Ithna-‘ashari
Ithna-‘ashari (Ithna 'Ashari) (Ithna 'Ashariyah) (Ithna ‘Ashariyya). Branch of the Shi‘a who believe in the twelve imams descended from ‘Ali, the last of whom disappeared and went into hiding in 873 of the Christian calendar and who, the Ithna-'ashari believe, will return as the messiah. The Ithna-‘ashari are a branch of Shi‘ism to which the majority of the populace of Iran adheres.
Ithna-'ashari is an Arabic term meaning, literally “twelver,” which designates an adherent of the numerically dominant form of Shi‘ism in Islam. From earlier allegiance to a particular line of imams descended from Ali ibn Abi Talib through Ali’s son Husain and later through Ja‘far al-Sadiq’s son Musa al-Kazim, the major doctrines of this sect began to focus on the mysterious disappearance of the shadowy Twelfth Imam in 874, which became a unique religious event and an important turning point. In the initial period (874-940), this imam, whose very existence was doubted by opponents, was said by followers to be in seclusion and therefore reachable only throught the mediation of special representatives (babs). This period, called the minor occultation, was followed by a permanent occultation of the same imam, who, although hidden, nevertheless remains the living proof of God’s grace to the world and is the ultimate source of his truth for mankind. It is this imam in messianic form, in fact, who will be revealed in the final days, when he will lead the righteous to victory over their enemies.
Ithna-'ashari Shi‘ism tended to avoid conflict with Sunni Islam by accepting what is basically a quietist position with regard to the leadership of the Muslim community. The practice of precautionary dissimulation of religious beliefs (taqiyya) was accepted and often even made obligatory. Nevertheless, there developed an elaborate doctrinal literature supporting the sacred history of the imams and the special role of the hidden, twelfth imam. Under these conditions the sect flourished in certain regions of the Muslim world and was recognized finally as the official religion of the state in Iran under the Safavid dynasty (1501-1736). In addition to its dominant position in Iran, Ithna-'ashari Shi‘ism has a large following in Iraq and important pockets of adherents in other Muslim countries.
Ithna 'Ashariyah see Ithna-‘ashari
Ithna ‘Ashariyya see Ithna-‘ashari
Ithna 'Ashari see Ithna-‘ashari
Twelvers see Ithna-‘ashari
Ithna-‘ashari (Ithna 'Ashari) (Ithna 'Ashariyah) (Ithna ‘Ashariyya). Branch of the Shi‘a who believe in the twelve imams descended from ‘Ali, the last of whom disappeared and went into hiding in 873 of the Christian calendar and who, the Ithna-'ashari believe, will return as the messiah. The Ithna-‘ashari are a branch of Shi‘ism to which the majority of the populace of Iran adheres.
Ithna-'ashari is an Arabic term meaning, literally “twelver,” which designates an adherent of the numerically dominant form of Shi‘ism in Islam. From earlier allegiance to a particular line of imams descended from Ali ibn Abi Talib through Ali’s son Husain and later through Ja‘far al-Sadiq’s son Musa al-Kazim, the major doctrines of this sect began to focus on the mysterious disappearance of the shadowy Twelfth Imam in 874, which became a unique religious event and an important turning point. In the initial period (874-940), this imam, whose very existence was doubted by opponents, was said by followers to be in seclusion and therefore reachable only throught the mediation of special representatives (babs). This period, called the minor occultation, was followed by a permanent occultation of the same imam, who, although hidden, nevertheless remains the living proof of God’s grace to the world and is the ultimate source of his truth for mankind. It is this imam in messianic form, in fact, who will be revealed in the final days, when he will lead the righteous to victory over their enemies.
Ithna-'ashari Shi‘ism tended to avoid conflict with Sunni Islam by accepting what is basically a quietist position with regard to the leadership of the Muslim community. The practice of precautionary dissimulation of religious beliefs (taqiyya) was accepted and often even made obligatory. Nevertheless, there developed an elaborate doctrinal literature supporting the sacred history of the imams and the special role of the hidden, twelfth imam. Under these conditions the sect flourished in certain regions of the Muslim world and was recognized finally as the official religion of the state in Iran under the Safavid dynasty (1501-1736). In addition to its dominant position in Iran, Ithna-'ashari Shi‘ism has a large following in Iraq and important pockets of adherents in other Muslim countries.
Ithna 'Ashariyah see Ithna-‘ashari
Ithna ‘Ashariyya see Ithna-‘ashari
Ithna 'Ashari see Ithna-‘ashari
Twelvers see Ithna-‘ashari
I‘timad ud-Daulah
I‘timad ud-Daulah (Itimad-ud-Daula) (d. 1621). Vazir (chief minister) under the Mughal emperor Jahangir. Originally named Ghiyas Beg, he was a native of Tehran whose utter penury compelled him to seek better prospects in India. The emperor Akbar admitted him into imperial service and he rose to be mansab (a military commander) of 1,000 soldiers. On becoming emperor, Jahangir gave him the title I‘timad ud-daulah (“trust of the empire”). His daughter Nur Jahan became empress after he had established himself in service, and his son Asaf Khan held high offices in Jahangir’s reign. His magnificent tomb is in Agra.
Itimad-ud-Daula's Tomb (I'timād-ud-Daulah kā Maqbara) is a Mughal mausoleum in the city of Agra in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh. Often described as a 'jewel box', sometimes called the 'Baby Tāj', the tomb of I'timād-ud-Daulah is often regarded as a draft of the Tāj Mahal.
Along with the main building, the structure consists of numerous outbuildings and gardens. The tomb, built between 1622 and 1628 represents a transition between the first phase of monumental Mughal architecture - primarily built from red sandstone with marble decorations, as in Humayun's Tomb in Delhi and Akbar's tomb in Sikandra - to its second phase, based on white marble and pietra dura inlay, most elegantly realized in the Tāj Mahal.
The mausoleum was commissioned by Nūr Jahān, the wife of Jahangir, for her father Mirzā Ghiyās Beg, who had been given the title of I'timād-ud-Daulah (pillar of the state). Mirzā Ghiyās Beg was also the grandfather of Mumtāz Mahāl (originally named Arjūmand Bāno, daughter of Asaf Khān), the wife of the emperor Shāh Jahān, responsible for the building of the Tāj Mahal.
Ghiyas Beg see I‘timad ud-Daulah
Daulah, I'timad ud- see I‘timad ud-Daulah
Trust of the Empire see I‘timad ud-Daulah
Itimad-ud-Daula see I‘timad ud-Daulah
"Pillar of the State" see I‘timad ud-Daulah
I‘timad ud-Daulah (Itimad-ud-Daula) (d. 1621). Vazir (chief minister) under the Mughal emperor Jahangir. Originally named Ghiyas Beg, he was a native of Tehran whose utter penury compelled him to seek better prospects in India. The emperor Akbar admitted him into imperial service and he rose to be mansab (a military commander) of 1,000 soldiers. On becoming emperor, Jahangir gave him the title I‘timad ud-daulah (“trust of the empire”). His daughter Nur Jahan became empress after he had established himself in service, and his son Asaf Khan held high offices in Jahangir’s reign. His magnificent tomb is in Agra.
Itimad-ud-Daula's Tomb (I'timād-ud-Daulah kā Maqbara) is a Mughal mausoleum in the city of Agra in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh. Often described as a 'jewel box', sometimes called the 'Baby Tāj', the tomb of I'timād-ud-Daulah is often regarded as a draft of the Tāj Mahal.
Along with the main building, the structure consists of numerous outbuildings and gardens. The tomb, built between 1622 and 1628 represents a transition between the first phase of monumental Mughal architecture - primarily built from red sandstone with marble decorations, as in Humayun's Tomb in Delhi and Akbar's tomb in Sikandra - to its second phase, based on white marble and pietra dura inlay, most elegantly realized in the Tāj Mahal.
The mausoleum was commissioned by Nūr Jahān, the wife of Jahangir, for her father Mirzā Ghiyās Beg, who had been given the title of I'timād-ud-Daulah (pillar of the state). Mirzā Ghiyās Beg was also the grandfather of Mumtāz Mahāl (originally named Arjūmand Bāno, daughter of Asaf Khān), the wife of the emperor Shāh Jahān, responsible for the building of the Tāj Mahal.
Ghiyas Beg see I‘timad ud-Daulah
Daulah, I'timad ud- see I‘timad ud-Daulah
Trust of the Empire see I‘timad ud-Daulah
Itimad-ud-Daula see I‘timad ud-Daulah
"Pillar of the State" see I‘timad ud-Daulah
Ittihad-i Muhammadi Cemiyeti
Ittihad-i Muhammadi Cemiyeti (Ittihad-i Muhammedi Jem‘iyyeti) (“Muhammadan Union”). Name of a politico-religious organization which acquired notoriety as the instigator of the insurrection in Istanbul in 1909.
The Ittihad-i Muhammadi Cemiyeti was a political and religious organization which was founded around the newspaper Volkan (Volcano) in February 1909 by Hafiz Dervis Vahdeti, a Naqshbandi from Cyprus. Named Ittihad-i Muhammadi Cemiyeti (Muhammadan Union), it was known for its role in the insurrection of April 1909 in Istanbul that aimed to destroy the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP).
Conservative forces in the Ottoman Empire were alarmed by the winds of change that blew through the capital after the restoration of the 1876 constitution in July 1908. The press flourished with the end of censorship, workers went on strike, and smart middle-class women left the home to take their place in public life alongside men. The world of the conservatives was shaken, and they blamed the constitution. They objected to the sultan-caliph’s loss of power and to the weakened role of shari‘a in daily life. Initially, this opposition took religious form.
The first manifestation of religious reaction was the “Blind Ali Incident” of October 7, 1908. A certain Hoca Ali Efendi led a large crowd to Yildiz Palace and asked Sultan Abdulhamid to abolish the constitution and restore the shari‘a, even though it was still recognized. This demonstration proved ineffective; it was spontaneous and disorganized and lacked the support of the liberal-conservative faction within the Young Turk movement.
During the first nine months of revolutionary activity, the real struggle for power was between the radical Unionists and the moderate liberals. The liberals were sure that they would win the December elections, but the elections were won by the CUP, though the liberals controlled the government. Only after the CUP had voted out the cabinet of Kamil Pasha on February 13, 1909, did the opposition come out into the open. It took religious form, even though the liberals were as commited to reform as the CUP. The liberals were willing to use Islam to destroy their rivals.
The first issue of Volkan appeared on February 16. It was the voice of Ittihad-i Muhammadi and called for Islamic unity as the basis of the Ottoman state. The Ittihad’s doctrines and program were clerical and opposed to the reforms envisaged by the constitutional regime. Its own goals were described as non-political, limited to reforming public morality in keeping with the principles of the shari‘a.
Volkan used its columns to attack the CUP and Freemasons, as well as the constitutional regime, which it denounced as the “regime of devils.” The religious prejudices of its readers were exploited fully with attacks on “modern” women and non-Muslims. The paper was distributed free, leading to rumors that it was financed by the Palace or the British Embassy. The Ittihad’s propaganda made great headway, and on April 6 the Seyhul-islam (in Arabic, Shaykh al-Islam) was forced to defend his government’s policies against Volkan’s accusations that these policies violated the shari‘a. Feelings against the CUP rose dramatically following the murder of an opposition journalist on April 7 and his funeral the next day. Meanwhile, Islamist propaganda had reached the troops of the Istanbul garrison through itinerant theological students. On April 10, the troops were forbidden to have contact with such men. In this atmosphere of tension, the garrison mutinied on the night of April 12/13 and almost succeeded in destroying the CUP. However, the mutiny was crushed, the Ittihad was proscribed, and some of its leaders, including Dervis Vahdeti, were hanged. Since then, the Ittihad-i Muhammadi and the events of 1909 have come to symbolize religious reaction in Turkish political life.
Muhammadan Union, political and religious organization founded by Hafiz Dervis Vahdeti , a Naqshbandi Sufi from Cyprus, via the newspaper Volkan in 1909 . Known for its role in the insurrection of April 1909 in Istanbul, which aimed to destroy the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP). It called for Islamic unity as the basis of the Ottoman state and opposed the reforms envisaged by the constitutional regime. The insurrection was crushed, the Ittihad was proscribed, and some of its leaders, including Vahdeti, were hanged. The Ittihad and events of 1909 have come to symbolize religious reaction in Turkish political life.
Ittihad-i Muhammedi Jem-iyyeti see Ittihad-i Muhammadi Cemiyeti
Muhammadan Union see Ittihad-i Muhammadi Cemiyeti
Ittihad-i Muhammadi Cemiyeti (Ittihad-i Muhammedi Jem‘iyyeti) (“Muhammadan Union”). Name of a politico-religious organization which acquired notoriety as the instigator of the insurrection in Istanbul in 1909.
The Ittihad-i Muhammadi Cemiyeti was a political and religious organization which was founded around the newspaper Volkan (Volcano) in February 1909 by Hafiz Dervis Vahdeti, a Naqshbandi from Cyprus. Named Ittihad-i Muhammadi Cemiyeti (Muhammadan Union), it was known for its role in the insurrection of April 1909 in Istanbul that aimed to destroy the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP).
Conservative forces in the Ottoman Empire were alarmed by the winds of change that blew through the capital after the restoration of the 1876 constitution in July 1908. The press flourished with the end of censorship, workers went on strike, and smart middle-class women left the home to take their place in public life alongside men. The world of the conservatives was shaken, and they blamed the constitution. They objected to the sultan-caliph’s loss of power and to the weakened role of shari‘a in daily life. Initially, this opposition took religious form.
The first manifestation of religious reaction was the “Blind Ali Incident” of October 7, 1908. A certain Hoca Ali Efendi led a large crowd to Yildiz Palace and asked Sultan Abdulhamid to abolish the constitution and restore the shari‘a, even though it was still recognized. This demonstration proved ineffective; it was spontaneous and disorganized and lacked the support of the liberal-conservative faction within the Young Turk movement.
During the first nine months of revolutionary activity, the real struggle for power was between the radical Unionists and the moderate liberals. The liberals were sure that they would win the December elections, but the elections were won by the CUP, though the liberals controlled the government. Only after the CUP had voted out the cabinet of Kamil Pasha on February 13, 1909, did the opposition come out into the open. It took religious form, even though the liberals were as commited to reform as the CUP. The liberals were willing to use Islam to destroy their rivals.
The first issue of Volkan appeared on February 16. It was the voice of Ittihad-i Muhammadi and called for Islamic unity as the basis of the Ottoman state. The Ittihad’s doctrines and program were clerical and opposed to the reforms envisaged by the constitutional regime. Its own goals were described as non-political, limited to reforming public morality in keeping with the principles of the shari‘a.
Volkan used its columns to attack the CUP and Freemasons, as well as the constitutional regime, which it denounced as the “regime of devils.” The religious prejudices of its readers were exploited fully with attacks on “modern” women and non-Muslims. The paper was distributed free, leading to rumors that it was financed by the Palace or the British Embassy. The Ittihad’s propaganda made great headway, and on April 6 the Seyhul-islam (in Arabic, Shaykh al-Islam) was forced to defend his government’s policies against Volkan’s accusations that these policies violated the shari‘a. Feelings against the CUP rose dramatically following the murder of an opposition journalist on April 7 and his funeral the next day. Meanwhile, Islamist propaganda had reached the troops of the Istanbul garrison through itinerant theological students. On April 10, the troops were forbidden to have contact with such men. In this atmosphere of tension, the garrison mutinied on the night of April 12/13 and almost succeeded in destroying the CUP. However, the mutiny was crushed, the Ittihad was proscribed, and some of its leaders, including Dervis Vahdeti, were hanged. Since then, the Ittihad-i Muhammadi and the events of 1909 have come to symbolize religious reaction in Turkish political life.
Muhammadan Union, political and religious organization founded by Hafiz Dervis Vahdeti , a Naqshbandi Sufi from Cyprus, via the newspaper Volkan in 1909 . Known for its role in the insurrection of April 1909 in Istanbul, which aimed to destroy the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP). It called for Islamic unity as the basis of the Ottoman state and opposed the reforms envisaged by the constitutional regime. The insurrection was crushed, the Ittihad was proscribed, and some of its leaders, including Vahdeti, were hanged. The Ittihad and events of 1909 have come to symbolize religious reaction in Turkish political life.
Ittihad-i Muhammedi Jem-iyyeti see Ittihad-i Muhammadi Cemiyeti
Muhammadan Union see Ittihad-i Muhammadi Cemiyeti
Ittihad we Teraqqi Jem‘iyyeti
Ittihad we Teraqqi Jem‘iyyeti. See Committee of Union and Progress.
Ittihad we Teraqqi Jem‘iyyeti. See Committee of Union and Progress.
Iyad ibn Musa
Iyad ibn Musa (Qadi Ayyad ibn Musa) (Qadi Iyad) (Abu al-Fadl Ayyad ibn Amr ibn Musa ibn Ayyad ibn Muhammad ibn Abdillah ibn Musa ibn Ayyad al-Yahsubi al-Sabti) (1083/1088 - 1149). Maliki scholar in the Muslim West. His existence coincided almost exactly with that of the Almoravid dynasty to whom throughout his life he remained inflexibly attached.
Qadi Ayyad ibn Musa was born in Gibraltar. He was the great imam of Ceuta and, later, a high judge (qadi) in Granada. He was one of the most famous scholars of Maliki law.
He headed a revolt against the coming of the Almohads to Ceuta, but lost and was banished to Tadla and later Marrakech. He was a pupil of Abu Abdillah ibn Isa, of Imam Abu Abdillah ibn Hamdin, of Abu al-Hassan ibn Siraj and of Imam Abu al-Walid Ibn Rushd.
Qadi Ayyad is also well known as one of the seven saints of Marrakech and is buried near Bab Aïlen. His main work is called Ash-Shifâ Bi-Ahwâl Al-Mustafâ (Healing by news of the chosen one). The University of Marrakech (Cadi Ayyad) was named after him.
Qadi Ayyad ibn Musa see Iyad ibn Musa
Qadi Iyad see Iyad ibn Musa
Abu al-Fadl Ayyad ibn Amr ibn Musa ibn Ayyad ibn Muhammad ibn Abdillah ibn Musa ibn Ayyad al-Yahsubi al-Sabti see Iyad ibn Musa
Iyad ibn Musa (Qadi Ayyad ibn Musa) (Qadi Iyad) (Abu al-Fadl Ayyad ibn Amr ibn Musa ibn Ayyad ibn Muhammad ibn Abdillah ibn Musa ibn Ayyad al-Yahsubi al-Sabti) (1083/1088 - 1149). Maliki scholar in the Muslim West. His existence coincided almost exactly with that of the Almoravid dynasty to whom throughout his life he remained inflexibly attached.
Qadi Ayyad ibn Musa was born in Gibraltar. He was the great imam of Ceuta and, later, a high judge (qadi) in Granada. He was one of the most famous scholars of Maliki law.
He headed a revolt against the coming of the Almohads to Ceuta, but lost and was banished to Tadla and later Marrakech. He was a pupil of Abu Abdillah ibn Isa, of Imam Abu Abdillah ibn Hamdin, of Abu al-Hassan ibn Siraj and of Imam Abu al-Walid Ibn Rushd.
Qadi Ayyad is also well known as one of the seven saints of Marrakech and is buried near Bab Aïlen. His main work is called Ash-Shifâ Bi-Ahwâl Al-Mustafâ (Healing by news of the chosen one). The University of Marrakech (Cadi Ayyad) was named after him.
Qadi Ayyad ibn Musa see Iyad ibn Musa
Qadi Iyad see Iyad ibn Musa
Abu al-Fadl Ayyad ibn Amr ibn Musa ibn Ayyad ibn Muhammad ibn Abdillah ibn Musa ibn Ayyad al-Yahsubi al-Sabti see Iyad ibn Musa
‘Izra‘il
‘Izra‘il (‘Azra‘il) Name of the angel of death. Along with Gabriel, Michael and Israfil, he is one of the four archangels.
In Islam, the angel of death. One of the four archangels (with Jibra'il, Mika'il, and Israfil), he is of cosmic size, with 4,000 wings and a body formed from innumerable eyes and tongues. He was the only angel brave enough to go down to earth and face Iblis in order to bring God the materials to create man. For this service, he was made the angel of death and given a register of all mankind, which lists the blessed and the damned.
'Azra'il see ‘Izra‘il
‘Izra‘il (‘Azra‘il) Name of the angel of death. Along with Gabriel, Michael and Israfil, he is one of the four archangels.
In Islam, the angel of death. One of the four archangels (with Jibra'il, Mika'il, and Israfil), he is of cosmic size, with 4,000 wings and a body formed from innumerable eyes and tongues. He was the only angel brave enough to go down to earth and face Iblis in order to bring God the materials to create man. For this service, he was made the angel of death and given a register of all mankind, which lists the blessed and the damned.
'Azra'il see ‘Izra‘il
‘Izzet Molla
‘Izzet Molla (1785-1829). Turkish poet. He was the last great representative of diwan poetry.
Molla, 'Izzet see ‘Izzet Molla
‘Izzet Molla (1785-1829). Turkish poet. He was the last great representative of diwan poetry.
Molla, 'Izzet see ‘Izzet Molla
‘Izzet Pasha
‘Izzet Pasha (Ahmed Izzet Furgac) (Ahmed Izzet Pasha) (1864-1937). Ottoman soldier and statesman. He was an aide to Colmar Baron von der Goltz-Pasha and, having served in Yemen, he became chief of the Ottoman general staff after the 1908 revolution. He was the Ottoman military delegate to the peace conferences at Brest Litovsk and Bucharest.
Ahmed İzzet Pasha was one of the last grand viziers of the Ottoman Empire, under the reign of the last Ottoman sultan Mehmed VI Vahdeddin, between October 14, 1918 and November 8, 1918.
Although his period of office was of short duration, he was notable by being the signatory of the Armistice of Mudros on behalf the Ottoman Empire on October 30, 1918, thus putting an end to the First World War for Turkey. He demissioned on 8 November 1918.
In 1921, he re-entered the cabinet under Ahmed Tewfiq Pasha as foreign minister and remained in that function until the dissolution of the sultan’s government in November 1922.
Ahmed Izzet Furgac see ‘Izzet Pasha
Furgac, Ahmed Izzet see ‘Izzet Pasha
Ahmed Izzet Pasha see ‘Izzet Pasha
Pasha, Ahmed Izzet see ‘Izzet Pasha
‘Izzet Pasha (Ahmed Izzet Furgac) (Ahmed Izzet Pasha) (1864-1937). Ottoman soldier and statesman. He was an aide to Colmar Baron von der Goltz-Pasha and, having served in Yemen, he became chief of the Ottoman general staff after the 1908 revolution. He was the Ottoman military delegate to the peace conferences at Brest Litovsk and Bucharest.
Ahmed İzzet Pasha was one of the last grand viziers of the Ottoman Empire, under the reign of the last Ottoman sultan Mehmed VI Vahdeddin, between October 14, 1918 and November 8, 1918.
Although his period of office was of short duration, he was notable by being the signatory of the Armistice of Mudros on behalf the Ottoman Empire on October 30, 1918, thus putting an end to the First World War for Turkey. He demissioned on 8 November 1918.
In 1921, he re-entered the cabinet under Ahmed Tewfiq Pasha as foreign minister and remained in that function until the dissolution of the sultan’s government in November 1922.
Ahmed Izzet Furgac see ‘Izzet Pasha
Furgac, Ahmed Izzet see ‘Izzet Pasha
Ahmed Izzet Pasha see ‘Izzet Pasha
Pasha, Ahmed Izzet see ‘Izzet Pasha
‘Izzi
‘Izzi (Suleyman Efendi) (d.1755). Ottoman official historiographer. His history covers the years from 1744 to 1752.
Suleyman Efendi see ‘Izzi
‘Izzi (Suleyman Efendi) (d.1755). Ottoman official historiographer. His history covers the years from 1744 to 1752.
Suleyman Efendi see ‘Izzi
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