that personal loyalty would not suffice and, in 1884, he attempted to turn the empire into an Islamic theocracy.
During this time, Samory modernized his army’s tactics and weaponry. In 1884, Samory conquered the Sierra Leone hinterland in order to ensure the supply of arms from Freetown, the most important terminus of his caravans. In exchange for arms, Samory offered gold and ivory. The slaves that Samory captured were his most important source of capital, although these had to be exchanged for products acceptable in Freetown.
Unfortunately for Samory, his imperialistic designs coincided with those of the French, who were eager to carve out an empire of their own. First French military contact with Samory came in 1882, and the two armies battled sporadically until 1886 when they signed a peace treaty.
Samory then sent his favorite son to France on a goodwill mission. Both parties desired a respite at that time -- Samory in order to prepare to fight Tieba at Sikasso (present day Mali), and the French to fight Mamadu Lamine in the Senegambia.
Samory’s attempt to take Sikasso proved to be a major disaster. The defeat decimated his army and triggered off a massive revolt in his empire in 1888. As a consequence, Samory decided to abandon Islam as a unifying principle and return to one of personal loyalty.
Before Samory could face the French, he needed to put down the rebellion and to re-establish his trade connections with Sierra Leone.
Both Samory and the French prepared for the impending conflict. The clash began in 1891 when French forces under Archinard penetrated deep into Samori’s territory. In 1894, realizing he could not defeat the French, Samory decided upon a daring alternative. Samory moved his empire eastward to the Ivory Coast interior, pursuing a scorched earth policy in the lands he vacated. There he began the conquest of new lands, and briefly attempted to ally with Prempe I, the ruler of Asante in the Gold Coast.
The French military drive was relentless and, in 1898, when the British refused to sell him arms, Samory retreated into Liberia. The French captured him that year and exiled him to Gabon.
It was in Gabon that Samory died of pneumonia in 1900.
Although in the lands that he conquered Samory is remembered as a ruthless tyrant, many people consider him a hero of African resistance to European imperialism.
Toure, Samori see Samori Toure
Samory see Samori Toure
Samory Toure see Samori Toure
Toure, Samory see Samori Toure
Almamy Samory Lafiya Toure see Samori Toure
Toure, Almamy Samory Lafiya see Samori Toure
Samori Toure (Samory Toure) (Almamy Samory Lafiya Toure) (b. c. 1830, near Sarranko, Upper Guinea [now in Guinea] - d. June 2, 1900, Gabon, French Congo [now Gabon]). Creator of the largest Mandinka Dyula (Jula) state (the Wassoulou Empire) in West Africa.
Samori Toure (Samory) was the creator of the largest Mandinka Dyula (Jula) state in West Africa. Samory was the last and most successful of the Dyula revolutionaries in the nineteenth century until he succumbed to the French imperial drive. Samory’s two successive empires covered large parts of the Upper Niger and the interior of the Ivory Coast.
Samory was born around 1830 in Konyan (in present day Guinea). He spent his early manhood as a Dyula merchant. The Dyula were a class of professional traders who travelled and settled throughout West Africa, particularly between Senegal and the Ivory Coast. The Dyula were usually Muslims unlike most of the people amongst whom they lived.
In the 1800s, the Dyula among the Mandinka of Guinea began to seize political control. The first Dyula revolutionary, Mori-Ule Sise, launched a military campaign against his Mandinka neighbors in 1835.
Around 1853, Samory’s mother was captured by Mori-Ule’s soldiers. Samory went to live with the Sise to try and obtain her release. There Samory learned the skills of warfare which he was later to apply so effectively. After leaving the Sise, Samory began to amass his own following. Samory expanded his holdings by entering into various inter-chiefdom disputes, and then ruthlessly seizing power.
By the 1860s, Samory’s authority was acknowledged in the Milo River region. In the 1870s, Samory continued to expand his new empire, establishing his capital at Bisandugu (Guinea), and making alliances with Dyula communities which controlled the arms traffic from the coast. By 1880, Samory was the unchallenged leader of the Dyula revolution.
Up until this time, the unifying principle which Samory had employed was loyalty to his person. With the expansion of his empire, Samory felt that personal loyalty would not suffice and, in 1884, he attempted to turn the empire into an Islamic theocracy.
During this time, Samory modernized his army’s tactics and weaponry. In 1884, Samory conquered the Sierra Leone hinterland in order to ensure the supply of arms from Freetown, the most important terminus of his caravans. In exchange for arms, Samory offered gold and ivory. The slaves that Samory captured were his most important source of capital, although these had to be exchanged for products acceptable in Freetown.
Unfortunately for Samory, his imperialistic designs coincided with those of the French, who were eager to carve out an empire of their own. First French military contact with Samory came in 1882, and the two armies battled sporadically until 1886 when they signed a peace treaty.
Samory then sent his favorite son to France on a goodwill mission. Both parties desired a respite at that time -- Samory in order to prepare to fight Tieba at Sikasso (present day Mali), and the French to fight Mamadu Lamine in the Senegambia.
Samory’s attempt to take Sikasso proved to be a major disaster. The defeat decimated his army and triggered off a massive revolt in his empire in 1888. As a consequence, Samory decided to abandon Islam as a unifying principle and return to one of personal loyalty.
Before Samory could face the French, he needed to put down the rebellion and to re-establish his trade connections with Sierra Leone.
Both Samory and the French prepared for the impending conflict. The clash began in 1891 when French forces under Archinard penetrated deep into Samori’s territory. In 1894, realizing he could not defeat the French, Samory decided upon a daring alternative. Samory moved his empire eastward to the Ivory Coast interior, pursuing a scorched earth policy in the lands he vacated. There he began the conquest of new lands, and briefly attempted to ally with Prempe I, the ruler of Asante in the Gold Coast.
The French military drive was relentless and, in 1898, when the British refused to sell him arms, Samory retreated into Liberia. The French captured him that year and exiled him to Gabon.
It was in Gabon that Samory died of pneumonia in 1900.
Although in the lands that he conquered Samory is remembered as a ruthless tyrant, many people consider him a hero of African resistance to European imperialism.
Toure, Samori see Samori Toure
Samory see Samori Toure
Samory Toure see Samori Toure
Toure, Samory see Samori Toure
Almamy Samory Lafiya Toure see Samori Toure
Toure, Almamy Samory Lafiya see Samori Toure
Samsam al-Dawla, Abu Kalijar al-Marzuban
Samsam al-Dawla, Abu Kalijar al-Marzuban (Abu Kalijar al-Marzuban Samsam al-Dawla) (Samsam al-Daula) (c. 963-December 998). Buyid ruler in Persia and Iraq (r.990-998). He was a son of ‘Adud al-Dawla. During his reign civil strife within the dynasty began.
Abu Kalijar Marzuban aka Samsam al-Daula was the Buyid amir of Iraq (983-987), as well as Fars and Kerman (988 or 989-998). He was the second son of 'Adud al-Daula.The Abbasid recognized his succession and conferred upon him the title Samsam Al-Daula. Samsam's rule lasted for barely four years. He lacked the qualities of his father 'Adud al-Daula and failed to have a grip upon his state affairs. His rule was marked by revolts and civil wars in the Buwayhids.
During 'Adud al-Daula's lifetime, Abu Kalijar Marzuban was assigned the governorships of Buyid Oman and Khuzestan. Despite Marzuban's status as second son (Shirdil being the eldest), he was considered to be his father's heir. This issue was never completely clarified by 'Adud al-Daula before his death, resulting in a succession crisis. Marzuban, who was in Baghdad when his father died, at first kept his death secret in order to ensure his succession.When he made the death of his father public, he took the title "Samsam al-Daula".
Shirdil also laid his claims to the succession, and from his province of Kerman invaded and captured Fars. He took the title "Sharaf al-Daula". Sharaf al-Daula's invasion of Fars provided two more of Samsam al-Daula's brothers, Taj al-Daula and Diya' al-Daula, to set up their own rule in Basra and Khuzestan. In Diyarbakr, a Kurd named Badh ibn Hasanwaih took power and forced Samsam al-Daula to confirm him as its ruler. To the north, Samsam al-Daula's uncle Fakhr al-Daula ruled an extensive territory from Ray. The rulers of Basra and Khuzestan soon acknowledged Fakhr al-Daula as senior amir, making the latter the most powerful of the Buyids and moving the senior amirate from Iraq to Jibal.
Despite Fakhr al-Daula's power, it was Sharaf al-Daula who posed the largest threat to Samsam al-Daula. He recovered Buyid Oman, which had earlier seceded to Samsam al-Daula. In 985, a Daylamite chief Saffar ibn Quddawiyah revolted against the authority of Samsam al-Daula. He joined with Shirdil. Saffar lead a force against Samsam to Baghdad. Samsam sent a stronger force in retaliation consequently Saffar was defeated. In early 986, Samsam captured Basra and Khuzestan, forcing the two brothers to flee to Fakhr al-Daula's territory. After the defeat of Saffar, Sharaf himself marched against Samsam. Sharaf occupied Ahwaz ,then sent his forces to Wasit which fell to him in 986. From there, Samsam marched to Baghdad. Before any confrontation could take place, there was a revolt in the army of Samsam. He was therefore defeated and forced to surrender. There upon Baghdad fell to Sharaf and Samsam was put in prison.
Sharaf al-Daula's death in 988 or 989 provided Samsam al-Daula with the opportunity to make a return to power. Despite having been partially blinded shortly before Sharaf al-Daula's death, he managed to escape from prison and wrested control of Fars, Kerman and Khuzestan from his brother Baha' al-Daula, who had succeeded Sharaf al-Daula. Both Baha' al-Daula and his brother found their positions threatened by Fakhr al-Daula. The latter invaded Khuzestan in an attempt to split the two brothers' territories. This act prompted the both of them to draw up an alliance. Samsam al-Daula recognized Baha' al-Daula as the ruler of Iraq and Khuzestan, while he himself kept Arrajan, Fars and Kerman. Both promised to consider each other as equals, and took the title of "king".
In 991, Baha' al-Daula attempted to get rid of Samsam al-Daula. He took the title of Shâhanshâh and invaded the latter's territory. His forces were defeated, however, and Samsam al-Daula regained Khuzestan. He even gained control of the Buyid territories in Oman. In order to further strengthen his position, Samsam al-Daula decided to recognize Fakhr al-Daula as senior amir, submitting to his authority.
Fakhr al-Daula's death in 997, coupled with Samsam al-Daula's increasing troubles within his realm, made Baha' al-Daula the strongest of the Buyid princes. He gained the support of the Kurdish ruler Badr ibn Hasanwaih and prepared for the expedition. The invasion began in December of 998. Scarcely had the campaign begun, however, when Samsam al-Daula was murdered by one of the sons of 'Izz al-Daula while fleeing from Shiraz. Baha' al-Daula took Shiraz, defeated 'Izz al-Daula's sons, and reunited Iraq, Fars and Kerman.
Abu Kalijar al-Marzuban Samsam al-Dawla see Samsam al-Dawla, Abu Kalijar al-Marzuban
Samsam al-Daula see Samsam al-Dawla, Abu Kalijar al-Marzuban
Samsam al-Dawla, Abu Kalijar al-Marzuban (Abu Kalijar al-Marzuban Samsam al-Dawla) (Samsam al-Daula) (c. 963-December 998). Buyid ruler in Persia and Iraq (r.990-998). He was a son of ‘Adud al-Dawla. During his reign civil strife within the dynasty began.
Abu Kalijar Marzuban aka Samsam al-Daula was the Buyid amir of Iraq (983-987), as well as Fars and Kerman (988 or 989-998). He was the second son of 'Adud al-Daula.The Abbasid recognized his succession and conferred upon him the title Samsam Al-Daula. Samsam's rule lasted for barely four years. He lacked the qualities of his father 'Adud al-Daula and failed to have a grip upon his state affairs. His rule was marked by revolts and civil wars in the Buwayhids.
During 'Adud al-Daula's lifetime, Abu Kalijar Marzuban was assigned the governorships of Buyid Oman and Khuzestan. Despite Marzuban's status as second son (Shirdil being the eldest), he was considered to be his father's heir. This issue was never completely clarified by 'Adud al-Daula before his death, resulting in a succession crisis. Marzuban, who was in Baghdad when his father died, at first kept his death secret in order to ensure his succession.When he made the death of his father public, he took the title "Samsam al-Daula".
Shirdil also laid his claims to the succession, and from his province of Kerman invaded and captured Fars. He took the title "Sharaf al-Daula". Sharaf al-Daula's invasion of Fars provided two more of Samsam al-Daula's brothers, Taj al-Daula and Diya' al-Daula, to set up their own rule in Basra and Khuzestan. In Diyarbakr, a Kurd named Badh ibn Hasanwaih took power and forced Samsam al-Daula to confirm him as its ruler. To the north, Samsam al-Daula's uncle Fakhr al-Daula ruled an extensive territory from Ray. The rulers of Basra and Khuzestan soon acknowledged Fakhr al-Daula as senior amir, making the latter the most powerful of the Buyids and moving the senior amirate from Iraq to Jibal.
Despite Fakhr al-Daula's power, it was Sharaf al-Daula who posed the largest threat to Samsam al-Daula. He recovered Buyid Oman, which had earlier seceded to Samsam al-Daula. In 985, a Daylamite chief Saffar ibn Quddawiyah revolted against the authority of Samsam al-Daula. He joined with Shirdil. Saffar lead a force against Samsam to Baghdad. Samsam sent a stronger force in retaliation consequently Saffar was defeated. In early 986, Samsam captured Basra and Khuzestan, forcing the two brothers to flee to Fakhr al-Daula's territory. After the defeat of Saffar, Sharaf himself marched against Samsam. Sharaf occupied Ahwaz ,then sent his forces to Wasit which fell to him in 986. From there, Samsam marched to Baghdad. Before any confrontation could take place, there was a revolt in the army of Samsam. He was therefore defeated and forced to surrender. There upon Baghdad fell to Sharaf and Samsam was put in prison.
Sharaf al-Daula's death in 988 or 989 provided Samsam al-Daula with the opportunity to make a return to power. Despite having been partially blinded shortly before Sharaf al-Daula's death, he managed to escape from prison and wrested control of Fars, Kerman and Khuzestan from his brother Baha' al-Daula, who had succeeded Sharaf al-Daula. Both Baha' al-Daula and his brother found their positions threatened by Fakhr al-Daula. The latter invaded Khuzestan in an attempt to split the two brothers' territories. This act prompted the both of them to draw up an alliance. Samsam al-Daula recognized Baha' al-Daula as the ruler of Iraq and Khuzestan, while he himself kept Arrajan, Fars and Kerman. Both promised to consider each other as equals, and took the title of "king".
In 991, Baha' al-Daula attempted to get rid of Samsam al-Daula. He took the title of Shâhanshâh and invaded the latter's territory. His forces were defeated, however, and Samsam al-Daula regained Khuzestan. He even gained control of the Buyid territories in Oman. In order to further strengthen his position, Samsam al-Daula decided to recognize Fakhr al-Daula as senior amir, submitting to his authority.
Fakhr al-Daula's death in 997, coupled with Samsam al-Daula's increasing troubles within his realm, made Baha' al-Daula the strongest of the Buyid princes. He gained the support of the Kurdish ruler Badr ibn Hasanwaih and prepared for the expedition. The invasion began in December of 998. Scarcely had the campaign begun, however, when Samsam al-Daula was murdered by one of the sons of 'Izz al-Daula while fleeing from Shiraz. Baha' al-Daula took Shiraz, defeated 'Izz al-Daula's sons, and reunited Iraq, Fars and Kerman.
Abu Kalijar al-Marzuban Samsam al-Dawla see Samsam al-Dawla, Abu Kalijar al-Marzuban
Samsam al-Daula see Samsam al-Dawla, Abu Kalijar al-Marzuban
Samsam al-Dawla, Shahnawar Khan
Samsam al-Dawla, Shahnawar Khan (Shahnawar Khan Samsam al-Dawla) (1700-1758). Indian statesman and historian. He wrote a biographical dictionary of all the important statesmen under the Mughals from Akbar I down to his own day.
Shahnawar Khan Samsam al-Dawla see Samsam al-Dawla, Shahnawar Khan
Samsam al-Dawla, Shahnawar Khan (Shahnawar Khan Samsam al-Dawla) (1700-1758). Indian statesman and historian. He wrote a biographical dictionary of all the important statesmen under the Mughals from Akbar I down to his own day.
Shahnawar Khan Samsam al-Dawla see Samsam al-Dawla, Shahnawar Khan
Samsam al-Saltana, Najaf Quli Khan
Samsam al-Saltana, Najaf Quli Khan (Najaf Quli Khan Samsam al-Saltana). Bakhtiyari chief in Persia. Born in 1846, he formed a new cabinet in 1911 but came in conflict with the American advisor Morgan Shuster. His second cabinet of 1918 lasted only for a year.
Najaf Quli Khan Samsam al-Saltana see Samsam al-Saltana, Najaf Quli Khan
Samsam al-Saltana, Najaf Quli Khan (Najaf Quli Khan Samsam al-Saltana). Bakhtiyari chief in Persia. Born in 1846, he formed a new cabinet in 1911 but came in conflict with the American advisor Morgan Shuster. His second cabinet of 1918 lasted only for a year.
Najaf Quli Khan Samsam al-Saltana see Samsam al-Saltana, Najaf Quli Khan
Sana’i, Abu’l-Majd Majdud ibn Adam
Sana’i, Abu’l-Majd Majdud ibn Adam (Abu’l-Majd Majdud ibn Adam Sana’i) (Hakim Abul-Majd Majdūd ibn Ādam Sanā'ī Ghaznavi) (b. c. 1080 - d.1131). One of the most famous poets at the court of the later Ghaznavids. He left Ghazna for Marw, where he led the life of a mystic. Returning later to Ghazna, he continued to lead a religious life. He composed a diwan, which comprises all his poems written in other than the mathnawi form. The popularity of his poetry has been both wide-spread and long-lived.
Hakim Abul-Majd Majdūd ibn Ādam Sanā'ī Ghaznavi was a Persian Sufi poet who lived in Ghazna, in what is now Afghanistan between the 11th century and the 12th century. He died around 1131.
He was connected with the court of the Ghaznavid Bahram-shah who ruled 1118-1152. It is said that once when accompanying Bahramshah on a military expedition to India, Sanai met the Sufi teacher Lai-khur. Sanai quit Bahramshah's service as a court poet even though he was promised wealth and the king's daughter in marriage if he remained.
Sanai's best known work is The Walled Garden of Truth or the The Hadiqa Tu'l Haqiqat. Dedicated to Bahram Shah, the work expresses the poet's ideas on God, love, philosophy and reason. The work contains 10,000 couplets in 10 sections.
For close to 900 years, in the East at any rate, The Walled Garden of Truth has been consistently read and employed as a classic and as a Sufi textbook. Sanai’s fame has always rested on his Hadiqa. It is the best known and in the East by far the most esteemed of his works. It is in virtue of this work that he forms one of the great trio of Sufi teachers — Sanai, Attar, and Jalaludin Rumi.. Sanai taught that lust and greed, and emotional excitement, stood between humankind and divine knowledge, which was the only true reality (Haqq). Love ('Ishq') and a social conscience are for him the foundation of religion. Mankind is asleep, living in what is in fact a desolate world. Sanai's view on common religion was that it was only habit and ritual.
Sanai's poetry had a tremendous influence upon Persian literature. He is considered the first poet to use verse forms as the qasidah (ode), the ghazal (lyric), and the masnavi (rhymed couplet) to express the philosophical, mystical, and ethical ideas of Sufism. His book of poetry (divan) contains some 30,000 verses.
Rumi acknowledged Sanai and Attar as his two primary inspirations, saying, "Attar is the soul and Sanai its two eyes, I came after Sanai and Attar."
Sanai's walled garden of truth was also a model for Nezami's Makhzan al-Asrar (Treasury of Secrets).
Abu’l-Majd Majdud ibn Adam Sana’i see Sana’i, Abu’l-Majd Majdud ibn Adam
Hakim Abul-Majd Majdūd ibn Ādam Sanā'ī Ghaznavi see Sana’i, Abu’l-Majd Majdud ibn Adam
Sana’i, Abu’l-Majd Majdud ibn Adam (Abu’l-Majd Majdud ibn Adam Sana’i) (Hakim Abul-Majd Majdūd ibn Ādam Sanā'ī Ghaznavi) (b. c. 1080 - d.1131). One of the most famous poets at the court of the later Ghaznavids. He left Ghazna for Marw, where he led the life of a mystic. Returning later to Ghazna, he continued to lead a religious life. He composed a diwan, which comprises all his poems written in other than the mathnawi form. The popularity of his poetry has been both wide-spread and long-lived.
Hakim Abul-Majd Majdūd ibn Ādam Sanā'ī Ghaznavi was a Persian Sufi poet who lived in Ghazna, in what is now Afghanistan between the 11th century and the 12th century. He died around 1131.
He was connected with the court of the Ghaznavid Bahram-shah who ruled 1118-1152. It is said that once when accompanying Bahramshah on a military expedition to India, Sanai met the Sufi teacher Lai-khur. Sanai quit Bahramshah's service as a court poet even though he was promised wealth and the king's daughter in marriage if he remained.
Sanai's best known work is The Walled Garden of Truth or the The Hadiqa Tu'l Haqiqat. Dedicated to Bahram Shah, the work expresses the poet's ideas on God, love, philosophy and reason. The work contains 10,000 couplets in 10 sections.
For close to 900 years, in the East at any rate, The Walled Garden of Truth has been consistently read and employed as a classic and as a Sufi textbook. Sanai’s fame has always rested on his Hadiqa. It is the best known and in the East by far the most esteemed of his works. It is in virtue of this work that he forms one of the great trio of Sufi teachers — Sanai, Attar, and Jalaludin Rumi.. Sanai taught that lust and greed, and emotional excitement, stood between humankind and divine knowledge, which was the only true reality (Haqq). Love ('Ishq') and a social conscience are for him the foundation of religion. Mankind is asleep, living in what is in fact a desolate world. Sanai's view on common religion was that it was only habit and ritual.
Sanai's poetry had a tremendous influence upon Persian literature. He is considered the first poet to use verse forms as the qasidah (ode), the ghazal (lyric), and the masnavi (rhymed couplet) to express the philosophical, mystical, and ethical ideas of Sufism. His book of poetry (divan) contains some 30,000 verses.
Rumi acknowledged Sanai and Attar as his two primary inspirations, saying, "Attar is the soul and Sanai its two eyes, I came after Sanai and Attar."
Sanai's walled garden of truth was also a model for Nezami's Makhzan al-Asrar (Treasury of Secrets).
Abu’l-Majd Majdud ibn Adam Sana’i see Sana’i, Abu’l-Majd Majdud ibn Adam
Hakim Abul-Majd Majdūd ibn Ādam Sanā'ī Ghaznavi see Sana’i, Abu’l-Majd Majdud ibn Adam
Sangil
Sangil. The Sangil Muslims live for the most part in the Sarangani and Balut islands off the southeastern coast of Mindinao in the Republic of the Philippines. Their language is usually classed with the Central Philippine subgroup of Malayo-Polynesian languages.
The Sangil are not to be confused with the several thousands of Sangir, who are Indonesian nationals, mostly Christians, inhabiting the southern coast of mainland Mindanao in the Sarangani Bay area. The Sangir are recent migrants of one or two generations standing from the Sangihe or Sangir and Talaud island chains of Indonesia between northern Sulawezi and southern Mindanao.
The Sangil represent a much earlier migration from the same island dating back at least to the seventeenth century. Today they are regarded by both Indonesia and the Philippines as Philippine nationals. The substitution of the "l" for the "r" in their name probably came about through contact with the Maguindanao and other coastal Mindanao Muslim groups with whom the Sangil have been undergoing a process of acculturation and absorption.
As early as 1602, the Spaniards in their campaigns against the Muslims (Moros) noted that the Sangils were among the forces marshalled by the Sultan of Ternate to aid the Mindanao Muslims. Subsequently, there were reports of Sangils attacking settlements in the Visayas in the company of Sulu Muslims and then of Spanish operations against them in the 1620s.
Culturally, the Sangil retain some features of the culture of their Sangihe origins, though their former home islands are now predominantly Christian. The Sangil raise food crops and engage in fishing and boatbuilding.
Sangil. The Sangil Muslims live for the most part in the Sarangani and Balut islands off the southeastern coast of Mindinao in the Republic of the Philippines. Their language is usually classed with the Central Philippine subgroup of Malayo-Polynesian languages.
The Sangil are not to be confused with the several thousands of Sangir, who are Indonesian nationals, mostly Christians, inhabiting the southern coast of mainland Mindanao in the Sarangani Bay area. The Sangir are recent migrants of one or two generations standing from the Sangihe or Sangir and Talaud island chains of Indonesia between northern Sulawezi and southern Mindanao.
The Sangil represent a much earlier migration from the same island dating back at least to the seventeenth century. Today they are regarded by both Indonesia and the Philippines as Philippine nationals. The substitution of the "l" for the "r" in their name probably came about through contact with the Maguindanao and other coastal Mindanao Muslim groups with whom the Sangil have been undergoing a process of acculturation and absorption.
As early as 1602, the Spaniards in their campaigns against the Muslims (Moros) noted that the Sangils were among the forces marshalled by the Sultan of Ternate to aid the Mindanao Muslims. Subsequently, there were reports of Sangils attacking settlements in the Visayas in the company of Sulu Muslims and then of Spanish operations against them in the 1620s.
Culturally, the Sangil retain some features of the culture of their Sangihe origins, though their former home islands are now predominantly Christian. The Sangil raise food crops and engage in fishing and boatbuilding.
Sanhaja, Banu
Sanhaja, Banu (Banu Sanhaja) (Sanhadja) (Iznagen). One of the great confederations of the Berbers, the other being the Banu Zanata. The Tuaregs of Hoggar belong to the Sanhaja confederation. They reached their zenith in the tenth through twelfth centuries.
The Sanhaja were one of the largest Berber tribal confederations of the Maghreb, along with the Zanata and Masmuda. Many different tribes and regions in the Berber world bore and still bear this name especially in its original Berber form (Iznagen, Zenaga).
The meaning of the Berber word Iẓnagen is: the oasis people. Its singular form is: Aẓnag, which is very frequently used today as a family name by many North Africans.
In Berber, the word for "oasis" is: Aẓnig or Amda.
The tribes of the Sanhaja settled at first in the northern Sahara. After the arrival of Islam they also spread out in the Sudan as far as the Senegal River and the Niger. From the 9th century, Sanhaja tribes began to establish themselves in the Middle Atlas range, in the Rif Mountains and on the Atlantic coast of Morocco. A part of the Sanhaja settled in eastern Algeria (the Kutama), and played an important part in the rise of the Fatimids. The Sanhaja dynasties of the Zirids and Hammadids controlled Ifriqiya until the 12th century.
At the beginning of the 9th century a tribal kingdom of the Masufa and the Lamtuna formed in what is now Mauritania & Western Sahara under Tilantan (d.826), which controlled the western Trans-Saharan trade route and fought the kingdoms of "Bilad as-Sudan" (not to be confused with modern Sudan). Although this empire fell apart at the beginning of the 10th century, the missionary and theologian Ibn Yasin managed to unite the tribes in the alliance of the Almoravids in the middle of the 11th century. This confederacy subsequently established Morocco, conquered western Algeria, and Andalusia in Spain.
With the invasion of the Maghreb by the Arab Banu Hilal tribe in the 11th century, the Sanhaja were gradually Arabized.
Banu Sanhaja see Sanhaja, Banu
Sanhadja see Sanhaja, Banu
Iznagen see Sanhaja, Banu
Sanhaja, Banu (Banu Sanhaja) (Sanhadja) (Iznagen). One of the great confederations of the Berbers, the other being the Banu Zanata. The Tuaregs of Hoggar belong to the Sanhaja confederation. They reached their zenith in the tenth through twelfth centuries.
The Sanhaja were one of the largest Berber tribal confederations of the Maghreb, along with the Zanata and Masmuda. Many different tribes and regions in the Berber world bore and still bear this name especially in its original Berber form (Iznagen, Zenaga).
The meaning of the Berber word Iẓnagen is: the oasis people. Its singular form is: Aẓnag, which is very frequently used today as a family name by many North Africans.
In Berber, the word for "oasis" is: Aẓnig or Amda.
The tribes of the Sanhaja settled at first in the northern Sahara. After the arrival of Islam they also spread out in the Sudan as far as the Senegal River and the Niger. From the 9th century, Sanhaja tribes began to establish themselves in the Middle Atlas range, in the Rif Mountains and on the Atlantic coast of Morocco. A part of the Sanhaja settled in eastern Algeria (the Kutama), and played an important part in the rise of the Fatimids. The Sanhaja dynasties of the Zirids and Hammadids controlled Ifriqiya until the 12th century.
At the beginning of the 9th century a tribal kingdom of the Masufa and the Lamtuna formed in what is now Mauritania & Western Sahara under Tilantan (d.826), which controlled the western Trans-Saharan trade route and fought the kingdoms of "Bilad as-Sudan" (not to be confused with modern Sudan). Although this empire fell apart at the beginning of the 10th century, the missionary and theologian Ibn Yasin managed to unite the tribes in the alliance of the Almoravids in the middle of the 11th century. This confederacy subsequently established Morocco, conquered western Algeria, and Andalusia in Spain.
With the invasion of the Maghreb by the Arab Banu Hilal tribe in the 11th century, the Sanhaja were gradually Arabized.
Banu Sanhaja see Sanhaja, Banu
Sanhadja see Sanhaja, Banu
Iznagen see Sanhaja, Banu
Sanim, Luiz
Sanim, Luiz. Brazilian Muslim Hausa slave, a leading chief in the massive uprising of slaves that took place in Bahia in 1835. He was tried and sentenced to 600 lashes.
Luiz Sanim see Sanim, Luiz.
Sanim, Luiz. Brazilian Muslim Hausa slave, a leading chief in the massive uprising of slaves that took place in Bahia in 1835. He was tried and sentenced to 600 lashes.
Luiz Sanim see Sanim, Luiz.
Sanjar ibn Malik Shah, Mu‘izz al-Din
Sanjar ibn Malik Shah, Mu‘izz al-Din (Mu‘izz al-Din Sanjar ibn Malik Shah) (b.1086). Great Saljuq in Iraq and Persia (r. 1097-1157). He ruled in eastern Persia from 1097, taking the part of his brother Muhammad I against his other brother Berkyaruq. After 1118, he was the supreme Sultan of the Saljuq family, ruling in Iraq, Persia, Khurasan, Afghanistan and Northern India. He came into conflict with the Ghaznavid Arslan Shah ibn Mas‘ud III (r. 1115-1118), was involved in a long struggle with Khwarazm-Shah Atsiz ibn Muhammad (r.1127-1156) and was defeated in 1141 by the Karakhitai, led by the Gurkhan Yeh-lu Ta-shih, who endeavored to take Samarkand. Sanjar then lost Transoxiana. He also had to fight the Ghurid ‘Ala’l-Din Husayn (r.1149-1161) and the Oghuz.
Mu‘izz al-Din Sanjar ibn Malik Shah see Sanjar ibn Malik Shah, Mu‘izz al-Din
Sanjar ibn Malik Shah, Mu‘izz al-Din (Mu‘izz al-Din Sanjar ibn Malik Shah) (b.1086). Great Saljuq in Iraq and Persia (r. 1097-1157). He ruled in eastern Persia from 1097, taking the part of his brother Muhammad I against his other brother Berkyaruq. After 1118, he was the supreme Sultan of the Saljuq family, ruling in Iraq, Persia, Khurasan, Afghanistan and Northern India. He came into conflict with the Ghaznavid Arslan Shah ibn Mas‘ud III (r. 1115-1118), was involved in a long struggle with Khwarazm-Shah Atsiz ibn Muhammad (r.1127-1156) and was defeated in 1141 by the Karakhitai, led by the Gurkhan Yeh-lu Ta-shih, who endeavored to take Samarkand. Sanjar then lost Transoxiana. He also had to fight the Ghurid ‘Ala’l-Din Husayn (r.1149-1161) and the Oghuz.
Mu‘izz al-Din Sanjar ibn Malik Shah see Sanjar ibn Malik Shah, Mu‘izz al-Din
Santri
Santri (Puthihan). Sanskrit term which, in Indonesia, refers to a student of Islam or to a devout and correct Muslim. Santri is also a Sanskrit term which refers to the practicing Muslim believers in Indonesia. The Santri have a middle class culture with strong influences from Arabic culture. In Indonesia, santri is a Javanese term for a student of religion, especially one who studies at a religious school (pesantren) where instruction is given in Islam and Qur’anic exegesis. Scholars of modern Java often apply the term to those who adhere more or less strictly to Islamic principles, as opposed to the so-called abangan (“red ones”), who take their religion less seriously. But such a hard and fast distinction cannot always be maintained in practice. Historically, all members of the Javanese-Islamic religious communities were referred to as santri and were distinguished by their style of dress, social origins, and areas of settlement from the Javanese nobility and officials (priyayi). But there were many social contacts between the two groups (e.g., priyayi families would usually send their male children to be educated at pesantren).
The Santri are a cultural 'stream' of people within the population of Javanese who practice a more orthodox version of Islam, in contrast to the abangan classes.
There are three main cultural streams (aliran in Indonesian) in Javanese society. Namely, the santri, abangan, and priyayi. Members of the Santri class are more likely to be urban dwellers, and tend to be oriented to the mosque, the Qur'an, and perhaps to Islamic canon law (Sharia). In contrast, the abangan tend to be from village backgrounds and absorb both Hindu and Muslim elements, forming a culture of animist and folk traditions. The santri are sometimes referred to as Puthihan (the white ones) as distinct from the 'red' abangan. The priyayi stream are the traditional bureaucratic elite and were strongly driven by hierarchical Hindu-Javanese tradition. Initially court officials in pre-colonial kingdoms, the stream moved into the colonial civil service, and then on to administrators of the modern Indonesian republic.
The santri played a the key role in Indonesian Nationalist movements, and formed the strongest opposition to President Suharto's New Order army-based administration. In contrast, the abangan have tended to follow the prevailing political wind. They supported Sukarno's overt nationalism, while during Suharto's subsequent presidency, they loyally voted for his Golkar party. Poorer abangan areas became strongholds of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) in stark opposition to the orthodox Muslim santri. The cultural divisions descended into bloody conflict in 1965/66 when santri were opposed to communists, many of whom were from abangan streams. An estimated 500,000 alleged communists were killed during the transition to the New Order, and bitter political and social rivalries remain.
Throughout all the religious changes on the court level, the common people adopted part of each new religion as an additional layer on top of their traditional local beliefs. Consequently, Islam is expressed differently in Indonesia than it is in the Middle East. The religion is most strictly practiced in Aceh, western Sumatra, western Java, southeastern Kalimantan, and some of the Lesser Sunda Islands. On Java, Muslims who follow orthodox practices are referred to as the santri. By contrast, the abangan adhere to a more syncretic tradition, strongly influenced by ancestral beliefs and practices. With the growth of a more religion-conscious middle class, especially since the late 20th century, the abangan way of believing has been in retreat, while more-orthodox Muslim practices have been on the rise. However, the many local rituals connected with birth, death, and marriage are carefully observed by people at all levels, and ceremonies (selamatan) are held on all special occasions.
Puthihan see Santri
The White Ones see Santri
Santri (Puthihan). Sanskrit term which, in Indonesia, refers to a student of Islam or to a devout and correct Muslim. Santri is also a Sanskrit term which refers to the practicing Muslim believers in Indonesia. The Santri have a middle class culture with strong influences from Arabic culture. In Indonesia, santri is a Javanese term for a student of religion, especially one who studies at a religious school (pesantren) where instruction is given in Islam and Qur’anic exegesis. Scholars of modern Java often apply the term to those who adhere more or less strictly to Islamic principles, as opposed to the so-called abangan (“red ones”), who take their religion less seriously. But such a hard and fast distinction cannot always be maintained in practice. Historically, all members of the Javanese-Islamic religious communities were referred to as santri and were distinguished by their style of dress, social origins, and areas of settlement from the Javanese nobility and officials (priyayi). But there were many social contacts between the two groups (e.g., priyayi families would usually send their male children to be educated at pesantren).
The Santri are a cultural 'stream' of people within the population of Javanese who practice a more orthodox version of Islam, in contrast to the abangan classes.
There are three main cultural streams (aliran in Indonesian) in Javanese society. Namely, the santri, abangan, and priyayi. Members of the Santri class are more likely to be urban dwellers, and tend to be oriented to the mosque, the Qur'an, and perhaps to Islamic canon law (Sharia). In contrast, the abangan tend to be from village backgrounds and absorb both Hindu and Muslim elements, forming a culture of animist and folk traditions. The santri are sometimes referred to as Puthihan (the white ones) as distinct from the 'red' abangan. The priyayi stream are the traditional bureaucratic elite and were strongly driven by hierarchical Hindu-Javanese tradition. Initially court officials in pre-colonial kingdoms, the stream moved into the colonial civil service, and then on to administrators of the modern Indonesian republic.
The santri played a the key role in Indonesian Nationalist movements, and formed the strongest opposition to President Suharto's New Order army-based administration. In contrast, the abangan have tended to follow the prevailing political wind. They supported Sukarno's overt nationalism, while during Suharto's subsequent presidency, they loyally voted for his Golkar party. Poorer abangan areas became strongholds of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) in stark opposition to the orthodox Muslim santri. The cultural divisions descended into bloody conflict in 1965/66 when santri were opposed to communists, many of whom were from abangan streams. An estimated 500,000 alleged communists were killed during the transition to the New Order, and bitter political and social rivalries remain.
Throughout all the religious changes on the court level, the common people adopted part of each new religion as an additional layer on top of their traditional local beliefs. Consequently, Islam is expressed differently in Indonesia than it is in the Middle East. The religion is most strictly practiced in Aceh, western Sumatra, western Java, southeastern Kalimantan, and some of the Lesser Sunda Islands. On Java, Muslims who follow orthodox practices are referred to as the santri. By contrast, the abangan adhere to a more syncretic tradition, strongly influenced by ancestral beliefs and practices. With the growth of a more religion-conscious middle class, especially since the late 20th century, the abangan way of believing has been in retreat, while more-orthodox Muslim practices have been on the rise. However, the many local rituals connected with birth, death, and marriage are carefully observed by people at all levels, and ceremonies (selamatan) are held on all special occasions.
Puthihan see Santri
The White Ones see Santri
Sanusi, Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad al-
Sanusi, Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad al- (Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad al-Sanusi) (c.1427-1490). Learned Ash‘ari theologian of Tlemcen. Some of his works have acquired great authority in North Africa.
Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad al-Sanusi see Sanusi, Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad al-
Sanusi, Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad al- (Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad al-Sanusi) (c.1427-1490). Learned Ash‘ari theologian of Tlemcen. Some of his works have acquired great authority in North Africa.
Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad al-Sanusi see Sanusi, Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad al-
Sanusiyya
Sanusiyya (Senussi) (Sanussi). Arabic term which refers to the reformist and missionary Muslim brotherhood formed in the middle of the nineteenth century. It was founded by the Algerian Muhammad al-Sanusi. The group took hold in the Cyrenaica (eastern Libya) beginning in the 1840s and acquired a dominant position in the eastern Sahara. The Sanusiyya fought all the colonial powers, France, Great Britain, and Italy. When Libya gained independence in 1951, the brotherhood’s leader, Idris, became the king of Libya. Historically, the Sanusiyya (Sanussi movement) was a religious brotherhood from which came the partial rulers of Libya from 1840; the emirs of Libya in 1922; and the kings of Libya from 1951 to 1969. Their main capitals were Jaghbub in 1855; Kufra in 1895; and Tripoli from 1909. The founder of this puritanical religious reform movement, Muhammad ibn Ali al-Sanussi (Sidi Muhammad ibn ‘Ali) (r. 1787-1859), preached from 1840 in Cyrenaica and spread his mission throughout Libya. When he was driven out by the Ottoman regents, in 1855 he moved his center to the oasis of Kufra. His cousin, Ahmad al-Sharif (r. 1902-1916), had been fighting, on the Turkish side, against the Italian invaders since 1911. Al-Mahdi’s son, Muhammad Idris (r. 1916-1969) had been secular ruler of Cyrenaica from 1918 (under Italian sovereignty) and became emir of Tripolitania in 1922. Forced into exile to Cairo by the Italian fascists (r. 1923-1942), the Sanussi movement waged war against the Italians under Umar Mukhtar (executed in 1931). The emir was returned to Libya in 1947 (followed by the 1949 constitution and national independence) and became king of Libya in 1951 as Idris. In 1969, he was ousted by Libyan officers under the leadership of Colonel Mu’ammar al-Qaddafi.
The Senussi or Sanussi refers to a Muslim political-religious order in Libya and Sudan founded in Mecca in 1837 by the Grand Senussi, Sayyid Muhammad ibn Ali as-Senussi. Senussi was concerned with both the decline of Islamic thought and spirituality and the weakening of Muslim political integrity. He was influenced by the Salafi movement, to which he added teachings from various Sufi orders. From 1902 to 1913 the Senussi fought French expansion in the Sahara, and the Italian colonization of Libya beginning in 1911. The Grand Senussi's grandson became King Idris I of Libya in 1951. In 1969, King Idris I was overthrown by a military coup led by Colonel Muammar al-Qaddafi. A third of the population in Libya continue to be affiliated with the Senussi movement.
The Senussi order has been historically closed to Europeans and outsiders, leading reports of their beliefs and practices to vary immensely. Though it is possible to gain some insight from the lives of the Senussi sheikhs further details are difficult to attain.
Sayyid Muhammad ibn Ali as-Senussi (1787 - 1860), the founder of the order, was born near Mostaganem, Algeria, and was named al-Senussi after a venerated Muslim teacher. He was a member of the Walad Sidi Abdalla tribe, and was a sharif tracing his descent from Fatimah, the daughter of Muhammad. He studied at a madrassa in Fez, then traveled in the Sahara preaching a purifying reform of the faith in Tunisia and Tripoli, gaining many adherents, and thence moved to Cairo to study at Al-Azhar University. The pious scholar was forceful in his criticism of the Egyptian ulema for what he perceived as their timid compliance with the Ottoman authorities and their spiritual conservatism. He also argued that learned Muslims should not blindly follow the four classical schools of Islamic law but instead engage in ijtihad themselves. Not surprisingly, he was opposed by the ulema as unorthodox and they issued a fatwa against him. Senussi went to Mecca, where he joined Ahmad Ibn Idris al-Fasi, the head of the Khadirites, a religious fraternity of Moroccan origin. On the death of Al-Fasi, Senussi became head of one of the two branches into which the Khadirites divided, and in 1835 he founded his first monastery or zawia, at Abu Kobeis near Mecca. While in Arabia, Senussi's connections with the Salafi movement caused him to be looked upon with suspicion by the ulema of Mecca and the Ottoman authorities. Finding the opposition in Mecca too powerful Senussi settled in Cyrenaica, Libya in 1843, where in the mountains near Sidi Rafaa' (Al Bayda) he built the Zawia Baida ("White Monastery"). There he was supported by the local tribes and the Sultan of Wadai and his connections extended across the Maghreb.
The Grand Senussi did not tolerate fanaticism and forbade the use of stimulants as well as voluntary poverty. Lodge members were to eat and dress within the limits of Islamic law and, instead of depending on charity, were required to earn their living through work. No aids to contemplation, such as the processions, gyrations, and mutilations employed by Sufi dervishes, were permitted. He accepted neither the wholly intuitive ways described by Sufi mystics nor the rationality of the orthodox ulema. Rather, he attempted to achieve a middle path. The Bedouin tribes had shown no interest in the ecstatic practices of the Sufis that were gaining adherents in the towns, but they were attracted in great numbers to the Senussis. The relative austerity of the Senussi message was particularly suited to the character of the Cyrenaican Bedouins, whose way of life had not changed much in the centuries since the Arabs had first accepted the Prophet Muhammad's teachings.
In 1855 Senussi moved farther from direct Ottoman surveillance to Al-Jaghbub, a small oasis some 30 miles northwest of Siwa. He died in 1860, leaving two sons, Mahommed Sherif (1844 - 1895) and Muhammad al-Mahdi, to whom was passed the succession.
Sayyid Muhammad al-Mahdi bin Sayyid Muhammad as-Senussi (1845 - May 30, 1902) was fourteen when his father died, after which he was placed under the care of his father's friends.
The successors to the Sultan of Wadai, Sultan Ali (1858-1874) and the Sultan Yusef (1874 - 1898) continued to support the Senussi. Under al-Mahdi the zawias of the order extended to Fez, Damascus, Constantinople and India. In the Hejaz members of the order were numerous. In most of these countries the Senussites wielded no more political power than other Muslim fraternities, but in the eastern Sahara and central Sudan things were different. Muhammad al-Mahdi had the authority of a sovereign in a vast but almost empty desert. The string of oases leading from Siwa to Kufra, and Borku were cultivated by the Senussites and trade with Tripoli and Benghazi was encouraged.
Although named Al Mahdi by his father, Muhammad never claimed to be the Mahdi (the Promised One), although he was regarded as such by some of his followers. When Muhammad Ahmad proclaimed himself al-Mahdi al-Muntazar or 'the Expected Savior' in 1881 Muhammad al-Mahdi decided to have nothing to do with him. Although Muhammad Ahmed wrote twice asking him to become one of his four great khalifs, he received no reply. In 1890 Mahdists advancing from Darfur were stopped on the frontier of Wadai, the sultan Yusef proving firm in his adherence to the Senussi teachings.
Muhammad al-Mahdi's growing fame made the Ottoman regime uneasy and drew unwelcome attention. In most of Tripoli and Benghazi his authority was greater than that of the Ottoman governors. In 1889 the sheik was visited at Al-Jaghbub by the pasha of Benghazi accompanied by Ottoman troops. This event showed the sheik the possibility of danger and led him to move his headquarters to Jof in the oases of Kufra in 1894, a place sufficiently remote to secure him from a sudden attack.
By this time a new danger to Senussi territories had arisen from the colonial French, who were advancing from the Congo towards the western and southern borders of Wadai. The Senussi kept them from advancing north of Chad.
In 1902 Muhammad al-Mahdi died and was succeeded by his nephew Ahmed Sharif es Senussi, but his adherents in the deserts bordering Egypt maintained for years that he was not dead. The new head of the Senussites maintained the friendly relations of his predecessors with Wadai, governing the order as regent for his young cousin, Muhammad Idris (King Idris I of Libya), who was named Emir of Cyrenaica by the British in 1917.
The Senussi, encouraged by the Germans and the Ottoman Empire, played a minor part in the First World War, fighting a guerilla war against the British and Italians in Libya and Egypt from November 1915 until February 1917, led by Sayyid Ahmed and in the Sudan from March to December 1916, led by Ali Dinar the Sultan of Darfur. In 1916, the British sent an expeditionary force against them, led by Major General William Peyton. Western Force was first led by General Wallace and later by General Hodgson.
Libya was taken from the Ottomans by Italy in the Italo-Turkish War of 1911. In 1922, Italian Fascist leader Benito Mussolini launched his infamous "Riconquista" of Libya - the Roman Empire having done the original conquering 2000 years before. Sanusi led the resistance and Italians closed Sanusi lodges, arrested sheikhs, confiscated mosque land. Libyans fought the Italians until 1943 with between 250,000 and 300,000 of them dying in the process.
The Chiefs of the Senussi Order were:
* Sayyid Muhammad bin 'Ali as-Senussi (1843-1859)
* Sayyid Muhammad al-Mahdi bin Sayyid Muhammad as-Senussi (1859-1902)
* Sayyid Ahmed Sharif es Senussi (1902-1916) (died 1933)
* Sidi Muhammad Idris al-Mahdi al-Senussi (1916-1969) (died 1983)
* Sayyid Hasan ar-Rida al-Mahdi as-Sanussi (1969-1992)
* Sayyid Muhammad bin Sayyid Hasan ar-Rida al-Mahdi as-Sanussi (1992-)
Senussi see Sanusiyya
Sanussi see Sanusiyya
Sanusiyya (Senussi) (Sanussi). Arabic term which refers to the reformist and missionary Muslim brotherhood formed in the middle of the nineteenth century. It was founded by the Algerian Muhammad al-Sanusi. The group took hold in the Cyrenaica (eastern Libya) beginning in the 1840s and acquired a dominant position in the eastern Sahara. The Sanusiyya fought all the colonial powers, France, Great Britain, and Italy. When Libya gained independence in 1951, the brotherhood’s leader, Idris, became the king of Libya. Historically, the Sanusiyya (Sanussi movement) was a religious brotherhood from which came the partial rulers of Libya from 1840; the emirs of Libya in 1922; and the kings of Libya from 1951 to 1969. Their main capitals were Jaghbub in 1855; Kufra in 1895; and Tripoli from 1909. The founder of this puritanical religious reform movement, Muhammad ibn Ali al-Sanussi (Sidi Muhammad ibn ‘Ali) (r. 1787-1859), preached from 1840 in Cyrenaica and spread his mission throughout Libya. When he was driven out by the Ottoman regents, in 1855 he moved his center to the oasis of Kufra. His cousin, Ahmad al-Sharif (r. 1902-1916), had been fighting, on the Turkish side, against the Italian invaders since 1911. Al-Mahdi’s son, Muhammad Idris (r. 1916-1969) had been secular ruler of Cyrenaica from 1918 (under Italian sovereignty) and became emir of Tripolitania in 1922. Forced into exile to Cairo by the Italian fascists (r. 1923-1942), the Sanussi movement waged war against the Italians under Umar Mukhtar (executed in 1931). The emir was returned to Libya in 1947 (followed by the 1949 constitution and national independence) and became king of Libya in 1951 as Idris. In 1969, he was ousted by Libyan officers under the leadership of Colonel Mu’ammar al-Qaddafi.
The Senussi or Sanussi refers to a Muslim political-religious order in Libya and Sudan founded in Mecca in 1837 by the Grand Senussi, Sayyid Muhammad ibn Ali as-Senussi. Senussi was concerned with both the decline of Islamic thought and spirituality and the weakening of Muslim political integrity. He was influenced by the Salafi movement, to which he added teachings from various Sufi orders. From 1902 to 1913 the Senussi fought French expansion in the Sahara, and the Italian colonization of Libya beginning in 1911. The Grand Senussi's grandson became King Idris I of Libya in 1951. In 1969, King Idris I was overthrown by a military coup led by Colonel Muammar al-Qaddafi. A third of the population in Libya continue to be affiliated with the Senussi movement.
The Senussi order has been historically closed to Europeans and outsiders, leading reports of their beliefs and practices to vary immensely. Though it is possible to gain some insight from the lives of the Senussi sheikhs further details are difficult to attain.
Sayyid Muhammad ibn Ali as-Senussi (1787 - 1860), the founder of the order, was born near Mostaganem, Algeria, and was named al-Senussi after a venerated Muslim teacher. He was a member of the Walad Sidi Abdalla tribe, and was a sharif tracing his descent from Fatimah, the daughter of Muhammad. He studied at a madrassa in Fez, then traveled in the Sahara preaching a purifying reform of the faith in Tunisia and Tripoli, gaining many adherents, and thence moved to Cairo to study at Al-Azhar University. The pious scholar was forceful in his criticism of the Egyptian ulema for what he perceived as their timid compliance with the Ottoman authorities and their spiritual conservatism. He also argued that learned Muslims should not blindly follow the four classical schools of Islamic law but instead engage in ijtihad themselves. Not surprisingly, he was opposed by the ulema as unorthodox and they issued a fatwa against him. Senussi went to Mecca, where he joined Ahmad Ibn Idris al-Fasi, the head of the Khadirites, a religious fraternity of Moroccan origin. On the death of Al-Fasi, Senussi became head of one of the two branches into which the Khadirites divided, and in 1835 he founded his first monastery or zawia, at Abu Kobeis near Mecca. While in Arabia, Senussi's connections with the Salafi movement caused him to be looked upon with suspicion by the ulema of Mecca and the Ottoman authorities. Finding the opposition in Mecca too powerful Senussi settled in Cyrenaica, Libya in 1843, where in the mountains near Sidi Rafaa' (Al Bayda) he built the Zawia Baida ("White Monastery"). There he was supported by the local tribes and the Sultan of Wadai and his connections extended across the Maghreb.
The Grand Senussi did not tolerate fanaticism and forbade the use of stimulants as well as voluntary poverty. Lodge members were to eat and dress within the limits of Islamic law and, instead of depending on charity, were required to earn their living through work. No aids to contemplation, such as the processions, gyrations, and mutilations employed by Sufi dervishes, were permitted. He accepted neither the wholly intuitive ways described by Sufi mystics nor the rationality of the orthodox ulema. Rather, he attempted to achieve a middle path. The Bedouin tribes had shown no interest in the ecstatic practices of the Sufis that were gaining adherents in the towns, but they were attracted in great numbers to the Senussis. The relative austerity of the Senussi message was particularly suited to the character of the Cyrenaican Bedouins, whose way of life had not changed much in the centuries since the Arabs had first accepted the Prophet Muhammad's teachings.
In 1855 Senussi moved farther from direct Ottoman surveillance to Al-Jaghbub, a small oasis some 30 miles northwest of Siwa. He died in 1860, leaving two sons, Mahommed Sherif (1844 - 1895) and Muhammad al-Mahdi, to whom was passed the succession.
Sayyid Muhammad al-Mahdi bin Sayyid Muhammad as-Senussi (1845 - May 30, 1902) was fourteen when his father died, after which he was placed under the care of his father's friends.
The successors to the Sultan of Wadai, Sultan Ali (1858-1874) and the Sultan Yusef (1874 - 1898) continued to support the Senussi. Under al-Mahdi the zawias of the order extended to Fez, Damascus, Constantinople and India. In the Hejaz members of the order were numerous. In most of these countries the Senussites wielded no more political power than other Muslim fraternities, but in the eastern Sahara and central Sudan things were different. Muhammad al-Mahdi had the authority of a sovereign in a vast but almost empty desert. The string of oases leading from Siwa to Kufra, and Borku were cultivated by the Senussites and trade with Tripoli and Benghazi was encouraged.
Although named Al Mahdi by his father, Muhammad never claimed to be the Mahdi (the Promised One), although he was regarded as such by some of his followers. When Muhammad Ahmad proclaimed himself al-Mahdi al-Muntazar or 'the Expected Savior' in 1881 Muhammad al-Mahdi decided to have nothing to do with him. Although Muhammad Ahmed wrote twice asking him to become one of his four great khalifs, he received no reply. In 1890 Mahdists advancing from Darfur were stopped on the frontier of Wadai, the sultan Yusef proving firm in his adherence to the Senussi teachings.
Muhammad al-Mahdi's growing fame made the Ottoman regime uneasy and drew unwelcome attention. In most of Tripoli and Benghazi his authority was greater than that of the Ottoman governors. In 1889 the sheik was visited at Al-Jaghbub by the pasha of Benghazi accompanied by Ottoman troops. This event showed the sheik the possibility of danger and led him to move his headquarters to Jof in the oases of Kufra in 1894, a place sufficiently remote to secure him from a sudden attack.
By this time a new danger to Senussi territories had arisen from the colonial French, who were advancing from the Congo towards the western and southern borders of Wadai. The Senussi kept them from advancing north of Chad.
In 1902 Muhammad al-Mahdi died and was succeeded by his nephew Ahmed Sharif es Senussi, but his adherents in the deserts bordering Egypt maintained for years that he was not dead. The new head of the Senussites maintained the friendly relations of his predecessors with Wadai, governing the order as regent for his young cousin, Muhammad Idris (King Idris I of Libya), who was named Emir of Cyrenaica by the British in 1917.
The Senussi, encouraged by the Germans and the Ottoman Empire, played a minor part in the First World War, fighting a guerilla war against the British and Italians in Libya and Egypt from November 1915 until February 1917, led by Sayyid Ahmed and in the Sudan from March to December 1916, led by Ali Dinar the Sultan of Darfur. In 1916, the British sent an expeditionary force against them, led by Major General William Peyton. Western Force was first led by General Wallace and later by General Hodgson.
Libya was taken from the Ottomans by Italy in the Italo-Turkish War of 1911. In 1922, Italian Fascist leader Benito Mussolini launched his infamous "Riconquista" of Libya - the Roman Empire having done the original conquering 2000 years before. Sanusi led the resistance and Italians closed Sanusi lodges, arrested sheikhs, confiscated mosque land. Libyans fought the Italians until 1943 with between 250,000 and 300,000 of them dying in the process.
The Chiefs of the Senussi Order were:
* Sayyid Muhammad bin 'Ali as-Senussi (1843-1859)
* Sayyid Muhammad al-Mahdi bin Sayyid Muhammad as-Senussi (1859-1902)
* Sayyid Ahmed Sharif es Senussi (1902-1916) (died 1933)
* Sidi Muhammad Idris al-Mahdi al-Senussi (1916-1969) (died 1983)
* Sayyid Hasan ar-Rida al-Mahdi as-Sanussi (1969-1992)
* Sayyid Muhammad bin Sayyid Hasan ar-Rida al-Mahdi as-Sanussi (1992-)
Senussi see Sanusiyya
Sanussi see Sanusiyya
Saqaliba
Saqaliba (Siqlabi). Arabic term which means “Slavs.” Under the Ottomans, the Saqaliba was comprised of a contingent of slaves of Slavic descent who were bought in Frankish territory and who were used as elite soldiers or faithful palace servants.
Saqaliba refers to the Slavs, particularly Slavic slaves and mercenaries in the medieval Arab world, in the Middle East, North Africa, Sicily and Al-Andalus. The Arabic term is a Byzantine loanword. Saqlab, siklab, saqlabi etc. are corruptions of the Greek Sklavinoi for "Slavs". The word was also often used more generally to refer to all slaves from Central and Eastern Europe. (The English word "slave" is ultimately derived from the same source.)
The Arab chronicler Ibn al-Faqih wrote that there were two types of saqaliba: those with swarthy skin and dark hair that live by the sea and those with fair skin and light hair that live farther inland.
Ibrahim ibn Yaqub placed the people of "Saqalib" in the mountainous regions of Central Balkans, west of the Bulgarians and east from the "other Slavs" (Croats), thus in the Serb lands. The Saqalib had the reputation of being "the most courageous and violent".
There were several major routes of the trade of Slav slaves into the Muslim world: through Central Asia (Mongols, Tatars, Khazars, etc.); through the Mediterranean (Byzantium); through Central and Western Europe to Al-Andalus and further to North Africa (Morocco, Egypt). The Volga trade route and other European routes, according to Ibrahim ibn Jakub, were serviced by Radanites, Jewish merchants. Theophanes mentions that the Umayyad caliph Muawiyah I settled a whole army of 5,000 Slavic mercenaries in Syria in the 660s.
In the Muslim world, Saqaliba served or were forced to serve in a multitude of ways: servants, harem girls, eunuchs, craftsmen, soldiers, and as Caliph's guards. Many of them became prominent, and unlike millions of nameless slaves, their fate is generally known. In Iberia, Morocco, Damascus and Sicily, their role may be compared with that of the Mamelukes in the Ottoman Empire. Some Saqāliba became rulers of taifas (principalities) in Iberia after the collapse of the Caliphate of Cordoba.
It is possible that in some old texts "Saqaliba" may refer to other peoples of Eastern Europe. In particular, Ibn Fadlan referred to the ruler of the Volga Bulgaria, Almış, as "King of the Saqaliba". This may also have been because many Slavs, both slaves and ordinary settlers, lived in his domain at that time.
Siqlabi see Saqaliba
Saqaliba refers to the Slavs, particularly Slavic slaves and mercenaries in the medieval Arab world, in the Middle East, North Africa, Sicily and Al-Andalus. The Arabic term is a Byzantine loanword. Saqlab, siklab, saqlabi etc. are corruptions of the Greek Sklavinoi for "Slavs". The word was also often used more generally to refer to all slaves from Central and Eastern Europe. (The English word "slave" is ultimately derived from the same source.)
The Arab chronicler Ibn al-Faqih wrote that there were two types of saqaliba: those with swarthy skin and dark hair that live by the sea and those with fair skin and light hair that live farther inland.
Ibrahim ibn Yaqub placed the people of "Saqalib" in the mountainous regions of Central Balkans, west of the Bulgarians and east from the "other Slavs" (Croats), thus in the Serb lands. The Saqalib had the reputation of being "the most courageous and violent".
There were several major routes of the trade of Slav slaves into the Muslim world: through Central Asia (Mongols, Tatars, Khazars, etc.); through the Mediterranean (Byzantium); through Central and Western Europe to Al-Andalus and further to North Africa (Morocco, Egypt). The Volga trade route and other European routes, according to Ibrahim ibn Jakub, were serviced by Radanites, Jewish merchants. Theophanes mentions that the Umayyad caliph Muawiyah I settled a whole army of 5,000 Slavic mercenaries in Syria in the 660s.
In the Muslim world, Saqaliba served or were forced to serve in a multitude of ways: servants, harem girls, eunuchs, craftsmen, soldiers, and as Caliph's guards. Many of them became prominent, and unlike millions of nameless slaves, their fate is generally known. In Iberia, Morocco, Damascus and Sicily, their role may be compared with that of the Mamelukes in the Ottoman Empire. Some Saqāliba became rulers of taifas (principalities) in Iberia after the collapse of the Caliphate of Cordoba.
It is possible that in some old texts "Saqaliba" may refer to other peoples of Eastern Europe. In particular, Ibn Fadlan referred to the ruler of the Volga Bulgaria, Almış, as "King of the Saqaliba". This may also have been because many Slavs, both slaves and ordinary settlers, lived in his domain at that time.
Siqlabi see Saqaliba
Saracens
Saracens. Name used by the Christians to indicate their opponents, both Arabs and Turks. In the first three centuries of the Christian calendar, the term refers to an Arab tribe living in the Sinai Peninsula, called Sarakenoi. After the foundation of the Arab Empire, the Byzantines used the term for all the Muslim peoples subject to the caliph, not however for the Saljuqs and the Turks, who were called Persians or Hagarenes. Through the Crusades, the term spread to the West.
Saracen was a term used by the ancient Romans to refer to people who inhabited the deserts near the Roman province of Syria and who were distinct from Arabs. The term was later applied to Arab peoples and by the time of European chroniclers during the time of the Crusades came to be synonymous with Muslim.
One of earliest references is in Ptolemy's Geography, which refers to a Sarakenoi people living in the north-western Arabian peninsula, and distinct from Arabs. The term spread into Western Europe through the Byzantines and Crusaders. After the rise of Islam, and especially at the time of the Crusades, its usage was extended to refer to all Muslims, including non-Arab Muslims, particularly those in Sicily and southern Italy.
In Christian writing, the name was interpreted to mean "those empty of Sarah" or "not from Sarah". Both Christians and Muslims adopted the extra-biblical Jewish tradition that Arabs descended from Hagar's son Ishmael. Christians also called them the Hagarenes or Ishmaelites.
The earliest datable reference to Saracens is found in Ptolemy's Geography (2nd century C.C.), which describes "Sarakene" as a region in the Northern Sinai named after the town Saraka located between Egypt and Palestine. Ptolemy also makes mention of a people called the Sarakenoi living in north-western Arabia. Eusebius of Caesarea references Saracens in his Eccelastical history, in which he narrates an account wherein Dionysus the Bishop of Alexandria mentions Saracens in a letter while describing the Roman emperor Decius's persecution: "Many were, in the Arabian mountain, enslaved by the barbarous sarkenoi." The Historia Augusta, written in 400 [AD] also refers to an attack by Saraceni on Pescennius Niger's army in Aegyptus, 193 [C.C.] but provides little information on who they might be.
Hippolytus, the book of the laws of countries and Uranius mention three distinct peoples in Arabia during the first half of the third century, the Saraceni, Taeni and Arabes. The Taeni, later identified with the Arab tribe called Tayyi, were located around the Khaybar Oasis all the way up to the eastern Euphrates while the Saracenoi were placed north of them. These Saracens located in the Northern Hejaz appear as people with a certain military ability and opponents of the Roman Empire who are characterized by the Romans as barbaroi. They are described in a Notitia dignitatum dating from the time of Diocletian, during the 3rd century, as comprising distinctive units in the composition of the Roman army distinguishing between Arabs, Iiluturaens and Saracens. The Saracens are described as forming the equites (heavy cavalry) from Phoenicia and Thamud. In a praeteritio, the defeated enemies of the Diocletians campaign in the Syrian desert are described as Saracens and other 4th century military reports make no mention of Arabs but refer to groups as far as Mesopotamia, involved in battles on both the Persian as well as Roman sides, as Saracens.
The Historia Augusta carries an account of a letter to the Roman Senate, ascribed to Aurelian, that describes the Palmyrian queen Zenobia as: "I might say such was the fear that this woman inspired in the peoples of the east and also the Egyptians that neither Arabes, nor Saraceni, nor Armenians moved against her." Another early Byzantine source chronicling the Saracens are the 6th century works by Ioannes Malalas. The difference between the two accounts of Saracens is that Malalas saw Palmyrans and all inhabitants of the Syrian desert as Saracens and not Arabs, while the Historia Augusta saw the Saracens as not being subjects of Zenobia and distinct from Palmyrans and Arabs. Writing at the end of the fourth century Ammianus Marcellinus, a historian of Julian the Apostate, notes that the term Saraceni designating "desert-dwellers" of the Syrian desert had replaced Arabes scenitae. After the time of Ammianus the Saracens were known as warriors of the desert. The term Saracen, popular in both Greek and Roman literature, over time came to be associated with Arabs and Assyrians as well, and carried a definitive negative connotation.
The Middle Persian correspondent terms for Saracens are tazigan and tayyaye; who were located by Stephanus of Byzantium in the 6th century at the Lakhmid capital city of Al-Hirah.
Eusebius and Epiphanius Scholasticus in their Christian histories places Saracens east of the Gulf of Aqaba but beyond the Roman province of Arabia and mention them as Ishmaelites through Kedar. Thus, they are outside the promise given to Abraham and his descendants through Isaac and also therefore, in Christian theology, beyond a privileged place in the family of nations or divine dispensation. The Jews viewed them as pagans and polytheists in ancient times and in later Christian times they became associated with cruel tyrants from early Christian history such as: Herod the Great, Herod Antipas and Agrippa I. Christian writings, such as those by Origen, viewed them as heretics who had to be brought into the Orthodox fold. To the Christian Saint Jerome, the Arabs, who were also considered in Christian theology as Ishmaelites, were also seen to fit the definition of Saracens; pagan tent-dwelling raiders of the lands on the eastern fringes of the Roman empire.
The term Saracen carried the connotation of people living on the fringes of settled society, living off raids on towns and villages, and eventually became equated with both the "tent-dwelling" Bedouin as well as sedentary Arabs. Church writers of the period commonly describe Saracen raids on monasteries and their killing of monks. The term and the negative image of Saracens was in popular usage in both the Greek east as well as the Latin west throughout the Middle Ages. With the advent of Islam, in the Arabian peninsula, during the seventh century among the Arabs, the terms strong association with Arabs tied the term closely with not just race and culture, but also the religion. The rise of the Arab Empire and the ensuing hostility with the Byzantine Empire saw itself expressed as conflict between Islam and Christianity and the association of the term with Islam was further accentuated both during and after the Crusades.
Saracens. Name used by the Christians to indicate their opponents, both Arabs and Turks. In the first three centuries of the Christian calendar, the term refers to an Arab tribe living in the Sinai Peninsula, called Sarakenoi. After the foundation of the Arab Empire, the Byzantines used the term for all the Muslim peoples subject to the caliph, not however for the Saljuqs and the Turks, who were called Persians or Hagarenes. Through the Crusades, the term spread to the West.
Saracen was a term used by the ancient Romans to refer to people who inhabited the deserts near the Roman province of Syria and who were distinct from Arabs. The term was later applied to Arab peoples and by the time of European chroniclers during the time of the Crusades came to be synonymous with Muslim.
One of earliest references is in Ptolemy's Geography, which refers to a Sarakenoi people living in the north-western Arabian peninsula, and distinct from Arabs. The term spread into Western Europe through the Byzantines and Crusaders. After the rise of Islam, and especially at the time of the Crusades, its usage was extended to refer to all Muslims, including non-Arab Muslims, particularly those in Sicily and southern Italy.
In Christian writing, the name was interpreted to mean "those empty of Sarah" or "not from Sarah". Both Christians and Muslims adopted the extra-biblical Jewish tradition that Arabs descended from Hagar's son Ishmael. Christians also called them the Hagarenes or Ishmaelites.
The earliest datable reference to Saracens is found in Ptolemy's Geography (2nd century C.C.), which describes "Sarakene" as a region in the Northern Sinai named after the town Saraka located between Egypt and Palestine. Ptolemy also makes mention of a people called the Sarakenoi living in north-western Arabia. Eusebius of Caesarea references Saracens in his Eccelastical history, in which he narrates an account wherein Dionysus the Bishop of Alexandria mentions Saracens in a letter while describing the Roman emperor Decius's persecution: "Many were, in the Arabian mountain, enslaved by the barbarous sarkenoi." The Historia Augusta, written in 400 [AD] also refers to an attack by Saraceni on Pescennius Niger's army in Aegyptus, 193 [C.C.] but provides little information on who they might be.
Hippolytus, the book of the laws of countries and Uranius mention three distinct peoples in Arabia during the first half of the third century, the Saraceni, Taeni and Arabes. The Taeni, later identified with the Arab tribe called Tayyi, were located around the Khaybar Oasis all the way up to the eastern Euphrates while the Saracenoi were placed north of them. These Saracens located in the Northern Hejaz appear as people with a certain military ability and opponents of the Roman Empire who are characterized by the Romans as barbaroi. They are described in a Notitia dignitatum dating from the time of Diocletian, during the 3rd century, as comprising distinctive units in the composition of the Roman army distinguishing between Arabs, Iiluturaens and Saracens. The Saracens are described as forming the equites (heavy cavalry) from Phoenicia and Thamud. In a praeteritio, the defeated enemies of the Diocletians campaign in the Syrian desert are described as Saracens and other 4th century military reports make no mention of Arabs but refer to groups as far as Mesopotamia, involved in battles on both the Persian as well as Roman sides, as Saracens.
The Historia Augusta carries an account of a letter to the Roman Senate, ascribed to Aurelian, that describes the Palmyrian queen Zenobia as: "I might say such was the fear that this woman inspired in the peoples of the east and also the Egyptians that neither Arabes, nor Saraceni, nor Armenians moved against her." Another early Byzantine source chronicling the Saracens are the 6th century works by Ioannes Malalas. The difference between the two accounts of Saracens is that Malalas saw Palmyrans and all inhabitants of the Syrian desert as Saracens and not Arabs, while the Historia Augusta saw the Saracens as not being subjects of Zenobia and distinct from Palmyrans and Arabs. Writing at the end of the fourth century Ammianus Marcellinus, a historian of Julian the Apostate, notes that the term Saraceni designating "desert-dwellers" of the Syrian desert had replaced Arabes scenitae. After the time of Ammianus the Saracens were known as warriors of the desert. The term Saracen, popular in both Greek and Roman literature, over time came to be associated with Arabs and Assyrians as well, and carried a definitive negative connotation.
The Middle Persian correspondent terms for Saracens are tazigan and tayyaye; who were located by Stephanus of Byzantium in the 6th century at the Lakhmid capital city of Al-Hirah.
Eusebius and Epiphanius Scholasticus in their Christian histories places Saracens east of the Gulf of Aqaba but beyond the Roman province of Arabia and mention them as Ishmaelites through Kedar. Thus, they are outside the promise given to Abraham and his descendants through Isaac and also therefore, in Christian theology, beyond a privileged place in the family of nations or divine dispensation. The Jews viewed them as pagans and polytheists in ancient times and in later Christian times they became associated with cruel tyrants from early Christian history such as: Herod the Great, Herod Antipas and Agrippa I. Christian writings, such as those by Origen, viewed them as heretics who had to be brought into the Orthodox fold. To the Christian Saint Jerome, the Arabs, who were also considered in Christian theology as Ishmaelites, were also seen to fit the definition of Saracens; pagan tent-dwelling raiders of the lands on the eastern fringes of the Roman empire.
The term Saracen carried the connotation of people living on the fringes of settled society, living off raids on towns and villages, and eventually became equated with both the "tent-dwelling" Bedouin as well as sedentary Arabs. Church writers of the period commonly describe Saracen raids on monasteries and their killing of monks. The term and the negative image of Saracens was in popular usage in both the Greek east as well as the Latin west throughout the Middle Ages. With the advent of Islam, in the Arabian peninsula, during the seventh century among the Arabs, the terms strong association with Arabs tied the term closely with not just race and culture, but also the religion. The rise of the Arab Empire and the ensuing hostility with the Byzantine Empire saw itself expressed as conflict between Islam and Christianity and the association of the term with Islam was further accentuated both during and after the Crusades.
Sarakhsi, Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-
Sarakhsi, Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al- (Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-Sarakhsi) (Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn Abi Sahl Abu Bakr al-Sarakhsi -- from Sarakhs in Khorasan) (d. 1106). was a Hanafi jurist from Transoxiana. He was thrown into prison by the Ilek-Khan Hasan ibn Sulayman (r.1073-1102) for having stigmatized as illegal the ruler’s conduct when he married his manumitted umm al-walad without observing the period of abstention (in Arabic, ‘idda). His most important, multi-volumed law books which he dictactes entirely from memory to his pupils, who sat before his prison. He also wrote several commentaries, especially on Abu ‘Abd Allah al-Shaybani’s works.
Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn Abi Sahl Abu Bakr al-Sarakhsi (from Sarakhs in Khorasan) was an Islamic scholar of the Hanafi school, traditionally known as Shams al-A'imma ("the sun of the leaders"), who lived and worked in Transoxiana. His family background is unknown; he died around the year 1106.
Al-Sarakhsi wrote many books on Islamic law and jurisprudence; his most important, Kitāb al-Mabsūṭ, a commentary on an epitome (mukhtaṣar) of Muhammad al-Shaybani's work, is spread over 30 volumes in which Sarakhsi explores juristic material, often through discussion of differences of opinion (ikhtilāf) both within the Hanafi tradition and with the other madhhabs. His other important work, Uṣūl al-Fiqh, is in two volumes. He was thrown into prison for criticizing the king and questioning the validity of the king's marriage to the slave woman of a palace servant. In prison, he authored parts of Kitāb al-Mabsūṭ and most of Siyar al-Kabīr. After 15 years of captivity, he was released from prison, and died soon after completing Siyar al-Kabīr.
Al-Sarakhsi has been called the "Hugo Grotius of the Muslims". He is greatly admired for his phenomenal memory, as evidenced from his accurate recollection of the classics while being held in prison. He was a strong advocate of the doctrine of istiḥsān, which he describes as abandonment of systematic reasoning about the scriptures in favor of a different opinion supported by stronger evidence and more accommodating of the population's needs.
He should be distinguished from Ahmad ibn al-Tayyib al-Sarakhsi, a scholar and littérateur who was a pupil of al-Kindi and lived in the second half of the ninth century.
Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-Sarakhsi see Sarakhsi, Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-
Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn Abi Sahl Abu Bakr al-Sarakhsi see Sarakhsi, Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-
The Sun of the Leaders see Sarakhsi, Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-
The Hugo Grotius of the Muslims see Sarakhsi, Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-
Sarakhsi, Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al- (Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-Sarakhsi) (Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn Abi Sahl Abu Bakr al-Sarakhsi -- from Sarakhs in Khorasan) (d. 1106). was a Hanafi jurist from Transoxiana. He was thrown into prison by the Ilek-Khan Hasan ibn Sulayman (r.1073-1102) for having stigmatized as illegal the ruler’s conduct when he married his manumitted umm al-walad without observing the period of abstention (in Arabic, ‘idda). His most important, multi-volumed law books which he dictactes entirely from memory to his pupils, who sat before his prison. He also wrote several commentaries, especially on Abu ‘Abd Allah al-Shaybani’s works.
Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn Abi Sahl Abu Bakr al-Sarakhsi (from Sarakhs in Khorasan) was an Islamic scholar of the Hanafi school, traditionally known as Shams al-A'imma ("the sun of the leaders"), who lived and worked in Transoxiana. His family background is unknown; he died around the year 1106.
Al-Sarakhsi wrote many books on Islamic law and jurisprudence; his most important, Kitāb al-Mabsūṭ, a commentary on an epitome (mukhtaṣar) of Muhammad al-Shaybani's work, is spread over 30 volumes in which Sarakhsi explores juristic material, often through discussion of differences of opinion (ikhtilāf) both within the Hanafi tradition and with the other madhhabs. His other important work, Uṣūl al-Fiqh, is in two volumes. He was thrown into prison for criticizing the king and questioning the validity of the king's marriage to the slave woman of a palace servant. In prison, he authored parts of Kitāb al-Mabsūṭ and most of Siyar al-Kabīr. After 15 years of captivity, he was released from prison, and died soon after completing Siyar al-Kabīr.
Al-Sarakhsi has been called the "Hugo Grotius of the Muslims". He is greatly admired for his phenomenal memory, as evidenced from his accurate recollection of the classics while being held in prison. He was a strong advocate of the doctrine of istiḥsān, which he describes as abandonment of systematic reasoning about the scriptures in favor of a different opinion supported by stronger evidence and more accommodating of the population's needs.
He should be distinguished from Ahmad ibn al-Tayyib al-Sarakhsi, a scholar and littérateur who was a pupil of al-Kindi and lived in the second half of the ninth century.
Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-Sarakhsi see Sarakhsi, Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-
Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn Abi Sahl Abu Bakr al-Sarakhsi see Sarakhsi, Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-
The Sun of the Leaders see Sarakhsi, Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-
The Hugo Grotius of the Muslims see Sarakhsi, Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-
Sarbadarids
Sarbadarids (1336-1381). Militant Shi‘ite group in western Khurasan centered in the city of Sabzavar. The dozen leaders of this polity, not strictly speaking a dynasty, adopted the name Sarbadar, that is, those prepared to put their “heads on the gallows” rather than accept injustice.
The state was one of the several that arose in Iran during a time of weak central authority. It was founded by a local amir, Abd al-Razzaq Bashtini, as a protest against social and economic repression. His successor, Vajih al-Din Mas’ud, greatly expanded the movement and enhanced its legitimacy by allying with the leader of a local Sufi tariqa, Shaikh Hasan Juri.
Power sharing between the Sufi shaikhs and the local amirs was a hallmark of the Sarbadarid state, but it was ineffective and eventually contributed to the state’s downfall. The followers of the shaikhs were an armed group recruited from urban workers. They expected the imminent arrival of the Mahdi and wanted to establish a theocracy. The “secular” Sarbadarid leaders, on the other hand, had less extreme religious ideas and were prepared to work within the framework of a larger state.
The last and longest ruling of the Sarbadarids, Ali Mu’ayyad (r. 1364-1381), was opposed to establishing a theocracy and tried to destroy the Sufi organization. He planned to substitute a more moderate Imami (Twelver) Shi’ism for the radical variety they espoused. However, the state was put to an end before he could institute this.
Internal divisions combined with external enemies such as the (Sunni) Kart dynasty at Herat seriously weakened the Sarbadarid state. It surrendered to Timur in 1381, and the last of the Sarbadarids served as military commanders in other parts of Timur’s empire. The Sarbadarid effort, while ultimately unsuccessful, foreshadowed the establishment of the Safavid Empire by another militant Sufi group in western Iran in 1501.
Sarbadarids (1336-1381). Militant Shi‘ite group in western Khurasan centered in the city of Sabzavar. The dozen leaders of this polity, not strictly speaking a dynasty, adopted the name Sarbadar, that is, those prepared to put their “heads on the gallows” rather than accept injustice.
The state was one of the several that arose in Iran during a time of weak central authority. It was founded by a local amir, Abd al-Razzaq Bashtini, as a protest against social and economic repression. His successor, Vajih al-Din Mas’ud, greatly expanded the movement and enhanced its legitimacy by allying with the leader of a local Sufi tariqa, Shaikh Hasan Juri.
Power sharing between the Sufi shaikhs and the local amirs was a hallmark of the Sarbadarid state, but it was ineffective and eventually contributed to the state’s downfall. The followers of the shaikhs were an armed group recruited from urban workers. They expected the imminent arrival of the Mahdi and wanted to establish a theocracy. The “secular” Sarbadarid leaders, on the other hand, had less extreme religious ideas and were prepared to work within the framework of a larger state.
The last and longest ruling of the Sarbadarids, Ali Mu’ayyad (r. 1364-1381), was opposed to establishing a theocracy and tried to destroy the Sufi organization. He planned to substitute a more moderate Imami (Twelver) Shi’ism for the radical variety they espoused. However, the state was put to an end before he could institute this.
Internal divisions combined with external enemies such as the (Sunni) Kart dynasty at Herat seriously weakened the Sarbadarid state. It surrendered to Timur in 1381, and the last of the Sarbadarids served as military commanders in other parts of Timur’s empire. The Sarbadarid effort, while ultimately unsuccessful, foreshadowed the establishment of the Safavid Empire by another militant Sufi group in western Iran in 1501.
Sardar Muhammad Akbar
Sardar Muhammad Akbar. Ambitious son of Amir Dost Muhammad (r.1826-1838 and 1842-1863) and “Hero of Jamrud,” who defeated the Sikh army of Hari Singh in April 1837. He was a major figure in the defeat of the British in the First Anglo-Afghan War. Akbar was the premier of the Afghan chiefs with whom the British force of occupation sought to negotiate safe passage from Kabul to India. During negotiations with William Macnaghten, he killed the British envoy “in a fit of passion.” He saved the lives of British women and children as well as a number of officers whom he had taken into “protective” custody during the arduous retreat. Few others survived the massacre of the British expeditionary force of some 16,000 troops and camp followers. Akbar wanted to regain territory lost in the Punjab, but his father, Amir Dost Muhammad, who had been restored to the throne in 1842, favored a policy of accommodation with Britain. In 1845 Akbar rebelled, but he died at the age of 29 of poisoning before he could pose a serious challenge to his father. He is revered by Afghans and called Ghazi (Victor against Infidels), and a residential area of Kabul and a major hospital, Wazir Akbar Khan, have been named after him.
Akbar, Sardar Muhammad see Sardar Muhammad Akbar.
Sardar Muhammad Akbar. Ambitious son of Amir Dost Muhammad (r.1826-1838 and 1842-1863) and “Hero of Jamrud,” who defeated the Sikh army of Hari Singh in April 1837. He was a major figure in the defeat of the British in the First Anglo-Afghan War. Akbar was the premier of the Afghan chiefs with whom the British force of occupation sought to negotiate safe passage from Kabul to India. During negotiations with William Macnaghten, he killed the British envoy “in a fit of passion.” He saved the lives of British women and children as well as a number of officers whom he had taken into “protective” custody during the arduous retreat. Few others survived the massacre of the British expeditionary force of some 16,000 troops and camp followers. Akbar wanted to regain territory lost in the Punjab, but his father, Amir Dost Muhammad, who had been restored to the throne in 1842, favored a policy of accommodation with Britain. In 1845 Akbar rebelled, but he died at the age of 29 of poisoning before he could pose a serious challenge to his father. He is revered by Afghans and called Ghazi (Victor against Infidels), and a residential area of Kabul and a major hospital, Wazir Akbar Khan, have been named after him.
Akbar, Sardar Muhammad see Sardar Muhammad Akbar.
Sarekat Islam
Sarekat Islam (originally Sarekat Dagang Islam). First large Indonesian nationalist party, was founded in 1912 by Raden Mas Tirtodisoerjo. It changed its name to Partai Sarekat Islam in 1923 and in 1929 to Partai Sarekat Islam Indonesia (PSII). Many people joined it, in particular in its early years, and even before 1920 the Sarekat Islam claimed a membership of more than one and a half million. In those years, it also became involved in instances of local unrest, for example in West Java. Among its well-known leaders were Haji Umar Said Tjokroaminoto, Agus Salim, Abdul Muis, and Abikusno Tjokrosujoso. In its first years, the Sarekat Islam also had a number of Communists among its leaders, including Semaoen and Alimin, who were also active in another party, the Indische Sociaal-Democratische Vereeniging (ISDV), the predecessor of the Partai Komunis Indonesia. At first, they worked in uneasy cooperation with the Islamic leaders, but they were forced out of the Sarekat Islam in the early 1920s.
Originally an organization for all Muslims, Sarekat Islam became associated more and more with modernist Islam, in particular after traditionalists had established the Nahdatul Ulama in 1926. In the 1930s, the Sarekat Islam experienced a number of conflicts, mainly over the question of cooperation or non-cooperation with the colonial government. These resulted in a number of splinter groups. In 1933, Sukiman founded the Partai Islam Indonesia (PARII); in 1934 the later Darul Islam leader Kartosuwirjo established a second PSII, and in 1935 the Barisan Penjedar PSII of Agus Salim and Mohammad Rum was founded.
The PSII first entered the Masjumi after 1945 but broke away from it in 1947. As it turned out, the PSII continued to exist as a minor party, and in the national election of 1955 it received only three percent of the vote. In 1973, the PSII entered the new Islamic party Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, continuing its non-political activities under the name of Syarekat Islam.
Sarekat Islam, formerly Sarekat Dagang Islam, was a Javanese batik traders's cooperative in Indonesia.Sarekat Dagang Islam, or Union of Islamic Traders, had as its goal the empowerment of local merchants, especially in the batik industry.
As Sarekat Dagang Islam grew, it was reorganized under the name Sarekat Islam. Sarekat Islam's general office was in Surabaya. Early prominent figures of Sarekat Islam included H.O.S. Cokroaminoto (Hajj Umar Said Tjokroaminoto) and Haji Agus Salim. H.O.S. Cokroaminoto had three famous students, who went on to play a dominant role in Indonesian politics: Soekarno (Sukarno) the nationalist, Semaun the socialist and Islamist Kartosoewiryo. Haji Agus Salim joined Sarekat Islam in 1915 and promoted Islamic modernism. Some of Salim's students such as Kasman Singodimedjo, Mohammad Roem and Mohammad Natsir later became prominent Islamic and Nationalist leaders.
The Sarekat Dagang Islam was the first nationalist political party in Indonesia to gain wide popular support. Founded in 1912 the party originated as an association of those Muslim merchants who wanted to advance their economic interests in relation to Chinese merchants in Java, but the association became political. It quickly gained mass support and started working for the self-government of the Dutch East Indies. The party’s most prominent leader was Omar Said Tjokroaminoto.
Its religious appeal helped the Sarekat Islām to grow rapidly. By 1916 the organization claimed 80 branches throughout Indonesia with a total membership of about 350,000. The Dutch authorities did not attempt to suppress the organization, presumably because they wanted to channel the increasingly radical movement into a constitutional stream.
The Sarekat Islām, however, became more and more involved in revolutionary activities. Communist elements entered the organization, and the struggle for power between the religious leaders and the communists culminated in the division of the Sarekat Islām in 1921. Before the division the orthodox Marxist party, the Indies Social Democratic Association, changed its name to the Indies (after 1924, Indonesian) Communist Party (PKI). In 1920 the communists tried to draw the movement into the orbit of the international communist movement. The religious leaders of the Sarekat Islām, Agus Salim and Abdul Muis, aware of the communist activities, urged a motion, passed in 1921 at a national party congress, that no member of the Sarekat Islām could hold dual party membership. This led to the departure of the left wing of the party. The latter group set up the Sarekat Islām Merah (Red Islāmic Association), which later changed its name to the Sarekat Rakjat (People’s Association), to serve as the mass organization of the PKI. The split severely undermined the Sarekat Islām, which eventually declined into a secondary party.
Sarekat Dagang Islam see Sarekat Islam
Union of Islamic Traders see Sarekat Islam
Sarekat Islam (originally Sarekat Dagang Islam). First large Indonesian nationalist party, was founded in 1912 by Raden Mas Tirtodisoerjo. It changed its name to Partai Sarekat Islam in 1923 and in 1929 to Partai Sarekat Islam Indonesia (PSII). Many people joined it, in particular in its early years, and even before 1920 the Sarekat Islam claimed a membership of more than one and a half million. In those years, it also became involved in instances of local unrest, for example in West Java. Among its well-known leaders were Haji Umar Said Tjokroaminoto, Agus Salim, Abdul Muis, and Abikusno Tjokrosujoso. In its first years, the Sarekat Islam also had a number of Communists among its leaders, including Semaoen and Alimin, who were also active in another party, the Indische Sociaal-Democratische Vereeniging (ISDV), the predecessor of the Partai Komunis Indonesia. At first, they worked in uneasy cooperation with the Islamic leaders, but they were forced out of the Sarekat Islam in the early 1920s.
Originally an organization for all Muslims, Sarekat Islam became associated more and more with modernist Islam, in particular after traditionalists had established the Nahdatul Ulama in 1926. In the 1930s, the Sarekat Islam experienced a number of conflicts, mainly over the question of cooperation or non-cooperation with the colonial government. These resulted in a number of splinter groups. In 1933, Sukiman founded the Partai Islam Indonesia (PARII); in 1934 the later Darul Islam leader Kartosuwirjo established a second PSII, and in 1935 the Barisan Penjedar PSII of Agus Salim and Mohammad Rum was founded.
The PSII first entered the Masjumi after 1945 but broke away from it in 1947. As it turned out, the PSII continued to exist as a minor party, and in the national election of 1955 it received only three percent of the vote. In 1973, the PSII entered the new Islamic party Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, continuing its non-political activities under the name of Syarekat Islam.
Sarekat Islam, formerly Sarekat Dagang Islam, was a Javanese batik traders's cooperative in Indonesia.Sarekat Dagang Islam, or Union of Islamic Traders, had as its goal the empowerment of local merchants, especially in the batik industry.
As Sarekat Dagang Islam grew, it was reorganized under the name Sarekat Islam. Sarekat Islam's general office was in Surabaya. Early prominent figures of Sarekat Islam included H.O.S. Cokroaminoto (Hajj Umar Said Tjokroaminoto) and Haji Agus Salim. H.O.S. Cokroaminoto had three famous students, who went on to play a dominant role in Indonesian politics: Soekarno (Sukarno) the nationalist, Semaun the socialist and Islamist Kartosoewiryo. Haji Agus Salim joined Sarekat Islam in 1915 and promoted Islamic modernism. Some of Salim's students such as Kasman Singodimedjo, Mohammad Roem and Mohammad Natsir later became prominent Islamic and Nationalist leaders.
The Sarekat Dagang Islam was the first nationalist political party in Indonesia to gain wide popular support. Founded in 1912 the party originated as an association of those Muslim merchants who wanted to advance their economic interests in relation to Chinese merchants in Java, but the association became political. It quickly gained mass support and started working for the self-government of the Dutch East Indies. The party’s most prominent leader was Omar Said Tjokroaminoto.
Its religious appeal helped the Sarekat Islām to grow rapidly. By 1916 the organization claimed 80 branches throughout Indonesia with a total membership of about 350,000. The Dutch authorities did not attempt to suppress the organization, presumably because they wanted to channel the increasingly radical movement into a constitutional stream.
The Sarekat Islām, however, became more and more involved in revolutionary activities. Communist elements entered the organization, and the struggle for power between the religious leaders and the communists culminated in the division of the Sarekat Islām in 1921. Before the division the orthodox Marxist party, the Indies Social Democratic Association, changed its name to the Indies (after 1924, Indonesian) Communist Party (PKI). In 1920 the communists tried to draw the movement into the orbit of the international communist movement. The religious leaders of the Sarekat Islām, Agus Salim and Abdul Muis, aware of the communist activities, urged a motion, passed in 1921 at a national party congress, that no member of the Sarekat Islām could hold dual party membership. This led to the departure of the left wing of the party. The latter group set up the Sarekat Islām Merah (Red Islāmic Association), which later changed its name to the Sarekat Rakjat (People’s Association), to serve as the mass organization of the PKI. The split severely undermined the Sarekat Islām, which eventually declined into a secondary party.
Sarekat Dagang Islam see Sarekat Islam
Union of Islamic Traders see Sarekat Islam
Sari ‘Abd Allah Efendi
Sari ‘Abd Allah Efendi (d. 1660). Ottoman poet and man of letters. He wrote a commentary in Turkish on the first volume of the mathnawi of Jalal al-Din Rumi, and composed several original works.
Sari ‘Abd Allah Efendi (d. 1660). Ottoman poet and man of letters. He wrote a commentary in Turkish on the first volume of the mathnawi of Jalal al-Din Rumi, and composed several original works.
Sari Saltiq Dede
Sari Saltiq Dede. Turkish dervish and Bektashi saint from Bukhara of the thirteenth century. He is said to have led a large body of people to the western coast of the Black Sea.
Dede, Sari Saltiq see Sari Saltiq Dede.
Sari Saltiq Dede. Turkish dervish and Bektashi saint from Bukhara of the thirteenth century. He is said to have led a large body of people to the western coast of the Black Sea.
Dede, Sari Saltiq see Sari Saltiq Dede.
Sarkin
Sarkin. Hausa title for headman or ruler.
Sarkin. Hausa title for headman or ruler.
Sarkis, Elias
Sarkis, Elias (Elias Sarkis) (July 20, 1924 - June 27, 1985). Lebanese politician and the president of Lebanon (1976-1982).
Sarkis was born on June 20, 1924, into a Maronite Christian family in Chebanyeh. In the 1940s, Sarkis studied law at the Saint Joseph University in Beirut.
In 1953, Sarkis began working at the legal section of the government’s audit department.Around 1960, Sarkis began working in the secretariat of President Fuad Chehab. In 1962, Sarkis became director-general for the presidential bureau. In 1966, Sarkis was appointed governor of the central bank.
In 1970, Sarkis ran for president against Suleiman Franjieh, but lost by only one vote in the parliament. In 1975, with the start of the Lebanese Civil War, Sarkis represented a moderate Maronite group. In September of 1976, with the support of president Hafez al-Assad of Syria, Sarkis was the only candidate for president and was appointed. In December, Sarkis appointed Selim al-Hoss as prime minister.
During the late 1970s, while Sarkis replaced top officials with pro-Syrian people, he still tried to limit Syrian power, but in vain. The relationship with Prime Minister Selim al-Hoss was tense, as al-Hoss considered Sarkis to be too pro-Syrian. On March 5, 1980, Sarkis formulated his policy, as part of trying to create national accord: unity, independence, parliamentarian democracy, rejection of the Camp David Accords between Egypt and Israel, support for a future Palestinian state and cooperation with Syria. In June, Selim al-Hoss resigned in protest against the president’s inability to create peace in Lebanon. In October, after many difficulties, Sarkis was able to appoint a new government with Chafic al-Wazzan as prime minister.
In June 1982, Sarkis was kicked out of his presidential office by the Israelis, and lost all effective power. In September, Sarkis’ presidency came to an official end. Sarkis then retired from Lebanese politics.
In 1985, Sarkis died. Sarkis’ task as president was unusually difficult. The country was in a civil war that nobody could see the end of (it would not end until fourteen years later). He was put in his position by the Syrians, and knew that he had to govern in accordance with their interests to survive. However, he was pushed by many Lebanese groups to limit Syrian power.
Sarkis became gradually weaker and weaker through his presidency, and in the end he was even ushered out of his office by Israeli forces. Among of the few conclusions possible to make over his six years in office, is that he tried seriously to bring an end to the Civil War, but achieved next to nothing. Through his six years in office, the situation deteriorated, due to many more reasons than just the quality of his leadership.
Elias Sarkis see Sarkis, Elias
Sarkis, Elias (Elias Sarkis) (July 20, 1924 - June 27, 1985). Lebanese politician and the president of Lebanon (1976-1982).
Sarkis was born on June 20, 1924, into a Maronite Christian family in Chebanyeh. In the 1940s, Sarkis studied law at the Saint Joseph University in Beirut.
In 1953, Sarkis began working at the legal section of the government’s audit department.Around 1960, Sarkis began working in the secretariat of President Fuad Chehab. In 1962, Sarkis became director-general for the presidential bureau. In 1966, Sarkis was appointed governor of the central bank.
In 1970, Sarkis ran for president against Suleiman Franjieh, but lost by only one vote in the parliament. In 1975, with the start of the Lebanese Civil War, Sarkis represented a moderate Maronite group. In September of 1976, with the support of president Hafez al-Assad of Syria, Sarkis was the only candidate for president and was appointed. In December, Sarkis appointed Selim al-Hoss as prime minister.
During the late 1970s, while Sarkis replaced top officials with pro-Syrian people, he still tried to limit Syrian power, but in vain. The relationship with Prime Minister Selim al-Hoss was tense, as al-Hoss considered Sarkis to be too pro-Syrian. On March 5, 1980, Sarkis formulated his policy, as part of trying to create national accord: unity, independence, parliamentarian democracy, rejection of the Camp David Accords between Egypt and Israel, support for a future Palestinian state and cooperation with Syria. In June, Selim al-Hoss resigned in protest against the president’s inability to create peace in Lebanon. In October, after many difficulties, Sarkis was able to appoint a new government with Chafic al-Wazzan as prime minister.
In June 1982, Sarkis was kicked out of his presidential office by the Israelis, and lost all effective power. In September, Sarkis’ presidency came to an official end. Sarkis then retired from Lebanese politics.
In 1985, Sarkis died. Sarkis’ task as president was unusually difficult. The country was in a civil war that nobody could see the end of (it would not end until fourteen years later). He was put in his position by the Syrians, and knew that he had to govern in accordance with their interests to survive. However, he was pushed by many Lebanese groups to limit Syrian power.
Sarkis became gradually weaker and weaker through his presidency, and in the end he was even ushered out of his office by Israeli forces. Among of the few conclusions possible to make over his six years in office, is that he tried seriously to bring an end to the Civil War, but achieved next to nothing. Through his six years in office, the situation deteriorated, due to many more reasons than just the quality of his leadership.
Elias Sarkis see Sarkis, Elias
Sarliyya
Sarliyya (Sarliyah-Kaka'iyah). Name of a sect in northern Mesopotamia to the south of Mosul. Their language is said to be a mixture of Kurdish, Persian, and Turkish. They are said to be monotheists, believing in certain prophets, paradise and hell, but are not obliged to fast or pray.
Sarliyah-Kaka'iyah see Sarliyya
Sarliyya (Sarliyah-Kaka'iyah). Name of a sect in northern Mesopotamia to the south of Mosul. Their language is said to be a mixture of Kurdish, Persian, and Turkish. They are said to be monotheists, believing in certain prophets, paradise and hell, but are not obliged to fast or pray.
Sarliyah-Kaka'iyah see Sarliyya
Sarraj, Abd al-Hamid
Sarraj, Abd al-Hamid (Abd al-Hamid Sarraj) (Abdel Hamid Sarraj) (b. 1925, Hama, Syria). Syrian Arab nationalist.
Abdel Hamid Sarraj was a Syrian Army officer and political figure in the mid-20th century. He was a very close aide to Gamal Abdel Nasser during the short-lived time of the United Arab Republic (UAR) and served as its Minister of Interior and later Vice President. Before the union, he served as the head of the military intelligence, and was known for his ruthlessness.
Sarraj participated in the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, including leading a detachment of six armored vehicles to surround Safad. Sarraj played a role in the 1949 coup that removed Husni al-Zaim from power and took over the personnel department of Adib Shishakli's government in 1952. When Shishakli was ousted, Sarraj was temporarily sent to Paris as an assistant military attache. However, in March 1955, he was appointed head of the Syrian military intelligence. From this position, he was able to play a crucial role in preventing conspiracies against the regime. Sarraj did not join any political parties, but cooperated with the ones in power, in particular against the Ba'ath. In September 1955, he helped negotiate the landing of 4,000 Egyptian troops to Latakia as part of the defense pact made between the two countries.
When union between Egypt and Syria was declared, Saraj, a staunch supporter of Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser, was handed a key position in the cabinet as Minister of Interior. His position was elevated when the Syrian gendarmerie, the desert patrol, and the department of general security were transferred to his jurisdiction on March 13, 1958. Following the resignation of Ba'ath party ministers from the UAR government, Sarraj was given the additional appointments of Minister of Social Affairs and Minister of Awqaf on January 1, 1960.
On September 20, 1960, Sarraj was appointed President of the Syrian Executive Council. By then, Sarraj at age 35, became the most powerful Syrian official in the UAR. Besides being interior minister and president of SEC, he also headed the Syrian branch of Nasser's National Union party and was chairman of the Syrian economic foundation established in March 1960. A British official visiting Damascus described him as the "Viceroy of Syria." However, his use of police methods, which were seen as ruthless, and his considerable power made him unpopular in Syria. Nonetheless, he was known to be an impeccable Arab nationalist who could "get things done." Pressure was exerted on Nasser to remove Sarraj from power, but he refused, feeling that there was no one more fit to run Syria on his behalf. Eventually, in August 1961, Nasser decided to appoint him Vice President, relocating him to Cairo and thus heralding his downfall as Syria's ultimate leader.
On September 18, when Nasser merged the two branches of the National Union, therefore, depriving Sarraj of his position as secretary-general of the Syrian branch and when Egyptian vice president Abdel Hakim Amer dismissed one of his closest associates, Sarraj submitted his resignation. The UAR's state minister, Abdel Qadir Hatem, was sent to mediate between Sarraj and Amer, but failed and the former began mobilizing his forces on September 19-20. Realizing an operation against Nasser was unlikely to succeed, he agreed to meet Nasser and Amer in Cairo. Although Nasser condemned Sarraj of ambitions to be sole-ruler of Syria, he replaced Amer as Minister of Syrian Affairs with Mahmoud Riad. Resuming his post as Syria's vice president, Sarraj also headed a ministerial committee for UAR administrative reform. However, he suddenly submitted a second resignation on September 26 and Nasser accepted it, sending Amer to replace him.
On September 28, a coup by disaffected officers occurred in Syria, dissolving the UAR. Sarraj was arrested and jailed in the Mezzeh Prison of Damascus. He escaped from the prison and moved to Cairo as a private citizen. Mustafa Tlass has been lobbying the Syrian government for the return of Sarraj to Syria. According to al-Ahram Weekly, he was expected to return in late 2005.
Abd al-Hamid Sarraj see Sarraj, Abd al-Hamid
Abdel Hamid Sarraj see Sarraj, Abd al-Hamid
Sarraj, Abd al-Hamid (Abd al-Hamid Sarraj) (Abdel Hamid Sarraj) (b. 1925, Hama, Syria). Syrian Arab nationalist.
Abdel Hamid Sarraj was a Syrian Army officer and political figure in the mid-20th century. He was a very close aide to Gamal Abdel Nasser during the short-lived time of the United Arab Republic (UAR) and served as its Minister of Interior and later Vice President. Before the union, he served as the head of the military intelligence, and was known for his ruthlessness.
Sarraj participated in the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, including leading a detachment of six armored vehicles to surround Safad. Sarraj played a role in the 1949 coup that removed Husni al-Zaim from power and took over the personnel department of Adib Shishakli's government in 1952. When Shishakli was ousted, Sarraj was temporarily sent to Paris as an assistant military attache. However, in March 1955, he was appointed head of the Syrian military intelligence. From this position, he was able to play a crucial role in preventing conspiracies against the regime. Sarraj did not join any political parties, but cooperated with the ones in power, in particular against the Ba'ath. In September 1955, he helped negotiate the landing of 4,000 Egyptian troops to Latakia as part of the defense pact made between the two countries.
When union between Egypt and Syria was declared, Saraj, a staunch supporter of Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser, was handed a key position in the cabinet as Minister of Interior. His position was elevated when the Syrian gendarmerie, the desert patrol, and the department of general security were transferred to his jurisdiction on March 13, 1958. Following the resignation of Ba'ath party ministers from the UAR government, Sarraj was given the additional appointments of Minister of Social Affairs and Minister of Awqaf on January 1, 1960.
On September 20, 1960, Sarraj was appointed President of the Syrian Executive Council. By then, Sarraj at age 35, became the most powerful Syrian official in the UAR. Besides being interior minister and president of SEC, he also headed the Syrian branch of Nasser's National Union party and was chairman of the Syrian economic foundation established in March 1960. A British official visiting Damascus described him as the "Viceroy of Syria." However, his use of police methods, which were seen as ruthless, and his considerable power made him unpopular in Syria. Nonetheless, he was known to be an impeccable Arab nationalist who could "get things done." Pressure was exerted on Nasser to remove Sarraj from power, but he refused, feeling that there was no one more fit to run Syria on his behalf. Eventually, in August 1961, Nasser decided to appoint him Vice President, relocating him to Cairo and thus heralding his downfall as Syria's ultimate leader.
On September 18, when Nasser merged the two branches of the National Union, therefore, depriving Sarraj of his position as secretary-general of the Syrian branch and when Egyptian vice president Abdel Hakim Amer dismissed one of his closest associates, Sarraj submitted his resignation. The UAR's state minister, Abdel Qadir Hatem, was sent to mediate between Sarraj and Amer, but failed and the former began mobilizing his forces on September 19-20. Realizing an operation against Nasser was unlikely to succeed, he agreed to meet Nasser and Amer in Cairo. Although Nasser condemned Sarraj of ambitions to be sole-ruler of Syria, he replaced Amer as Minister of Syrian Affairs with Mahmoud Riad. Resuming his post as Syria's vice president, Sarraj also headed a ministerial committee for UAR administrative reform. However, he suddenly submitted a second resignation on September 26 and Nasser accepted it, sending Amer to replace him.
On September 28, a coup by disaffected officers occurred in Syria, dissolving the UAR. Sarraj was arrested and jailed in the Mezzeh Prison of Damascus. He escaped from the prison and moved to Cairo as a private citizen. Mustafa Tlass has been lobbying the Syrian government for the return of Sarraj to Syria. According to al-Ahram Weekly, he was expected to return in late 2005.
Abd al-Hamid Sarraj see Sarraj, Abd al-Hamid
Abdel Hamid Sarraj see Sarraj, Abd al-Hamid
Sarukhan
Sarukhan (Saruhan). Turkmen dynasty, which made itself independent in Anatolia on the collapse of the Rum Saljuqs in the early fourteenth century. Their capital was Maghnisa. The principality was conquered by the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid I in 1390 but, like other petty dynasts, the ruler Khidr Shah Beg was restored to power by Timur. The dynasty came to an end under the Ottoman Sultan Muhammad I. Its governorship formed a stepping stone to influence and power, and so the position of governor was sometimes given to eldest sons of the House of ‘Othman.
The Anatolian beylik of Saruhan with its capital in Manisa was one of the frontier principalities established by Oghuz Turkish clans after the decline of the Anatolian Seljuk Sultanate. It was founded by the tribal chief Saruhan about 1300 and lasted for a first time until 1390, when Bayezid I overran the region and finally until 1410, when the Ottoman Sultan Mehmed I killed Hızır, the last Saruhan ruler, and absorbed the Beylik into the Ottoman Empire as a province.
The founder of the beylik, Saruhan Bey, was the grandson of a Khwarezmian commander who fought in the service of the Seljuk sultans. Saruhan himself began his military career as an emir of the Beylik of Germiyan. Sometime at the beginning of the 14th century, he seized territories for himself in the Gediz River (Hermus under its previous Byzantine rulers) valley and founded a dynasty that started to rule the region from its base in Manisa. Its principal towns included Menemen, Gördes, Demirci, Nif, and Turgutlu.
The dynasty's period as a regional power is largely limited to the long reign of its founder, Saruhan Bey (d. 1346), under whom the principality became known especially as an ally of its southern neighbor Aydınoğlu and its audacious ruler, Umur Bey. Saruhan and his sons assisted Umur Bey in his raids in the context of his close and intricate relations with the Byzantine Empire and also concluded treaties with the Republic of Genoa and engaged in battle with the Dukes of Naxos.
The most enduring monument of the Saruhan dynasty is the Great Mosque at Manisa. Constructed in 1374 by İshak Bey, the mosque has a prayer hall covered by a dome 14meters in diameter. Attached to the prayer hall is an innovative, semi-covered forecourt. The building likely served as inspiration for the Üç Şerefeli Mosque, constructed some sixty years later by the Ottoman sultan Murad II.
The region roughly corresponding to the area of extension of Saruhan dynasty's administration became an Ottoman sub-province (sanjak) under the continued name of Saruhan until the early years of the Republic of Turkey.
Saruhan see Sarukhan
Sarukhan (Saruhan). Turkmen dynasty, which made itself independent in Anatolia on the collapse of the Rum Saljuqs in the early fourteenth century. Their capital was Maghnisa. The principality was conquered by the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid I in 1390 but, like other petty dynasts, the ruler Khidr Shah Beg was restored to power by Timur. The dynasty came to an end under the Ottoman Sultan Muhammad I. Its governorship formed a stepping stone to influence and power, and so the position of governor was sometimes given to eldest sons of the House of ‘Othman.
The Anatolian beylik of Saruhan with its capital in Manisa was one of the frontier principalities established by Oghuz Turkish clans after the decline of the Anatolian Seljuk Sultanate. It was founded by the tribal chief Saruhan about 1300 and lasted for a first time until 1390, when Bayezid I overran the region and finally until 1410, when the Ottoman Sultan Mehmed I killed Hızır, the last Saruhan ruler, and absorbed the Beylik into the Ottoman Empire as a province.
The founder of the beylik, Saruhan Bey, was the grandson of a Khwarezmian commander who fought in the service of the Seljuk sultans. Saruhan himself began his military career as an emir of the Beylik of Germiyan. Sometime at the beginning of the 14th century, he seized territories for himself in the Gediz River (Hermus under its previous Byzantine rulers) valley and founded a dynasty that started to rule the region from its base in Manisa. Its principal towns included Menemen, Gördes, Demirci, Nif, and Turgutlu.
The dynasty's period as a regional power is largely limited to the long reign of its founder, Saruhan Bey (d. 1346), under whom the principality became known especially as an ally of its southern neighbor Aydınoğlu and its audacious ruler, Umur Bey. Saruhan and his sons assisted Umur Bey in his raids in the context of his close and intricate relations with the Byzantine Empire and also concluded treaties with the Republic of Genoa and engaged in battle with the Dukes of Naxos.
The most enduring monument of the Saruhan dynasty is the Great Mosque at Manisa. Constructed in 1374 by İshak Bey, the mosque has a prayer hall covered by a dome 14meters in diameter. Attached to the prayer hall is an innovative, semi-covered forecourt. The building likely served as inspiration for the Üç Şerefeli Mosque, constructed some sixty years later by the Ottoman sultan Murad II.
The region roughly corresponding to the area of extension of Saruhan dynasty's administration became an Ottoman sub-province (sanjak) under the continued name of Saruhan until the early years of the Republic of Turkey.
Saruhan see Sarukhan
No comments:
Post a Comment