‘Ababda
‘Ababda ('Ababde) (Gebadei). An Arabic-speaking tribe of Beja origin in Upper Egypt with branches in the northern Sudan. The 'Ababda are nomads living in the area between the Nile and the Red Sea, in the vicinity of Aswan in Egypt. They are a subgroup of the Beja people who are bilingual in Beja and Egyptian Arabic.
The 'Ababda extend from the Nile at Aswan to the Red Sea, and reach northward to the Qena-Quseir road, thus occupying the southern border of Egypt east of the Nile. They call themselves "sons of the Jinns." With some of the clans of the Bisharin and possibly the Hadendoa, they represent the Blemmyes of classic geographers, and their location today is almost identical with that assigned them in Roman times.
The 'Ababda were constantly at war with the Romans, who eventually conquered them. In the Middle Ages, they were known as Beja, and convoyed pilgrims from the Nile Valley to Aidhab, the port of embarkation for Jedda. From time immemorial, they have acted as guides to caravans through the Nubian desert and up the Nile Valley as far as Sennar.
The 'Ababda intermarried with the Nubians, and settled in small colonies at Shendi and elsewhere up to Muhammad 'Ali's conquest of the region in the early 19th century of the Christian calendar.
The 'Ababda claim Arab descent but certain wide spread customs are of Hamitic origin. The 'Ababda venerate Shaykh Abu’l-Hasan al-Shahili, whose tomb in the Atbai desert is a place of pilgrimage.
'Ababde see ‘Ababda
Gebadei see ‘Ababda
‘Ababda ('Ababde) (Gebadei). An Arabic-speaking tribe of Beja origin in Upper Egypt with branches in the northern Sudan. The 'Ababda are nomads living in the area between the Nile and the Red Sea, in the vicinity of Aswan in Egypt. They are a subgroup of the Beja people who are bilingual in Beja and Egyptian Arabic.
The 'Ababda extend from the Nile at Aswan to the Red Sea, and reach northward to the Qena-Quseir road, thus occupying the southern border of Egypt east of the Nile. They call themselves "sons of the Jinns." With some of the clans of the Bisharin and possibly the Hadendoa, they represent the Blemmyes of classic geographers, and their location today is almost identical with that assigned them in Roman times.
The 'Ababda were constantly at war with the Romans, who eventually conquered them. In the Middle Ages, they were known as Beja, and convoyed pilgrims from the Nile Valley to Aidhab, the port of embarkation for Jedda. From time immemorial, they have acted as guides to caravans through the Nubian desert and up the Nile Valley as far as Sennar.
The 'Ababda intermarried with the Nubians, and settled in small colonies at Shendi and elsewhere up to Muhammad 'Ali's conquest of the region in the early 19th century of the Christian calendar.
The 'Ababda claim Arab descent but certain wide spread customs are of Hamitic origin. The 'Ababda venerate Shaykh Abu’l-Hasan al-Shahili, whose tomb in the Atbai desert is a place of pilgrimage.
'Ababde see ‘Ababda
Gebadei see ‘Ababda
Abadi, Haider al-
Haider Jawad Kadhim al-Abadi (or Haider Jawad Kadhim al-'Ibadi; Arabic: حيدر جواد كاظم العبادي, b. April 25, 1952) is an Iraqi politician and the Prime Minister of Iraq. He was Minister of Communication from 2003 to 2004, in the first government after Saddam Hussein.
A Shia Muslim, al-Abadi was designated as Prime Minister by President Fuad Masum on August 11, 2014 to succeed Nouri al-Maliki and was approved by the Iraqi parliament on September 8, 2014.
Al-Abadi graduated high school in 1970 from Al-Idadiyah Al-Markaziyah in Baghdad. In 1975, he earned a bachelor's degree in Electrical Engineering from the University of Technology in Baghdad. In 1980, he earned a PhD degree in Electrical Engineering from the University of Manchester.
Al-Abadi joined the Dawa Party in 1967. His three brothers were arrested in 1980, 1981, and 1982 for belonging to the Dawa Party. In 1977 he became the chief of the party while studying in London. In 1979 al-Abadi became a member of the party's executive leadership. In 1983 the government confiscated al-Abadi's passport for conspiring against the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party -- Iraq Region.
Al-Abadi remained in the United Kingdom, in voluntary exile, until the 2003 invasion of Iraq. His positions during this time included:
- Director general of a small design and development firm in London specializing in high-technology vertical and horizontal transportation (1993–2003)
- Consultant, in London, in matters relating to transportation (1987–2003)
- Research leader for a major modernization contract in London (1981–1986)
Al-Abadi was awarded a grant from the Department of Trade and Industry in 1998. While working in London in 2001, al-Abadi registered a patent relating to rapid transit system.
In 2003, al-Abadi became skeptical of the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) privatization plan, proposing to Paul Bremer that they had to wait for a legitimate government to be formed. In October 2003, al-Abadi with all 25 of the interim Governing Council ministers protested to Paul Bremer and rejected the CPA's demand to privatize the state-owned companies and infrastructure prior to forming a legitimate government. The CPA, led by Bremer, fell out with al-Abadi and the Governing Council. The CPA worked around the Governing Council, forming a new government that remained beholden to the CPA to serve until the general elections, prompting more aggressive armed actions by insurgents against US-led coalition personnel.
While al-Abadi was Minister of Communications, the CPA awarded licenses to three mobile operators to cover all parts of Iraq. Despite being rendered nearly powerless by the CPA, al-Abadi was not prepared to be a rubber stamp and introduced more conditions for the licenses. Among them that a sovereign Iraqi government has the power to amend or terminate the licenses and introduce a fourth national license, which caused some friction with the CPA. In 2003, press reports indicated Iraqi officials were under investigation over a questionable deal involving Orascom, an Egypt-based telecoms company, which in late 2003 was awarded a contract to provide a mobile network to central Iraq. Al-Abadi asserted that there was no illicit dealing in the completed awards. In 2004, it was revealed that these allegations were fabrications, and a United States Defense Department review found that telecommunications contracting had been illegally influenced in an unsuccessful effort led by United States Deputy Undersecretary of Defense John A. Shaw and not by Iraqis.
Between January and December 2005, al-Abadi served as an adviser to the Prime Minister of Iraa in the first elected government.
Al-Abadi was elected a member of the Iraqi Parliament in the Iraqi parliamentary election, December 2005 and chaired the parliamentary committee for Economy, Investment and Reconstruction. Al-Abadi was re-elected in the Iraqi parliamentary election, 2010 as a member of the Iraqi Parliament representing Baghdad. In 2013, al-Abadi chaired the Finance Committee and was at the center of a parliamentary dispute over the allocation of the 2013 Iraqi budget.
Al-Abadi's name was circulated as a prime ministerial candidate during the formation of the Iraqi government in 2006 during which time Ibrahim al-Jaafari was replaced by Nouri al-Maliki as Prime Minister.
In 2008, al-Abadi remained steadfast in his support of Iraqi sovereignty, insisting on specific conditions to the agreement with the US regarding its presence in Iraq.
In 2009, al-Abadi was identified by the Middle East Economic Digest as a key person to watch in Iraq's reconstruction.
Al-Abadi is an active member of the Iraq Petroleum Advisory Committee, participating in the Iraq Petroleum Conferences of 2009–2012 organized by Nawar Abdulhadi and Phillip Clarke of The CWC Group .
Al-Abadi was one of several Iraqi politicians supporting a suit against Blackwater as a result of the 2010 dismissal of criminal charges against Blackwater personnel involved in the 2007 killing of 17 Iraqi civilians.
Al-Abadi was again tipped as a possible Prime Minister during the tough negotiations between Iraqi political blocs after the elections of 2010 to choose a replacement to incumbent Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. Again in 2014, al-Abadi was nominated by Shia political parties as an alternative candidate for Prime Minister.
On July 24, 2014, Fuad Masum became the new president of Iraq. He, in turn, nominated al-Abadi for prime minister on August 11. For the appointment to take effect, al-Abadi was required to form a government to be confirmed by Parliament within 30 days. Al-Maliki, however, refused to give up his post and referred the matter to the federal court claiming the president's nomination was a constitutional violation. On August 14, 2014, in the face of growing calls from world leaders and members of his own party, the embattled Prime Minister announced he was stepping down to make way for al-Abadi.
The Iraqi Parliament approved al-Abadi's new government and his presidential program on September 8, 2014.
Abangan
Abangan. The term "abangan" literally means “brown (or red) ones”. Abangan is a Javanese term used to describe those Javanese who are only nominally committed to Islam, the dominant religion of Indonesia. They are generally unconcerned about the formal ritual obligations of Islam (reciting five daily prayers, keeping a month long fast, giving alms, etc.) and are culturally committed to pre-Islamic Javanese art forms, such as wayang (shadow theater), and to local religious ideas (adat).
In the early twentieth century, the Dutch amalgamation of peasant villages often placed strict Muslims (santri) and nominal Muslims (abangan) under a single administration. Social tensions between the two populations were heightened by the santri community’s pressures for religious orthodoxy. These tensions were exploited by Indonesian nationalists, who embraced the abangan as a counter-balance to Islamic political pretensions.
Sukarno (1901-1970), the first president of Indonesia (1949-1967), was particularly adept as a spokesman for the abangan community. The Indonesian Communist Party (Partai Komunis Indonesia - "PKI"), rather than emphasizing the theoretical doctrines of Marx and Lenin, drew most of its membership from among the Javanese abangan community by promising a return to a great pre-Dutch and pre-Islamic egalitarian age.
Brown Ones see Abangan.
Red Ones see Abangan.
Abangan. The term "abangan" literally means “brown (or red) ones”. Abangan is a Javanese term used to describe those Javanese who are only nominally committed to Islam, the dominant religion of Indonesia. They are generally unconcerned about the formal ritual obligations of Islam (reciting five daily prayers, keeping a month long fast, giving alms, etc.) and are culturally committed to pre-Islamic Javanese art forms, such as wayang (shadow theater), and to local religious ideas (adat).
In the early twentieth century, the Dutch amalgamation of peasant villages often placed strict Muslims (santri) and nominal Muslims (abangan) under a single administration. Social tensions between the two populations were heightened by the santri community’s pressures for religious orthodoxy. These tensions were exploited by Indonesian nationalists, who embraced the abangan as a counter-balance to Islamic political pretensions.
Sukarno (1901-1970), the first president of Indonesia (1949-1967), was particularly adept as a spokesman for the abangan community. The Indonesian Communist Party (Partai Komunis Indonesia - "PKI"), rather than emphasizing the theoretical doctrines of Marx and Lenin, drew most of its membership from among the Javanese abangan community by promising a return to a great pre-Dutch and pre-Islamic egalitarian age.
Brown Ones see Abangan.
Red Ones see Abangan.
Aban ibn 'Abd al-Hamid al-Lahiqi al-Raqashi
Aban ibn 'Abd al-Hamid al-Lahiqi al-Raqashi (d. 815) was an Arabic poet in Baghdad. He was a court poet of the Barmakids who wrote panegyrics in praise of the ‘Abbasid Caliph Harun al-Rashid and versified popular stories of Indian and Persian origin.
Aban ibn 'Abd al-Hamid al-Lahiqi al-Raqashi (d. 815) was an Arabic poet in Baghdad. He was a court poet of the Barmakids who wrote panegyrics in praise of the ‘Abbasid Caliph Harun al-Rashid and versified popular stories of Indian and Persian origin.
Alternative names include:
Aban ibn 'Abd al-Hamid al-Lahiqi al-Raqashi
Al-Raqashi
Raqashi, al-
Raqashi, Aban ibn 'Abd al-Hamid al-Lahiqi al-
Abatcha, Ibrahim
Ibrahim Abatcha (1938 – February 11, 1968) was a Muslim Chadian politician reputed of Marxist leanings and associations. His political activity started during the decolonization process of Chad from France, but after the country's independence he was forced to go into exile due to the increasing authoritarinism of the country's first President Francois Tombalbaye. To overthrow Tombalbaye he founded in Sudan in 1966 the FROLINAT, of which he was the first leader and field commander. Two years later he was killed in a clash with the Chadian Army.
Originally from Borno (a province of the British colony of Nigeria), Abatcha was born into a family with a Muslim background in the French colony of Chad at Fort-Lamy (today N'Djamena) in 1938, and learned to speak French, English and Chadian Arabic, but not to write Classical Arabic, as he did not study in a Qur'anic school. He found work as a clerk in the colonial administration and became a militant trade unionist.
Abatcha entered politics in 1958, becoming a prominent figure in the new radical Chadian National Union (UNT), mainly a split from the African Socialist Movement (MSA) by promoters of the No-vote in the referendum on Chad's entry into the French Community. The party's followers were all Muslims, and advocated Pan-Africanism and socialism. Towards the end of the colonial rule, Abatcha was jailed for a year either for his political activities or for mismanagement in the performance of his duties.
After independence in 1960, Abatcha and his party staunchly opposed the rule of President Francois Tombalbaye, and the UNT was banned with all other opposition parties on January 19, 1962. After that Abatcha was briefly imprisoned by the new Chadian government.
After his release, the UNT cadres decided that if the political situation in Chad became too unbearable to allow the party to survive, it would be wise to send out of the country some party members so that the organization would in any case maintain its existence. Thus Abatcha, who held the position of second adjutant secretary-general of the UNT, was sent in 1963 to Accra, Ghana, where he was later joined by UNT members Aboubakar Djalabo and Mahamat Ali Taher. By going into exile, the UNT members meant also to ensure their personal safety and organize abroad an armed revolt in Chad. As part of the means to preserve the unity of the movement, Abatcha wrote for the UNT a policy statement; this draft was to be the core of the official program of the FROLINAT.
Abatcha led the typical life of the Third World dissident in search of support in foreign capitals, first residing in Accra, Ghana, where he received his first military training and made friends among members of the Union of the Peoples of Cameroon that had found asylum there. The Cameroonians helped him attend conferences organized by international Communist groups.
After leaving Accra in 1965, Abatcha started traveling to other African capitals always seeking support for his project of beginning an insurgency against Tombalbaye. The first capital he reached in 1965 was Algiers, where the UNT had already a representative, probably Djalabo. His attempts were unsuccessful, as were those made from there to persuade the Chadian students in France to join him in his fight. From Algiers, he traveled to Cairo, where a small secret committee of anti-government Chadian students of the Al-Azhar University had formed. The students in Cairo had developed a strong political sensitivity because they had come to resent that the degrees obtained by them in Arab countries were of no use in Chad, as French was the only official language. Among these students, Abatcha recruited his first supporters, and with the help of the UPC Cameroonian exiles contacted the North Korean embassy in Egypt, which offered him a military stage. Seven Cairo students volunteered, leaving Egypt in June 1965 and returning in October; these were to be with Abatcha the first military cadres of the rebels. Abatcha with his "Koreans" went then to Sudan in October 1965.
Once in Sudan, Abatcha found fertile ground for further recruitment, as many Chadian refugees lived there. Abatcha was also able to enroll in his movement former Sudanese soldiers, including a few officers, of whom the most distinguished was to become Hadjaro Senoussi. He also contacted Mohamed Baghlani, who was in communication with the first Chadian insurgents already active in Chad, and with the insurgent group Liberation Front of Chad (FLT).
A merger was negotiated during the congress at Nyala between June 19 and June 22, 1966 in which the UNT and another rebel force, the Liberation Front of Chad (FLT) combined, giving birth to the FROLINAT, whose first secretary-general was agreed to be Abatcha. The two groups were ideologically ill-fitted, as they combined the radicalism of the UNT and the Muslim beliefs of the FLT. FLT's president, Ahmed Hassan Musa, missed the conference because he was imprisoned in Khartoum; Musa suspected with some reason that Abatcha had deliberately chosen the moment of his incarceration to organize the conference due to his fear of FLT's numerical superiority over the UNT. As a result, once freed Musa broke with the FROLINAT, the first of many splits that were to plague the history of the organization. Thus Abatcha had to face from the beginning a level of considerable internal strife, with the opposition guided by the anti-communist Mohamed Baghlani.
The unity was stronger on the field, with Abatcha and his so-called Koreans passing to Eastern Chad in mid-1966 to fight the government, and El Hadj Issaka assuming the role of his chief-of-staff. While his maquis were badly trained and equipped, they were able to commit some hit-and-run attacks against the Chadian army, mainly in Ouaddai, but also in Guera and Salamat. The rebels also toured the villages, indoctrinating the people on the future revolution and exhorting youths to join the FROLINAT forces.
The following year Abatcha expanded his range and number of operations, officially claiming in his dispatches 32 actions, involving prefectures previously untouched by the rebellion, that is Moyen-Chari and Kanem. Mainly due to Abatcha's qualities as both secretary-general and field-commander, what had started in 1965 as a peasant uprising was becoming a revolutionary movement.
On January 20, 1968 Abatcha's men killed on the Goz Beida-Abéché road a Spanish veterinarian and a French doctor, while they took hostage a French nurse. Abatcha disavowed this action and ordered his men to free the nurse. However, due to these actions, on February 11, Abatcha was tracked down by the Chadian army and killed in a clash.
Abatcha's death was the end of an important phase in the history of the FROLINAT and more generally of the rebellion. Abatcha had been the one generally acceptable leader of the insurrection. After him, the FROLINAT was more and more divided by inner rivalries, making it more difficult to provide the insurgents with a coherent organization.
Abazians
Abazians. Ethnic group living in the northern Caucasus, in the upper basin of the Kuban and Zelenchuk Rivers. The Abazians adopted Sunni Islam of the Hanafi school in the fifteenth century of the Christian calendar.
Abazians. Ethnic group living in the northern Caucasus, in the upper basin of the Kuban and Zelenchuk Rivers. The Abazians adopted Sunni Islam of the Hanafi school in the fifteenth century of the Christian calendar.
Abbad ibn Bishr
Abbad ibn Bishr (c.606–632) was one of the Sahaba, one of the companions of the Prophet Muhammad. He was known for his devotion to worship, knowledge and courage in battle.
Abbad was enthralled by the Qur'an after first hearing it recited by Musab ibn Umayr before the hijra when Abbad was about fifteen years old. The Qur'an had a special place in his heart, and he became renowned for his recitation so much so that he was known among the companions as the friend of the Qur'an. Muhammad's wife Aishah bint Abi Bakr once said: "There are three persons among the Ansar whom no one could excel in virtue: Sad ibn Muadh, Usayd ibn Khudayr, and Abbad ibn Bishr."
In 625, Muhammad received news that the Najd tribes were planning to attack Medina. In preemption, he assembled a detachment of over four hundred men including Abbad ibn Bishr. Arriving at Najd, they found the men of the tribes had fled to the hills. When the time of salatul asr came, Muhammad feared an ambush so he arranged the Muslims in ranks and divided them into two groups and performed salatul-khawf (the Prayer of Fear). Seeing their disciplined ranks, the hostile tribesmen became uneasy. After Muhammad made his presence known, he felt a conflict was unnecessary and decided to depart. On the way back to Medina, the Muslims pitched camp in a valley for a night. The responsibility of guarding the camp was assumed by Abbad ibn Bishr and Ammar bin Yasir, whom Muhammad had paired as brothers following his arrival in Medina.
After reaching the mouth of the valley, Abbad noticed that his brother was tired and volunteered to keep watch for the first half of the night and allow him to rest. Since there appeared to be no imposing threats, Abbad stood up for prayer. While absorbed in recitation, a stranger stalked the outskirts of the valley in search of Muhammad and his followers. He was among those who had planned to attack Muhammad, but fled into the mountains.
From a distance, the man saw the figure of Abbad and knew the Muslim force must be inside the valley. Silently he drew his bow, and fired an arrow which embedded itself in Abbad's flesh. Calmly, Abbad removed the arrow and went on with his recitation, still absorbed in his Salat. The attacker shot two more arrows, which also found their mark. Abbad pulled them out and finished his recitation. Weak and in pain, he stretched out his hand while still in prostration and shook his sleeping companion. Abbad continued the prayer to its end and then said: "Get up and stand guard in my place. I have been wounded."
Ammar stood up, and seeing them both, the attacker fled into the darkness. Ammar turned to Abbad, blood flowing from his wounds, and asked "Why didn't you wake me when you were hit by the first arrow?"
Abbad replied "I was reciting verses of the Qur'an which filled my soul with awe and I did not want to cut short the recitation. Muhammad had commanded me to commit this surah to memory. Death would have been dearer to me than that the recitation of this surah should be interrupted."
Abbad was killed fighting the forces of Musailma at the battle of Yamamah in 632. Before the battle, Abbad observed the lack of mutual confidence between the Muhajirin and the Ansar, realized the campaign would fail unless they were separately regimented, and distinguished those who bore their responsibility and were steadfast in combat. When the battle commenced, Abbad ibn Bishr stood on a mound and shouted:
"O Ansar, distinguish yourselves among men. Destroy your scabbards. And do not forsake Islam."
Abbad gathered about four hundred men from the Ansar and launched an offensive into the enemy ranks, forcing their retreat to the garden of death, where Abbad ibn Bishr was mortally wounded. Although the battle was a victory for the Muslims, twelve hundred of their force were killed. So numerous were Abbad’s wounds, that he was hardly recognizable. Although he passed at a young age, Abbad contributed much to the strength of the early Muslim community, and his life and martyrdom continue to inspire followers of Islam the world over.
Alternative names include:
Abbad ibn Bishr
Ibn Bishr
Ibn Bishr, AbbadAbbad was enthralled by the Qur'an after first hearing it recited by Musab ibn Umayr before the hijra when Abbad was about fifteen years old. The Qur'an had a special place in his heart, and he became renowned for his recitation so much so that he was known among the companions as the friend of the Qur'an. Muhammad's wife Aishah bint Abi Bakr once said: "There are three persons among the Ansar whom no one could excel in virtue: Sad ibn Muadh, Usayd ibn Khudayr, and Abbad ibn Bishr."
In 625, Muhammad received news that the Najd tribes were planning to attack Medina. In preemption, he assembled a detachment of over four hundred men including Abbad ibn Bishr. Arriving at Najd, they found the men of the tribes had fled to the hills. When the time of salatul asr came, Muhammad feared an ambush so he arranged the Muslims in ranks and divided them into two groups and performed salatul-khawf (the Prayer of Fear). Seeing their disciplined ranks, the hostile tribesmen became uneasy. After Muhammad made his presence known, he felt a conflict was unnecessary and decided to depart. On the way back to Medina, the Muslims pitched camp in a valley for a night. The responsibility of guarding the camp was assumed by Abbad ibn Bishr and Ammar bin Yasir, whom Muhammad had paired as brothers following his arrival in Medina.
After reaching the mouth of the valley, Abbad noticed that his brother was tired and volunteered to keep watch for the first half of the night and allow him to rest. Since there appeared to be no imposing threats, Abbad stood up for prayer. While absorbed in recitation, a stranger stalked the outskirts of the valley in search of Muhammad and his followers. He was among those who had planned to attack Muhammad, but fled into the mountains.
From a distance, the man saw the figure of Abbad and knew the Muslim force must be inside the valley. Silently he drew his bow, and fired an arrow which embedded itself in Abbad's flesh. Calmly, Abbad removed the arrow and went on with his recitation, still absorbed in his Salat. The attacker shot two more arrows, which also found their mark. Abbad pulled them out and finished his recitation. Weak and in pain, he stretched out his hand while still in prostration and shook his sleeping companion. Abbad continued the prayer to its end and then said: "Get up and stand guard in my place. I have been wounded."
Ammar stood up, and seeing them both, the attacker fled into the darkness. Ammar turned to Abbad, blood flowing from his wounds, and asked "Why didn't you wake me when you were hit by the first arrow?"
Abbad replied "I was reciting verses of the Qur'an which filled my soul with awe and I did not want to cut short the recitation. Muhammad had commanded me to commit this surah to memory. Death would have been dearer to me than that the recitation of this surah should be interrupted."
Abbad was killed fighting the forces of Musailma at the battle of Yamamah in 632. Before the battle, Abbad observed the lack of mutual confidence between the Muhajirin and the Ansar, realized the campaign would fail unless they were separately regimented, and distinguished those who bore their responsibility and were steadfast in combat. When the battle commenced, Abbad ibn Bishr stood on a mound and shouted:
"O Ansar, distinguish yourselves among men. Destroy your scabbards. And do not forsake Islam."
Abbad gathered about four hundred men from the Ansar and launched an offensive into the enemy ranks, forcing their retreat to the garden of death, where Abbad ibn Bishr was mortally wounded. Although the battle was a victory for the Muslims, twelve hundred of their force were killed. So numerous were Abbad’s wounds, that he was hardly recognizable. Although he passed at a young age, Abbad contributed much to the strength of the early Muslim community, and his life and martyrdom continue to inspire followers of Islam the world over.
Alternative names include:
Abbad ibn Bishr
Ibn Bishr
‘Abbad ibn Sulayman al-Saymari
‘Abbad ibn Sulayman al-Saymari, also known as "al-Daymari", (d.c.864) was a Mu‘tazili from Basra who emphasized the difference between God (“the other”) and man.
Alternative names include:
'Abbad ibn Sulayman al-Daymari
'Abbad ibn Sulayman al-Saymari
Al-Daymari
Al-Saymari
Daymari, al-
Daymari, 'Abbad ibn Sulayman al-
Saymari, al-
Saymari, 'Abbad ibn Sulayman al-
‘Abbad ibn Sulayman al-Saymari, also known as "al-Daymari", (d.c.864) was a Mu‘tazili from Basra who emphasized the difference between God (“the other”) and man.
Alternative names include:
'Abbad ibn Sulayman al-Daymari
'Abbad ibn Sulayman al-Saymari
Al-Daymari
Al-Saymari
Daymari, al-
Daymari, 'Abbad ibn Sulayman al-
Saymari, al-
Saymari, 'Abbad ibn Sulayman al-
'Abbadids
'Abbadids. Dynasty of kings (in Spanish the "reyes de taifas") of Seville. The Banu 'Abbad was a Hispano-Arab dynasty tracing their descent from the ancient Arab Lakhmids. The 'Abbadids were noted for the cultural brilliance of their court.
In power from 1023 to 1091 (an age known in Arabic as the "Muluk al-Tawa’if"), the dynasty included three succeeding rulers, the first of whom was 'Abbad ibn Muhammad (r.1023-1042), a qadi (magistrate) who governed behind the screen of a puppet caliph. Following the downfall of the caliphate of Cordoba, the qadi of Seville, 'Abbad ibn Muhammad seized power in Seville, initially in the name of the Hammudids. Such pretense was dropped by his son, 'Abbad al-Mutadid (r.1042-1068), who reigned openly and conquered several adjacent petty kingdoms.
A poet, 'Abbad al-Mutadid was also a patron of the arts and kept a lavish court. In matters of extravagance, however, 'Abbad al-Mutadid (Abu Amri al-Mutadid/al-Mu'tadid bi'llah) was eclipsed by his son, 'Abbad al-Mutamid (Muhammad al-Mutamid/al-Mu'tamid ibn 'Abbad) (r.1068-1091), who made Seville the outstanding center of Muslim culture. Major patrons of the arts and science, Seville grew under al-Mutadid and al-Mutamid to be the center of the refined culture of the taifa kingdom and the most powerful state. Large parts of al-Andalus (Spain) came under their authority: Huelva in 1052, Algeciras in 1058, and Cordoba from 1069 to 1078.
Having added Cordoba to his realm early in his reign, al-Mutamid later sought help from the Almoravids against Alfonso I of Castile, who was spearheading the Christian reconquest of Spain. Al-Mutamid was the driving force behind the appeal for help that was made to the Almoravids following the Christian capture of Toledo in 1085.
Reinforced by the Almoravids, al-Mutamid defeated Alfonso I in 1086. However, his vacillation between 1089 and 1090 led to the conquest of al-Andalus by the Almoravids, al-Mutamid's former allies. In 1091, the Almoravids returned to Seville uninvited and deposed al-Mutamid. Al-Mutamid died destitute in Morocco four years later.
Reyes de Taifas see 'Abbadids.
Banu 'Abbad see 'Abbadids.
'Abbadids. Dynasty of kings (in Spanish the "reyes de taifas") of Seville. The Banu 'Abbad was a Hispano-Arab dynasty tracing their descent from the ancient Arab Lakhmids. The 'Abbadids were noted for the cultural brilliance of their court.
In power from 1023 to 1091 (an age known in Arabic as the "Muluk al-Tawa’if"), the dynasty included three succeeding rulers, the first of whom was 'Abbad ibn Muhammad (r.1023-1042), a qadi (magistrate) who governed behind the screen of a puppet caliph. Following the downfall of the caliphate of Cordoba, the qadi of Seville, 'Abbad ibn Muhammad seized power in Seville, initially in the name of the Hammudids. Such pretense was dropped by his son, 'Abbad al-Mutadid (r.1042-1068), who reigned openly and conquered several adjacent petty kingdoms.
A poet, 'Abbad al-Mutadid was also a patron of the arts and kept a lavish court. In matters of extravagance, however, 'Abbad al-Mutadid (Abu Amri al-Mutadid/al-Mu'tadid bi'llah) was eclipsed by his son, 'Abbad al-Mutamid (Muhammad al-Mutamid/al-Mu'tamid ibn 'Abbad) (r.1068-1091), who made Seville the outstanding center of Muslim culture. Major patrons of the arts and science, Seville grew under al-Mutadid and al-Mutamid to be the center of the refined culture of the taifa kingdom and the most powerful state. Large parts of al-Andalus (Spain) came under their authority: Huelva in 1052, Algeciras in 1058, and Cordoba from 1069 to 1078.
Having added Cordoba to his realm early in his reign, al-Mutamid later sought help from the Almoravids against Alfonso I of Castile, who was spearheading the Christian reconquest of Spain. Al-Mutamid was the driving force behind the appeal for help that was made to the Almoravids following the Christian capture of Toledo in 1085.
Reinforced by the Almoravids, al-Mutamid defeated Alfonso I in 1086. However, his vacillation between 1089 and 1090 led to the conquest of al-Andalus by the Almoravids, al-Mutamid's former allies. In 1091, the Almoravids returned to Seville uninvited and deposed al-Mutamid. Al-Mutamid died destitute in Morocco four years later.
Reyes de Taifas see 'Abbadids.
Banu 'Abbad see 'Abbadids.
Abbadi, Mostafa el-
Mostafa el-Abbadi (b. October 10, 1928, Cairo, Egypt - d. February 13, 2017, Alexandria, Egypt) was a prominent historian of Greco-Roman Egypt and an Egyptian public intellectual. Formerly the Emeritus Professor in Classics at the Alexandria University, he is credited with proposing the revival of the ancient library of Alexandria, a project embraced by UNESCO in 1986 and completed in 2003. He was later critical of some of aspects of the project as realized by the Egyptian government, telling the New York Times that the library was at risk of becoming "a cultural center" rather than fulfilling its "promise as a world-class research center."
A recipient of the Order of the Nile, El-Abbadi was a member of Egypt's Supreme Council of Culture (SCC), Supreme Council of Antiquities (SCA), and l'Institut d'Egypte. He also served as President of the Archaeological Society of Alexandria and was an advisor to UNESCO. Educated in Egypt and the United Kingdom, El-Abbadi received a bachelor's degree from Alexandria University and a special bachelor's degree and doctorate from the University of Cambridge. He also held an honorary doctorate from the Universite du Quebec a Montreal (UQAM).
'Abbas
'Abbas (al-'Abbas ibn al-Muttalib) (c.566-653). Paternal uncle of the Prophet Muhammad and of the fourth caliph, 'Ali. A rich merchant of Mecca, 'Abbas initially fought against Islam but was converted in 629. Thereafter, 'Abbas staunchly supported Islam with money and arms. 'Abbas accompanied the Prophet on the Prophet’s march on Mecca in 630. 'Abbas was the forebear of the 'Abbasid dynasty of caliphs.
'Abbas ibn al-Muttalib, al- see 'Abbas
'Abbas (al-'Abbas ibn al-Muttalib) (c.566-653). Paternal uncle of the Prophet Muhammad and of the fourth caliph, 'Ali. A rich merchant of Mecca, 'Abbas initially fought against Islam but was converted in 629. Thereafter, 'Abbas staunchly supported Islam with money and arms. 'Abbas accompanied the Prophet on the Prophet’s march on Mecca in 630. 'Abbas was the forebear of the 'Abbasid dynasty of caliphs.
'Abbas ibn al-Muttalib, al- see 'Abbas
'Abbas I
'Abbas I (Shah 'Abbas I) (1571-1629). Sometimes called 'Abbas the Great. 'Abbas I was the Safavid ruler (the Safavid Shah) of Persia (Iran) from 1587-1629. He began his rule by ceding lands to the Uzbeks and the Ottomans in order to gain time to create a standing army. Beginning in 1587, however, he won back all the ceded territory and by 1623 ruled over an empire extending from the Tigris to the Indus River.
‘Abbas began his conquests and re-conquests by enforcing his authority over the Qizil-Bash (Kizilbash) amirs with the help of a cavalry corps created from Georgian prisoners. He also recruited a standing army of some 37,000 men. Having pacified the provinces of Iraq, Fars, Kirman, and Luristan, and subjugated the rulers of Gilan and Mazandaran, ‘Abbas I defeated the Uzbeks (Ozbegs) in 1598 and the Ottomans in 1605. It was from the Ottomans that ‘Abbas obtained Baghdad in 1623.
‘Abbas annexed Bahrain in 1601; conquered Shirvan in 1607; and seized Hormuz from the Portuguese in 1620. Additionally, bitter wars were fought with the Georgians.
‘Abbas maintained diplomatic contacts with European countries, with Mughal India, and with the princes of Muscovy and the Tatar khans of the Crimea. He also admitted foreign Christian monastic orders, had roads, bridges, and caravanserais constructed, and built mosques, palaces and gardens at Isfahan (the new Persian capital after 1597), at Kazbin, at Ashraf, and at Farahabad on the Caspian Sea.
A superb administrator, 'Abbas encouraged commerce and industry. He maintained a lavish court and was a patron of the arts, which flourished during his reign as never before. A zealous builder, 'Abbas I essentially reconstructed Isfahan which he made his capital. Today, many of Isfahan’s greatest architectural edifices date from the time of 'Abbas the Great.
Shah 'Abbas I see 'Abbas I
'Abbas the Great see 'Abbas I
'Abbas I (Shah 'Abbas I) (1571-1629). Sometimes called 'Abbas the Great. 'Abbas I was the Safavid ruler (the Safavid Shah) of Persia (Iran) from 1587-1629. He began his rule by ceding lands to the Uzbeks and the Ottomans in order to gain time to create a standing army. Beginning in 1587, however, he won back all the ceded territory and by 1623 ruled over an empire extending from the Tigris to the Indus River.
‘Abbas began his conquests and re-conquests by enforcing his authority over the Qizil-Bash (Kizilbash) amirs with the help of a cavalry corps created from Georgian prisoners. He also recruited a standing army of some 37,000 men. Having pacified the provinces of Iraq, Fars, Kirman, and Luristan, and subjugated the rulers of Gilan and Mazandaran, ‘Abbas I defeated the Uzbeks (Ozbegs) in 1598 and the Ottomans in 1605. It was from the Ottomans that ‘Abbas obtained Baghdad in 1623.
‘Abbas annexed Bahrain in 1601; conquered Shirvan in 1607; and seized Hormuz from the Portuguese in 1620. Additionally, bitter wars were fought with the Georgians.
‘Abbas maintained diplomatic contacts with European countries, with Mughal India, and with the princes of Muscovy and the Tatar khans of the Crimea. He also admitted foreign Christian monastic orders, had roads, bridges, and caravanserais constructed, and built mosques, palaces and gardens at Isfahan (the new Persian capital after 1597), at Kazbin, at Ashraf, and at Farahabad on the Caspian Sea.
A superb administrator, 'Abbas encouraged commerce and industry. He maintained a lavish court and was a patron of the arts, which flourished during his reign as never before. A zealous builder, 'Abbas I essentially reconstructed Isfahan which he made his capital. Today, many of Isfahan’s greatest architectural edifices date from the time of 'Abbas the Great.
Shah 'Abbas I see 'Abbas I
'Abbas the Great see 'Abbas I
'Abbas I
'Abbas I ('Abbas Hilmi I) (1812-1854). Pasha (viceroy) of Egypt from 1849-1854. Born on July 1, 1812, 'Abbas I was the grandson of pasha Muhammad 'Ali. In 1848, on the death of his uncle, Ibrahim Pasha, 'Abbas became regent of Egypt. He became pasha in the following year. Most of the domestic reforms accomplished by Muhammad 'Ali were undone during the reign of ‘Abbas. ‘Abbas I showed great hostility to foreigners and considered previous reforms as blameworthy innovations. As a result, French influence declined in Egypt. Great Britain offered its support in Egypt’s conflict with the Ottoman government regarding the Reforms ( the Tanzimat-i Khayriyye). In the end, 'Abbas was murdered by his slaves. He was succeeded by his uncle Muhammad Sa‘id.
'Abbas Hilmi I see 'Abbas I
Hilmi, 'Abbas see 'Abbas I
'Abbas Hilmi see 'Abbas I
'Abbas I ('Abbas Hilmi I) (1812-1854). Pasha (viceroy) of Egypt from 1849-1854. Born on July 1, 1812, 'Abbas I was the grandson of pasha Muhammad 'Ali. In 1848, on the death of his uncle, Ibrahim Pasha, 'Abbas became regent of Egypt. He became pasha in the following year. Most of the domestic reforms accomplished by Muhammad 'Ali were undone during the reign of ‘Abbas. ‘Abbas I showed great hostility to foreigners and considered previous reforms as blameworthy innovations. As a result, French influence declined in Egypt. Great Britain offered its support in Egypt’s conflict with the Ottoman government regarding the Reforms ( the Tanzimat-i Khayriyye). In the end, 'Abbas was murdered by his slaves. He was succeeded by his uncle Muhammad Sa‘id.
'Abbas Hilmi I see 'Abbas I
Hilmi, 'Abbas see 'Abbas I
'Abbas Hilmi see 'Abbas I
'Abbas II
'Abbas II ('Abbas Hilmi Pasha) (1874-1944). Last khedive (Turkish viceroy) of Egypt. He succeeded his father Muhammad Tawfik Pasha (1852-1892) to the throne of Egypt in 1892. During the early years of his reign he opposed British interference in Egyptian affairs. Specifically, Abbas II came into conflict with first Lord Cromer and later with Lord Kitchener. After 1900, however, Abbas II was compelled to cooperate with progressive measures instituted by the British resident at Cairo. During the reign of Abbas II, Egypt reconquered the Sudan (in 1898); the railway to Khartoum, Sudan, was completed (in 1899), as was the first Aswan Dam (in 1902). Abbas II supported the Ottoman Turks in World War I and was deposed in December 1914, when Great Britain established a protectorate over Egypt.
'Abbas Hilmi Pasha see 'Abbas II
'Abbas II ('Abbas Hilmi Pasha) (1874-1944). Last khedive (Turkish viceroy) of Egypt. He succeeded his father Muhammad Tawfik Pasha (1852-1892) to the throne of Egypt in 1892. During the early years of his reign he opposed British interference in Egyptian affairs. Specifically, Abbas II came into conflict with first Lord Cromer and later with Lord Kitchener. After 1900, however, Abbas II was compelled to cooperate with progressive measures instituted by the British resident at Cairo. During the reign of Abbas II, Egypt reconquered the Sudan (in 1898); the railway to Khartoum, Sudan, was completed (in 1899), as was the first Aswan Dam (in 1902). Abbas II supported the Ottoman Turks in World War I and was deposed in December 1914, when Great Britain established a protectorate over Egypt.
'Abbas Hilmi Pasha see 'Abbas II
‘Abbasa
‘Abbasa. Daughter of the ‘Abbasid caliph al-Mahdi and the sister of the caliphs Harun al-Rashid and al-Hadi. Her name is connected with the fall of the Barmakids in 803 C.C., because of her alleged love affair.
The Barmakids were a Persian family that had become very powerful during the caliphate of al-Mahdi. Yahya, the vizier of Harun al-Rashid, had aided Harun al-Rashid in obtaining the caliphate. Yahya and his sons were in high favor until 803 when the caliph threw them in prison and confiscated their land. Many reasons are given for this punitive action. Yahya's entering Harun's presence without Harun's permission; Yahya's opposition to Muhammad ibn al-Layth who later gained Harun's favor; and the Barmakid's ostentatious display of their wealth are said to be the cause of Harun's action. However, the reason which has intrigue writers and storytellers for ages is the alleged romantic relationship between Jafar, the son of Yahya, and Harun's sister, 'Abbasa.
As the story goes, Jafar, was the constant companion of Harun. Harun was also very fond of his sister, 'Abbasa, and loved to have both her and Jafar around at times of recreation. However, Muslim etiquette forbade their common presence. To circumvent the rules of etiquette, Harun had a marriage ceremony performed between 'Abbasa and Jafar, but only with the understanding that the ceremony was purely nominal and that 'Abbasa and Jafar were not to become intimately involved. Unfortunately, the heart of 'Abbasa ignored the ban. She fell in love with Jafar and became infatuated with him. One night she entered Jafar's bedroom in the darkness, masquerading as one of his slave girls. She seduced Jafar and had sex with him.
From this union, a child was conceived. 'Abbasa secretly gave birth to the child and the child was sent by 'Abbasa to Mecca. However, a maid, after quarreling with her mistress, disclosed the scandal. Harun, while on a pilgrimage in Mecca, heard the story and became enraged. Upon his return to Baghdad, Harun had Jafar executed, his body cut in two, and impaled on either side of the bridge. Harun also had Jafar's father (Yahya) and brother (al-Fadl) cast into prison. Jafar's body stayed impaled for three years until when Harun happened to pass through Baghdad from the East, saw the body, and gave the command for the remains to be taken down and burned.
This story is discounted by modern scholars, but it has become part of the legend of the court of Harun al-Rashid.
Abbas Attar (Persian: عباس; full name: عباس عطار ʿAbbās ʿAṭṭār; b. March 29,1944, Khash, Sistan and Baluchestan Province, Iran – d. April 25, 2018, Paris, France), better known by his mononym Abbas, was an Iranian photographer known for his photojournalism in Biafra, Vietnam and South Africa in the 1970s, and for his extensive essays on religions in later years. He was a member of Sipa Press from 1971 to 1973, a member of Gamma from 1974 to 1980, and joined Magnum Photos in 1981.
‘Abbasa. Daughter of the ‘Abbasid caliph al-Mahdi and the sister of the caliphs Harun al-Rashid and al-Hadi. Her name is connected with the fall of the Barmakids in 803 C.C., because of her alleged love affair.
The Barmakids were a Persian family that had become very powerful during the caliphate of al-Mahdi. Yahya, the vizier of Harun al-Rashid, had aided Harun al-Rashid in obtaining the caliphate. Yahya and his sons were in high favor until 803 when the caliph threw them in prison and confiscated their land. Many reasons are given for this punitive action. Yahya's entering Harun's presence without Harun's permission; Yahya's opposition to Muhammad ibn al-Layth who later gained Harun's favor; and the Barmakid's ostentatious display of their wealth are said to be the cause of Harun's action. However, the reason which has intrigue writers and storytellers for ages is the alleged romantic relationship between Jafar, the son of Yahya, and Harun's sister, 'Abbasa.
As the story goes, Jafar, was the constant companion of Harun. Harun was also very fond of his sister, 'Abbasa, and loved to have both her and Jafar around at times of recreation. However, Muslim etiquette forbade their common presence. To circumvent the rules of etiquette, Harun had a marriage ceremony performed between 'Abbasa and Jafar, but only with the understanding that the ceremony was purely nominal and that 'Abbasa and Jafar were not to become intimately involved. Unfortunately, the heart of 'Abbasa ignored the ban. She fell in love with Jafar and became infatuated with him. One night she entered Jafar's bedroom in the darkness, masquerading as one of his slave girls. She seduced Jafar and had sex with him.
From this union, a child was conceived. 'Abbasa secretly gave birth to the child and the child was sent by 'Abbasa to Mecca. However, a maid, after quarreling with her mistress, disclosed the scandal. Harun, while on a pilgrimage in Mecca, heard the story and became enraged. Upon his return to Baghdad, Harun had Jafar executed, his body cut in two, and impaled on either side of the bridge. Harun also had Jafar's father (Yahya) and brother (al-Fadl) cast into prison. Jafar's body stayed impaled for three years until when Harun happened to pass through Baghdad from the East, saw the body, and gave the command for the remains to be taken down and burned.
This story is discounted by modern scholars, but it has become part of the legend of the court of Harun al-Rashid.
Abbas Attar (Persian: عباس; full name: عباس عطار ʿAbbās ʿAṭṭār; b. March 29,1944, Khash, Sistan and Baluchestan Province, Iran – d. April 25, 2018, Paris, France), better known by his mononym Abbas, was an Iranian photographer known for his photojournalism in Biafra, Vietnam and South Africa in the 1970s, and for his extensive essays on religions in later years. He was a member of Sipa Press from 1971 to 1973, a member of Gamma from 1974 to 1980, and joined Magnum Photos in 1981.
Attar, an Iranian transplanted to Paris, dedicated his photographic work to the political and social coverage of the developing southern nations. Beginning around 1970, his major works were published in world magazines and included wars and revolutions in Biafra, Bangladesh, Ulster, Vietnam, the Middle East, Chile, Cuba, and South Africa with an essay on apartheid.
From 1978 to 1980, Abbas photographed the revolution in Iran, and returned in 1997 after a 17 year voluntary exile. His book iranDiary 1971-2002 (2002) is a critical interpretation of its history, photographed and written as a personal diary.
From 1983 to 1986, Abbas travelled throughout Mexico, photographing the country as if he were writing a novel. An exhibition and a book, Return to Mexico, journeys beyond the mask (1992), which includes his travel diaries, helped him define his aesthetics in photography.
From 1987 to 1994, Abbas photographed the resurgence of Islam from Xinjiang to Morocco. His book and exhibition Allah O Akbar, a journey through militant Islam (1994) exposes the internal tensions within Muslim societies, torn between a mythical past and a desire for modernization and democracy. The book drew additional attention after the September 11 attacks in 2001.
When the year 2000 became a landmark in the universal calendar, Christianity was the symbol of the strength of Western civilization. Faces of Christianity, a photographic journey (2000) and a touring exhibit, explored this religion as a political, a ritual and a spiritual phenomenon.
From 2000 to 2002 Abbas worked on Animism. In our world defined by science and technology, the work looked at why irrational rituals make a strong come-back. He abandoned this project on the first anniversary of the September 11 attacks.
Abbas' book, In Whose Name? The Islamic World after 9/11 (2009), is a seven year quest within 16 countries. As set forth in this book, opposed by governments who hunt them mercilessly, the jihadists lose many battles, but they may be winning the war to control the mind of the people, with the "creeping islamisation" of all Muslim societies.
From 2008 to 2010 Abbas travelled the world of Buddhism, photographing with the same sceptical eye for his book Les Enfants du lotus, voyage chez les bouddhistes(2011). In 2011, he began a similar long-term project on Hinduism which he concluded in 2013.
Before his death, Abbas was working on documenting Judaism around the world.
He died in Paris on April 25, 2018.
'Abbas, Ferhat
'Abbas, Ferhat. See Ferhat 'Abbas.
'Abbas, Ferhat. See Ferhat 'Abbas.
'Abbas Hilmi
'Abbas Hilmi. See 'Abbas I.
'Abbas Hilmi. See 'Abbas I.
'Abbas Hilmi Pasha
'Abbas Hilmi Pasha. See 'Abbas II.
'Abbas Hilmi Pasha. See 'Abbas II.
‘Abbas ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib, al-
‘Abbas ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib, al- (Abu’l-Fadl) (c. 568-652). Half-brother of the Prophet Muhammad’s father, ‘Abd Allah. He joined the Prophet in 630 and died around 652. The ‘Abbasids took their name from him, being descended from his son ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Abbas.
'Abbas was born around 568 in Mecca. 'Abbas was a successful merchant known for the grandeur that he surrounded himself with during his travels. Stories tell that he was in charge of the Zamzam, while this was part of the pre-Islamic pilgrimage of the Ka’ba. His job was to put raisins into it.
'Abbas opposed Muhammad while he still lived in Mecca, but was not one of the fierce opponents. Later, he became the protector of Muhammad after Abu Talib died.
'Abbas was captured with other Meccan fighters at the Battle of Badr. Historians are uncertain as to whether 'Abbas converted to Islam before returning from Badr to Mecca or not. If he did, he kept his conversion a secret. However, we know that 'Abbas gave his sister-in-law, Maimuna, in marriage to Muhammad in 628 or 629, when the latter visited Mecca.
'Abbas helped wash Muhammad’s body after the Prophet’s death. However, for the remaining 20 years of his life, little is known. He died around 652 [653?] in Medina.
Abu’l-Fadl see ‘Abbas ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib, al-
‘Abbas ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib, al- (Abu’l-Fadl) (c. 568-652). Half-brother of the Prophet Muhammad’s father, ‘Abd Allah. He joined the Prophet in 630 and died around 652. The ‘Abbasids took their name from him, being descended from his son ‘Abd Allah ibn ‘Abbas.
'Abbas was born around 568 in Mecca. 'Abbas was a successful merchant known for the grandeur that he surrounded himself with during his travels. Stories tell that he was in charge of the Zamzam, while this was part of the pre-Islamic pilgrimage of the Ka’ba. His job was to put raisins into it.
'Abbas opposed Muhammad while he still lived in Mecca, but was not one of the fierce opponents. Later, he became the protector of Muhammad after Abu Talib died.
'Abbas was captured with other Meccan fighters at the Battle of Badr. Historians are uncertain as to whether 'Abbas converted to Islam before returning from Badr to Mecca or not. If he did, he kept his conversion a secret. However, we know that 'Abbas gave his sister-in-law, Maimuna, in marriage to Muhammad in 628 or 629, when the latter visited Mecca.
'Abbas helped wash Muhammad’s body after the Prophet’s death. However, for the remaining 20 years of his life, little is known. He died around 652 [653?] in Medina.
Abu’l-Fadl see ‘Abbas ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib, al-
‘Abbas ibn al-Ahnaf, al-
‘Abbas ibn al-Ahnaf, al- (750-809). Amatory of Iraq from around 750 until after 808. He became a favorite of the ‘Abbasid caliph Harun al-Rashid and was connected with the Barmakids. He cultivated the genre of erotico-elegiac poetry, known as ghazal, using simple and fluent language. His poems became ready made material for composers and singers.
‘Abbas ibn al-Ahnaf, al- (750-809). Amatory of Iraq from around 750 until after 808. He became a favorite of the ‘Abbasid caliph Harun al-Rashid and was connected with the Barmakids. He cultivated the genre of erotico-elegiac poetry, known as ghazal, using simple and fluent language. His poems became ready made material for composers and singers.
'Abbas ibn 'Ali, al-
646-680
Son of the fourth Sunni caliph (and the first Shi'a imam), 'Ali ibn Abi Talib, and Fatima bint Hezam, commonly known as Ummul Baneen.
Al-'Abbas is particularly revered by Shi'a Muslims for his loyalty to his half-brother and third Shi'a imam, Husayn ibn 'Ali; his respect for the Ahl al-Bayt; and his role in the Battle of Karbala. Al-'Abbas was married to Lubaba bint Ubaydullah ibn 'Abbas ibn Abdil Muttalib. He had three sons, and their names are al-Fadl ibn al-'Abbas, Qasim ibn al-'Abbas, and Ubaydullah ibn al-'Abbas. Two of them (al-Fadl ibn al-'Abbas and Qasim ibn al-'Abbas) were killed during the Battle of Karbala.
It is said that the Angel Gabriel informed Muhammad what would happen to his grandson Husayn ibn 'Ali at Karbala. Muhammad, Fatima Zahra (Muhammad's daughter), and 'Ali were saddened by this, so 'Ali wished for a son to help Husayn ibn 'Ali at Karbala. He asked his brother, Aqeel ibn Abi Talib, to search for a wife from courageous descent. Aqeel discovered Fatima Qalabiyya, better known as Ummul Baneen. Ummul Baneen was descended from the honored lineage of Hezam ibn Khalid ibn Rabi'e ibn Amer Kalbi. However, 'Ali ibn Abi Talib did not marry Ummul Baneen (or any other woman) until after the death of Fatima Zahra.
Al-'Abbas ibn Abi Talib was born on 4 Shaban 26 A.H. (646). He was the son of 'Ali ibn Abi Talib and Fatima bint Qalabiyya (Ummul Baneen). It is said that he did not open his eyes after he was born until his half-brother Husayn ibn 'Ali took him in his arms. This was a sign of the devotion that al-'Abbas would have for Husayn throughout his life.
Al-'Abbas showed his loyalty to Husayn at the Battle of Karbala. After succeeding his father Muawiya ibn Abu Sufyan as caliph, Yazid ibn Muawiyah required Husayn to pledge allegiance to him. Husayn refused to do so. In 680, Husayn left Medina with a small group of his companions and family, to travel to Kufa. The people of Kufa said that they would support Husayn if he claimed the caliphate. On the way, Husayn and his group were intercepted. They were forced into a detour and arrived in Karbala on the 2nd of Muharram. Husayn's camp was surrounded and cut off from the Euphrates River. The camp ran out of water on the 7th of Muharram.
On the 8th and 9th of Muharram, Husayn refused to send al-'Abbas to fight for water. Al-'Abbas was extremely eager to fight. Husayn asked al-'Abbas to dig a well. Al-'Abbas and some of the Banu Hashim men began digging. But there was no success.
On the eve the tenth of Muharram, Husayn was passing through a camp in which his nephew Qasim ibn Hassan, his son 'Ali Akbar ibn Husayn and half-brother al-'Abbas were sitting and were discussing their situation. Husayn stood beside the campfire and heard their conversation. 'Ali Akbar said that tomorrow (the tenth of Muharram) he would be the first person to sacrifice his life for Husayn. Al-'Abbas interrogated him and said, "You are the son of my Master. How can you fight before me?" 'Ali Akbar replied, "Uncle, you are the strength of my father. If you go first and die my father will be destroyed. And also you are the commander and the commander should not go first." Al-'Abbas replied to 'Ali Akbar replied, "Nephew! A son is the light of his father's eyes. If you die first, my brother will be visionless. Most of all, I cannot bear to see you dying." Qasim interjected, "My dear Uncle! And my dear cousin! I will proceed first so that the strength and vision of my uncle Husayn remains. After all, I am an orphan." At this Husayn burst upon the group, held Qasim in his arms and replied, "Oh, my nephew don't ever consider yourself to be an orphan. I am your father."
Despite the offers of others, al-'Abbas could not stand for anyone else entering the field of battle before he did. But Husayn reminded him, "We have not entered Karbala for war." He added, "We could win because we have Banu Hashim men like you. However, our mission here is to serve Islam and now Islam requires our sacrifice. We are here to sacrifice our lives for this pure and noble religion."
Access to the Euphrates River was blocked by Yazid's army and prevented the camp of Husayn from getting water. Shi'as believe that al-'Abbas, because of his skill and bravery, could have attacked Yazid's army, gained access to the river, and retrieved water for Husayn's camp. However, al-'Abbas was not allowed to fight. He was only allowed to get water. Thus, al-'Abbas went to the river to get water for Husayn's four year old daughter Sukayna bint Husayn.
Sukayna was very attached to al-'Abbas, who was her uncle. To Sukayna, al-'Abbas was the only hope for getting water. Al-'Abbas could not stand to see Sukayna thirsty and crying. He had to get her some water.
Al-'Abbas entered the battlefield with only a dagger and a bag for water. He was also given the authority to carry the standard in the battle. Somehow he made it to the river and began filling the bag with water. Shi'as emphasize that al-'Abbas' loyalty to Husayn was so great that al-'Abbas did not drink any water because he could not bear the thought that Sukayna was thirsty. After gathering the water, al-'Abbas rode back towards the camp. On his way back, he was struck from behind and one of his arms was amputated. Then, he was struck from behind again, amputating the other arm. Al-'Abbas was now carrying the waterbag in his mouth. The army of Yazid started shooting arrows at him. One arrow hit the bag and water poured out of it. At that moment, al-'Abbas despaired. One of Yazid's men hit al-'Abbas on his head with a mace and al-'Abbas fell from his horse without the support of his arms. According to Shi'a tradition, al-'Abbas fell first onto his face before he let the standard fall.
Al-'Abbas tossed on the burning sand with excruciating pain. Al-'Abbas called for his master. Husayn immediately came to him lifting his head and taking it into his lap. Al-'Abbas lifted his head off Husayn's lap. Husayn put al-'Abbas' head onto his lap, but al-'Abbas lifted his head again. Husayn asked al-'Abbas, "Why are you preventing me from comforting you?" Al-'Abbas replied, "O master, why should I be comforted in death by you, while no one will be there to comfort you when you die? Husayn eventually talked al-'Abbas into putting his head on the imam's lap.
Husayn asked al-'Abbas, "My brother what have they done to you?" Al-'Abbas replied, "My Master, I thought I was not destined to have a last look at you but, thank God, you are here." Then he said, "My Master, I have some last wishes to express. When I was born, I had first looked at your face and it is my last desire that when I die, my gaze may be on your face. My one eye is pierced by an arrow and the other is filled with blood. If you will clear the eye I will be able to see you and fulfill my last dying desire. My second wish is that when I die, you should not carry my body to the camp. I had promised to bring water to Sukayna and since I have failed in my attempts to bring her water, I cannot face her even in death. Besides, I know that the blows that you have received since morning have all but crushed you and carrying my body to the camp will be back-breaking work for you. My third wish is that Sukayna may not be brought here to see my plight. I know the love and affection she has for me. The sight of my dead body lying here will kill her." Husayn fulfilled his wishes. Husayn asked him for one last thing. Husayn said, "Abbas, I too have a wish to be fulfilled. Since childhood you have always called be Master. For once at least call me brother with your dying breath." Al-'Abbas closed his eyes while repeating, "Husayn, my brother, my imam."
Shi'a historians say that this was the first time in his life that he called Husayn his brother. Al-'Abbas was killed on Friday, 10th Muharram, on the banks of the Euphrates River. Al-'Abbas is called the Hero of Al-Qamah (another name for the Euphrates River). His death is generally mourned on the 8th night of Muharram. Shi'a Muslims mourn the death of all martyrs of Islam associated with Husayn in the month of Muharram, the first month of the Islamic calendar, mainly in the first ten days.
After the Battle of Karbala ended, the dead bodies of the slain warriors were lying about without heads. The enemy forces decided to run their horses over the bodies. They did this in order to inflict the maximum possible humiliation on the households of Muhammad and 'Ali.
Al-'Abbas was buried at the ground where he fell from his horse at Karbala, Iraq. Millions of pilgrims visit the shrine and pay homage to it every year. The grave of al-'Abbas is beneath the mausoleum and is present in the shrine. However, environmental effects caused the Euphrates to shift location. Today, nearly 1400 years after the Battle of Karbala, the Euphrates flows across the grave of al-'Abbas, making a circle around it. It is said that the Euphrates has come to al-'Abbas now.
646-680
Son of the fourth Sunni caliph (and the first Shi'a imam), 'Ali ibn Abi Talib, and Fatima bint Hezam, commonly known as Ummul Baneen.
Al-'Abbas is particularly revered by Shi'a Muslims for his loyalty to his half-brother and third Shi'a imam, Husayn ibn 'Ali; his respect for the Ahl al-Bayt; and his role in the Battle of Karbala. Al-'Abbas was married to Lubaba bint Ubaydullah ibn 'Abbas ibn Abdil Muttalib. He had three sons, and their names are al-Fadl ibn al-'Abbas, Qasim ibn al-'Abbas, and Ubaydullah ibn al-'Abbas. Two of them (al-Fadl ibn al-'Abbas and Qasim ibn al-'Abbas) were killed during the Battle of Karbala.
It is said that the Angel Gabriel informed Muhammad what would happen to his grandson Husayn ibn 'Ali at Karbala. Muhammad, Fatima Zahra (Muhammad's daughter), and 'Ali were saddened by this, so 'Ali wished for a son to help Husayn ibn 'Ali at Karbala. He asked his brother, Aqeel ibn Abi Talib, to search for a wife from courageous descent. Aqeel discovered Fatima Qalabiyya, better known as Ummul Baneen. Ummul Baneen was descended from the honored lineage of Hezam ibn Khalid ibn Rabi'e ibn Amer Kalbi. However, 'Ali ibn Abi Talib did not marry Ummul Baneen (or any other woman) until after the death of Fatima Zahra.
Al-'Abbas ibn Abi Talib was born on 4 Shaban 26 A.H. (646). He was the son of 'Ali ibn Abi Talib and Fatima bint Qalabiyya (Ummul Baneen). It is said that he did not open his eyes after he was born until his half-brother Husayn ibn 'Ali took him in his arms. This was a sign of the devotion that al-'Abbas would have for Husayn throughout his life.
Al-'Abbas showed his loyalty to Husayn at the Battle of Karbala. After succeeding his father Muawiya ibn Abu Sufyan as caliph, Yazid ibn Muawiyah required Husayn to pledge allegiance to him. Husayn refused to do so. In 680, Husayn left Medina with a small group of his companions and family, to travel to Kufa. The people of Kufa said that they would support Husayn if he claimed the caliphate. On the way, Husayn and his group were intercepted. They were forced into a detour and arrived in Karbala on the 2nd of Muharram. Husayn's camp was surrounded and cut off from the Euphrates River. The camp ran out of water on the 7th of Muharram.
On the 8th and 9th of Muharram, Husayn refused to send al-'Abbas to fight for water. Al-'Abbas was extremely eager to fight. Husayn asked al-'Abbas to dig a well. Al-'Abbas and some of the Banu Hashim men began digging. But there was no success.
On the eve the tenth of Muharram, Husayn was passing through a camp in which his nephew Qasim ibn Hassan, his son 'Ali Akbar ibn Husayn and half-brother al-'Abbas were sitting and were discussing their situation. Husayn stood beside the campfire and heard their conversation. 'Ali Akbar said that tomorrow (the tenth of Muharram) he would be the first person to sacrifice his life for Husayn. Al-'Abbas interrogated him and said, "You are the son of my Master. How can you fight before me?" 'Ali Akbar replied, "Uncle, you are the strength of my father. If you go first and die my father will be destroyed. And also you are the commander and the commander should not go first." Al-'Abbas replied to 'Ali Akbar replied, "Nephew! A son is the light of his father's eyes. If you die first, my brother will be visionless. Most of all, I cannot bear to see you dying." Qasim interjected, "My dear Uncle! And my dear cousin! I will proceed first so that the strength and vision of my uncle Husayn remains. After all, I am an orphan." At this Husayn burst upon the group, held Qasim in his arms and replied, "Oh, my nephew don't ever consider yourself to be an orphan. I am your father."
Despite the offers of others, al-'Abbas could not stand for anyone else entering the field of battle before he did. But Husayn reminded him, "We have not entered Karbala for war." He added, "We could win because we have Banu Hashim men like you. However, our mission here is to serve Islam and now Islam requires our sacrifice. We are here to sacrifice our lives for this pure and noble religion."
Access to the Euphrates River was blocked by Yazid's army and prevented the camp of Husayn from getting water. Shi'as believe that al-'Abbas, because of his skill and bravery, could have attacked Yazid's army, gained access to the river, and retrieved water for Husayn's camp. However, al-'Abbas was not allowed to fight. He was only allowed to get water. Thus, al-'Abbas went to the river to get water for Husayn's four year old daughter Sukayna bint Husayn.
Sukayna was very attached to al-'Abbas, who was her uncle. To Sukayna, al-'Abbas was the only hope for getting water. Al-'Abbas could not stand to see Sukayna thirsty and crying. He had to get her some water.
Al-'Abbas entered the battlefield with only a dagger and a bag for water. He was also given the authority to carry the standard in the battle. Somehow he made it to the river and began filling the bag with water. Shi'as emphasize that al-'Abbas' loyalty to Husayn was so great that al-'Abbas did not drink any water because he could not bear the thought that Sukayna was thirsty. After gathering the water, al-'Abbas rode back towards the camp. On his way back, he was struck from behind and one of his arms was amputated. Then, he was struck from behind again, amputating the other arm. Al-'Abbas was now carrying the waterbag in his mouth. The army of Yazid started shooting arrows at him. One arrow hit the bag and water poured out of it. At that moment, al-'Abbas despaired. One of Yazid's men hit al-'Abbas on his head with a mace and al-'Abbas fell from his horse without the support of his arms. According to Shi'a tradition, al-'Abbas fell first onto his face before he let the standard fall.
Al-'Abbas tossed on the burning sand with excruciating pain. Al-'Abbas called for his master. Husayn immediately came to him lifting his head and taking it into his lap. Al-'Abbas lifted his head off Husayn's lap. Husayn put al-'Abbas' head onto his lap, but al-'Abbas lifted his head again. Husayn asked al-'Abbas, "Why are you preventing me from comforting you?" Al-'Abbas replied, "O master, why should I be comforted in death by you, while no one will be there to comfort you when you die? Husayn eventually talked al-'Abbas into putting his head on the imam's lap.
Husayn asked al-'Abbas, "My brother what have they done to you?" Al-'Abbas replied, "My Master, I thought I was not destined to have a last look at you but, thank God, you are here." Then he said, "My Master, I have some last wishes to express. When I was born, I had first looked at your face and it is my last desire that when I die, my gaze may be on your face. My one eye is pierced by an arrow and the other is filled with blood. If you will clear the eye I will be able to see you and fulfill my last dying desire. My second wish is that when I die, you should not carry my body to the camp. I had promised to bring water to Sukayna and since I have failed in my attempts to bring her water, I cannot face her even in death. Besides, I know that the blows that you have received since morning have all but crushed you and carrying my body to the camp will be back-breaking work for you. My third wish is that Sukayna may not be brought here to see my plight. I know the love and affection she has for me. The sight of my dead body lying here will kill her." Husayn fulfilled his wishes. Husayn asked him for one last thing. Husayn said, "Abbas, I too have a wish to be fulfilled. Since childhood you have always called be Master. For once at least call me brother with your dying breath." Al-'Abbas closed his eyes while repeating, "Husayn, my brother, my imam."
Shi'a historians say that this was the first time in his life that he called Husayn his brother. Al-'Abbas was killed on Friday, 10th Muharram, on the banks of the Euphrates River. Al-'Abbas is called the Hero of Al-Qamah (another name for the Euphrates River). His death is generally mourned on the 8th night of Muharram. Shi'a Muslims mourn the death of all martyrs of Islam associated with Husayn in the month of Muharram, the first month of the Islamic calendar, mainly in the first ten days.
After the Battle of Karbala ended, the dead bodies of the slain warriors were lying about without heads. The enemy forces decided to run their horses over the bodies. They did this in order to inflict the maximum possible humiliation on the households of Muhammad and 'Ali.
Al-'Abbas was buried at the ground where he fell from his horse at Karbala, Iraq. Millions of pilgrims visit the shrine and pay homage to it every year. The grave of al-'Abbas is beneath the mausoleum and is present in the shrine. However, environmental effects caused the Euphrates to shift location. Today, nearly 1400 years after the Battle of Karbala, the Euphrates flows across the grave of al-'Abbas, making a circle around it. It is said that the Euphrates has come to al-'Abbas now.
‘Abbas ibn al-Walid, al-
‘Abbas ibn al-Walid, al- (d. 750). Umayyad general who fought against the Byzantines. He was thrown into prison by the last Umayyad Caliph Marwan II and died in 750.
‘Abbas ibn al-Walid, al- (d. 750). Umayyad general who fought against the Byzantines. He was thrown into prison by the last Umayyad Caliph Marwan II and died in 750.
‘Abbas ibn ‘Amr al-Ghanawi, al-
‘Abbas ibn ‘Amr al-Ghanawi, al- (d. 917). General and governor of the ‘Abbasid caliphs around 900. He was known for his battle against, and release by, the Carmathians.
‘Abbas ibn ‘Amr al-Ghanawi, al- (d. 917). General and governor of the ‘Abbasid caliphs around 900. He was known for his battle against, and release by, the Carmathians.
‘Abbas ibn Firnas ibn Wardus
‘Abbas ibn Firnas ibn Wardus (Abbas Qasim ibn Firnas) (810-887). Andalusian polymath, scholar and poet of Berber origin at the court of Cordoba. The invention of the making (faceting) of crystal is attributed to him. He is also credited with being the first person to make a scientific attempt to fly when, in 875, he reportedly used a rudimentary glider launched from the Mount of the Bride (Jabal al-'arus) in the Rusafa area, near Cordoba, Spain. The Iraqis built a statue in his memory on the way to Baghdad International Airport, and the Ibn Firnas Airport to the north of Baghdad is named for him. The Ibn Firnas crater on the Moon is also named in his honor.
'Abbas Qasim ibn Firnas see ‘Abbas ibn Firnas ibn Wardus
Ibn Firnas see ‘Abbas ibn Firnas ibn Wardus
‘Abbas ibn Firnas ibn Wardus (Abbas Qasim ibn Firnas) (810-887). Andalusian polymath, scholar and poet of Berber origin at the court of Cordoba. The invention of the making (faceting) of crystal is attributed to him. He is also credited with being the first person to make a scientific attempt to fly when, in 875, he reportedly used a rudimentary glider launched from the Mount of the Bride (Jabal al-'arus) in the Rusafa area, near Cordoba, Spain. The Iraqis built a statue in his memory on the way to Baghdad International Airport, and the Ibn Firnas Airport to the north of Baghdad is named for him. The Ibn Firnas crater on the Moon is also named in his honor.
'Abbas Qasim ibn Firnas see ‘Abbas ibn Firnas ibn Wardus
Ibn Firnas see ‘Abbas ibn Firnas ibn Wardus
‘Abbasids
‘Abbasids. Muslim dynasty which succeeded the Umayyads. The dynasty lasted for almost eight centuries, with capitals at Baghdad (750-1258) and Cairo (1262-1517). The 'Abbasids are renowned for fostering learning and science. Their most distinguished caliphs are Harun al-Rashid (ruled 786-809) and his son al-Ma'mun (ruled 813-833), who made Baghdad the center of science and learning. They founded the House of Wisdom, a famous library and scholarly center in Baghdad. Harun al-Rashid is renowned in the West for gifting Emperor Charlemagne a water clock and an organ in 797 C.C.
The ‘Abbasids were from the Arab tribe of Banu al-'Abbas, whose lineage was said to descend from the Prophet’s uncle, al-‘Abbas ibn Abd al-Muttalib. All the rulers of the ‘Abbasid dynasty were descendants of 'Abbas, Muhammad’s uncle, and it was through Muhammad ibn 'Ali, the great-grandson of al-‘Abbas that the ‘Abbasids laid claim to the Caliphate.
The early history of the ‘Abbasid family is obscure. Despite his close kinship to Muhammad, al-‘Abbas was a relatively late convert to Islam and was most likely not as socially prestigious as later ‘Abbasid historiography made him out to be. According to the traditional sources, the ‘Abbasids shared the conviction, out of which Shi‘ite Islam later developed, that the family of the prophet Muhammad (which the ‘Abbasids interpreted to include the whole clan of Hashim) was entitled to a special status in the Muslim community. The family, the "ahl al-bait", supposedly inherited from Muhammad a number of financial, social, religious, and political privileges that had been usurped from them and that they endeavored to recover. The most important and most controversial of these was that the legitimate political and spiritual authority of the caliphate/imamate belonged to a charismatic leader (known as "al-Rida") from the "ahl al-bait".
During the Umayyad period (661-750), a number of sectarian or factional movements supporting the right of one or another of Muhammad’s kinsmen to rule as his true successor appeared. The ‘Abbasid family, living in exile in the village of Humaima near the Dead Sea, reportedly gained control (around 716) of one of these sects, known as the Hashimiyya after their original leader (a distant relative of the ‘Abbasids), and managed to transform it into an active and successful conspiratorial, revolutionary organization. Presumably directed from Humaima by the ‘Abbasid family, one branch of the movement operated out of Kufa (a center of vaguely proto-Shi‘ite agitation) and another had its headquarters in Merv, the provincial capital of Khurasan.
The mission in Khurasan was composed of an inner circle of twelve chiefs (nuqaba) and numerous propagandists (du’at) who fanned out through the province encouraging whatever anti-government sentiment they encountered, most often without explicitly stating their own objectives. In this way, the conspirators built up a large base of support, including armed followers, in the province.
By 747, the authority of the Umayyad dynasty was collapsing everywhere. In Khurasan, the new leader of the clandestine movement, Abu Muslim, involved the ‘Abbasid organization in a general revolt against the last Umayyad governor of Khurasan. After a few months of intrigue and combat, Abu Muslim succeeded in seizing control of the government in Khurasan, eliminating potential rivals, and raising an army that rapidly marched across the Iranian provinces into Iraq and crushed the remaining Umayyad forces. Under circumstances that are anything but clear, the clique of officers commanding the Khurasani forces then hailed as the new caliph a member of the ‘Abbasid family who had been in hiding in Kufa. The reign of this caliph, Abu al-‘Abbas, known as al-Saffah (r. 749-754), was rather weak and insecure. It was his brother and successor, Abu Ja'far al-Mansur (r. 754-775), who managed to provide the dynasty with a solid foundation by disciplining the revolutionary forces, eliminating several too-powerful leaders of the 'Abbasid movement (including Abu Muslim), suppressing a variety of anti-‘Abbasid revolts, perfecting propaganda to legitimize ‘Abbasid claims to the caliphate, creating the great capital city of Baghdad, and developing a centralized imperial administration.
The significance of this ‘Abbasid “revolution” is a matter of considerable controversy. In some ways, there was not a dramatic break with the policies of the earlier Umayyad caliphs (for many of whom Mansur expressed admiration). As far as the ‘Abbasids were concerned, the key difference was probably that their dynasty had a religious legitimacy and right to rule that the Umayyads (and by extension other rivals) lacked. However, the advent of ‘Abbasid rule did coincide, deliberately or not, with a number of fundamental changes. These included the displacement of Arab tribesmen as the mainstay of the military forces, the “persianization” of the government in both the norms of statecraft and the numbers of Iranians holding government offices, and a shift in the focus of state concerns away from the Mediterranean and toward the east, hence the placement of the new capital in Iraq. In addition, urbanization and long-distance trade became more important, often to the detriment of the agricultural economy, and a more pronounced emphasis was placed on the Islamic nature of the society. In fact, it was primarily under the ‘Abbasids that Muslim arts, sciences, literature, law, and theology acquired their classical forms.
The heyday of the ‘Abbasid caliphate lasted less than a century. Mansur’s efforts to build a cohesive empire with a strongly centralized bureaucratic and military administration were continued by al-Mahdi (r. 775-785), al-Hadi (r. 785-786), and, to a lesser degree, Harun al-Rashid (r. 786-809). For reasons that are still not satisfactorily explained, this was a losing battle. ‘Abbasid authority was never well established in Spain or North Africa. A survivor of the massacre of the Umayyad family escaped to Spain and resurrected the Umayyad caliphate there (756-1031). Ibadi Kharijite rebels in Algeria founded the Rustamid principality (777-909). An Alid adventurer set up the Idrisid dynasty in Morocco (789-926), and a Khurasani general sent to govern the province of Ifriqiya (roughly equivalent to Tunisia) founded, with the tacit approval of the Barmakid vizier, the autonomous Aghlabid state (800-909). Even in the eastern part of the ‘Abbasid empire, many areas were only nominally under ‘Abbasid rule, and in others efforts to establish the control of the central government provoked much resistance and resentment. Mismanagement in the vitally important province of Khurasan led to revolts that forced Harun to dismiss his governor (in 807) and to go to the province in person to try to restore order.
Harun appears to have recognized that, in order to survive, the dynasty would need to begin some decentralization of the government. He arranged to have the provincial administration divided among his sons, although only one would inherit the office of caliph. The scheme was unworkable, and after Harun’s death a civil war broke out between the new caliph al-Amin (r. 809-813), backed by the central government establishment, and his brother al-Ma’mun, supported by the Khurasani military elite. Amin was defeated and executed, and Ma’mun, despite persistent opposition in Baghdad, became the new caliph (r. 813-833).
Ma’mun’s caliphate was clearly a transitional period in ‘Abbasid history. He considered, and then abandoned, the ideas of moving the capital to Khurasan and of turning over the caliphate to an 'Alid Shi‘ite imam. Ma’mun generally acquiesced to the diminution of the political authority of the caliphate and actually facilitated the rise of provincial dynasties (the Tahirids in Khurasan), presumably in the belief that it was better to have the provinces governed by local powers that derived legitimacy from the caliphate and would reciprocate by recognizing the nominal suzerainty of the ‘Abbasid caliphs. On the other hand, Ma’mun seems to have attempted to bolster the spiritual authority of the ‘Abbasid caliphate by intervening in religious controversies and attempting to enforce Mu’tazilite theology. He also patronized learning. Indeed, the cultural vitality of Ma'mun's reign was unmatched by any other ‘Abbasid caliph.
The caliph al-Mu’tasim (r. 833-842) attempted to reverse the process of ‘Abbasid political decline by building up a military force of mostly Turkish slave soldiers and by consolidating ‘Abbasid rule in previously neglected provinces such as Azerbaijan. The slave troops proved impossible to control and soon came to dominate their ‘Abbasid masters. As a result, the ‘Abbasid caliphs after Mu’tasim were, almost without exception, weak or powerless non-entities whose authority, when it existed at all, seldom extended beyond Iraq or even the city of Baghdad. As a result, the focus of Islamic history during this period shifted away from the ‘Abbasid caliphate to the provincial dynasties.
The Shi‘ite Fatimid dynasty that came to power in Egypt and North Africa (in 909) openly challenged ‘Abbasid title to the caliphate. From 945 to 1055, the ‘Abbasid caliphs were under the control of the Buyid amirs. From 1055 to the late twelfth century they were under the “protection” of the Seljuk sultans. Under such circumstances, the survival of the dynasty was chiefly due to its usefulness as a propaganda weapon against the Fatimids, its relative harmlessness, and perhaps the success of its founders in establishing the theocratic legitimacy of the ‘Abbasid caliphate.
When Seljuk power collapsed, the caliph al-Nasir (r. 1180-1225) tried to revive the political authority of the dynasty, but without success. The Mongol leader Hulegu was unimpressed by the supposed sanctity of the ‘Abbasid caliphate and had al-Musta’sim executed (in 1258). The ‘Abbasid shadow caliphate preserved by the Egyptian Mamelukes was of minimal importance or significance, except perhaps as testimony to Muslim reluctance to let the caliphate, however dissipated, expire completely.
It is important to note that in 762, Baghdad was founded. During their reign, the ‘Abbasids shifted the capital city of the Islamic empire from Damascus to Baghdad. As a result, a Persian-Iraqi clique -- the mawali -- became ascendant at court and Islam was transformed from a Mediterranean to an Asian empire.
The period of ‘Abbasid sovereignty covers the great epoch of classical Islamic civilization. The cultural achievements of the ‘Abbasids in literature, philosophy, science, art, architecture, and music were as diverse as they were magnificent.
The political and cultural zenith came under Harun al-Rashid (786-809) with the help of the Barmakids (until 803) and his son, al-Mamun (813-833), who made Baghdad the center of science and raised Mu'tazilite rationalism to the level of state doctrine. From 800 onwards, various provinces sought independence from the empire under their own dynasties. Following the assassination of al-Mutawakkil (847-861), political power dissipated and the ‘Abbasids finally came under the supreme control of various military dynasties.
The authority of the ‘Abbasid caliphs gradually declined and individual military leaders subsequently rose to power. From 945 to 1258, the ‘Abbasid caliphs, with the exception of al-Nasir li-Din Allah, retained a purely nominal suzerainty, real power, even at Baghdad itself, being exercised by dynasties of secular rulers, such as the Buyids (945-1055), the Great Seljuks (1055-1194), and the Khwarazm-Shahs (1192-1220), so that the caliph was reduced to a religious figurehead.
Caliphal sovereignty was largely restored to Caliph al-Nasir (1180-1225), but his great grandson, al-Muta’sim (1242-1258), who had refused to join the Mongol “peace federation,” fell victim to the Mongol invasions in 1258.
The emergence of sectarian dissent in Egypt and ethnic autonomy in central Asia weakened the effective power of the ‘Abbasid caliph long before the Mongols brought the Asian ‘Abbasid dynasty to an end by sacking Baghdad in 1258. However, after Baghdad was sacked by the Mongols, an ‘Abbasid shadow caliphate was established in Cairo by the Mameluke sultan Baybars I. The last Mameluke ‘Abbasid caliph, al-Mutawakkil III, was deposed by the Ottoman Sultan Selim I in 1517, and the shadow caliphate was abolished.
Nevertheless, history records that, despite its failings, the 'Abbasid era was the “Golden Age” of Muslim civilization.
The 'Abbasid caliphs were:
In Iraq and Baghdad (749-1258):
Abu al-‘Abbas al-Saffah (749-754)
al-Mansur (754-775)
al-Mahdi (775-785)
al-Hadi (785-786)
Harun al-Rashid (786-809)
al-Amin (809-813)
al Ma’mun (813-833)
Ibrahim ibn al-Mahdi, in Baghdad (817-819)
al-Mu‘tasim (833-842)
al-Wathiq (842-847)
al-Mutawakkil (847-861)
al-Muntasir (861-862)
al-Musta‘in (862-866)
al-Mu‘tazz (866-869)
al-Muhtadi (869-870)
al-Mu‘tamid (870-892)
[al-Muwaffaq - regent (875-891)]
al-Mu‘tadid (892-902)
al-Muktafi (902-908)
al-Muqtadir (908-932)
al-Qahir (932-934)
al-Radi (934-940)
al-Muttaqi (940-944)
al-Mustakfi (944-946)
al-Muti’ (946-974)
al-Ta’i’ (974-991)
al-Qadir (991-1031)
al-Qa’im (1031-1075)
al-Muqtadi (1075-1094)
al-Mustazhir (1094-1118)
al-Mustarshid (1118-1135)
al-Rashid (1135-1136)
al-Muqtafi (1136-1160)
al-Mustanjid (1160-1170)
al-Mustadi’ (1170-1180)
al-Nasir (1180-1225)
al-Zahir (1225-1226)
al-Mustansir (1226-1242)
al-Musta‘sim (1242-1258)
Mongol sack of Baghdad 1258
In Cairo (1261-1517):
al-Mustansir (1261-1281)
al-Hakim I (1281-1302)
al-Mustakfi I (1302-1340)
al-Wathiq I (1340-1341)
al-Hakim II (1341-1352)
al-Mu‘tadid I (1352-1362)
al-Mutawakkil I (first time) (1362-1377)
al-Mu‘tasim (first time) (1377)
al-Mutawakkil I (second time) (1377-1383)
al-Wathiq II (1383-1386)
al-Mu‘tasim (second time) (1386-1389)
al-Mutawakkil I (third time) (1389-1406)
al-Musta‘in (1406-1414)
al-Mu‘tadid II (1414-1441)
al-Mustakfi II (1441-1451)
al-Qa’im (1451-1455)
al-Mustanjid (1455-1479)
al-Mutawakkil II (1479-1497)
al-Mustamsik (first time) (1497-1508)
al-Mutawakkil III (first time) (1508-1516)
al-Mustamsik (second time) (1516-1517)
al-Mutawakkil III (second time) (1517)
Ottoman conquest of Egypt (1517)
‘Abbasids. Muslim dynasty which succeeded the Umayyads. The dynasty lasted for almost eight centuries, with capitals at Baghdad (750-1258) and Cairo (1262-1517). The 'Abbasids are renowned for fostering learning and science. Their most distinguished caliphs are Harun al-Rashid (ruled 786-809) and his son al-Ma'mun (ruled 813-833), who made Baghdad the center of science and learning. They founded the House of Wisdom, a famous library and scholarly center in Baghdad. Harun al-Rashid is renowned in the West for gifting Emperor Charlemagne a water clock and an organ in 797 C.C.
The ‘Abbasids were from the Arab tribe of Banu al-'Abbas, whose lineage was said to descend from the Prophet’s uncle, al-‘Abbas ibn Abd al-Muttalib. All the rulers of the ‘Abbasid dynasty were descendants of 'Abbas, Muhammad’s uncle, and it was through Muhammad ibn 'Ali, the great-grandson of al-‘Abbas that the ‘Abbasids laid claim to the Caliphate.
The early history of the ‘Abbasid family is obscure. Despite his close kinship to Muhammad, al-‘Abbas was a relatively late convert to Islam and was most likely not as socially prestigious as later ‘Abbasid historiography made him out to be. According to the traditional sources, the ‘Abbasids shared the conviction, out of which Shi‘ite Islam later developed, that the family of the prophet Muhammad (which the ‘Abbasids interpreted to include the whole clan of Hashim) was entitled to a special status in the Muslim community. The family, the "ahl al-bait", supposedly inherited from Muhammad a number of financial, social, religious, and political privileges that had been usurped from them and that they endeavored to recover. The most important and most controversial of these was that the legitimate political and spiritual authority of the caliphate/imamate belonged to a charismatic leader (known as "al-Rida") from the "ahl al-bait".
During the Umayyad period (661-750), a number of sectarian or factional movements supporting the right of one or another of Muhammad’s kinsmen to rule as his true successor appeared. The ‘Abbasid family, living in exile in the village of Humaima near the Dead Sea, reportedly gained control (around 716) of one of these sects, known as the Hashimiyya after their original leader (a distant relative of the ‘Abbasids), and managed to transform it into an active and successful conspiratorial, revolutionary organization. Presumably directed from Humaima by the ‘Abbasid family, one branch of the movement operated out of Kufa (a center of vaguely proto-Shi‘ite agitation) and another had its headquarters in Merv, the provincial capital of Khurasan.
The mission in Khurasan was composed of an inner circle of twelve chiefs (nuqaba) and numerous propagandists (du’at) who fanned out through the province encouraging whatever anti-government sentiment they encountered, most often without explicitly stating their own objectives. In this way, the conspirators built up a large base of support, including armed followers, in the province.
By 747, the authority of the Umayyad dynasty was collapsing everywhere. In Khurasan, the new leader of the clandestine movement, Abu Muslim, involved the ‘Abbasid organization in a general revolt against the last Umayyad governor of Khurasan. After a few months of intrigue and combat, Abu Muslim succeeded in seizing control of the government in Khurasan, eliminating potential rivals, and raising an army that rapidly marched across the Iranian provinces into Iraq and crushed the remaining Umayyad forces. Under circumstances that are anything but clear, the clique of officers commanding the Khurasani forces then hailed as the new caliph a member of the ‘Abbasid family who had been in hiding in Kufa. The reign of this caliph, Abu al-‘Abbas, known as al-Saffah (r. 749-754), was rather weak and insecure. It was his brother and successor, Abu Ja'far al-Mansur (r. 754-775), who managed to provide the dynasty with a solid foundation by disciplining the revolutionary forces, eliminating several too-powerful leaders of the 'Abbasid movement (including Abu Muslim), suppressing a variety of anti-‘Abbasid revolts, perfecting propaganda to legitimize ‘Abbasid claims to the caliphate, creating the great capital city of Baghdad, and developing a centralized imperial administration.
The significance of this ‘Abbasid “revolution” is a matter of considerable controversy. In some ways, there was not a dramatic break with the policies of the earlier Umayyad caliphs (for many of whom Mansur expressed admiration). As far as the ‘Abbasids were concerned, the key difference was probably that their dynasty had a religious legitimacy and right to rule that the Umayyads (and by extension other rivals) lacked. However, the advent of ‘Abbasid rule did coincide, deliberately or not, with a number of fundamental changes. These included the displacement of Arab tribesmen as the mainstay of the military forces, the “persianization” of the government in both the norms of statecraft and the numbers of Iranians holding government offices, and a shift in the focus of state concerns away from the Mediterranean and toward the east, hence the placement of the new capital in Iraq. In addition, urbanization and long-distance trade became more important, often to the detriment of the agricultural economy, and a more pronounced emphasis was placed on the Islamic nature of the society. In fact, it was primarily under the ‘Abbasids that Muslim arts, sciences, literature, law, and theology acquired their classical forms.
The heyday of the ‘Abbasid caliphate lasted less than a century. Mansur’s efforts to build a cohesive empire with a strongly centralized bureaucratic and military administration were continued by al-Mahdi (r. 775-785), al-Hadi (r. 785-786), and, to a lesser degree, Harun al-Rashid (r. 786-809). For reasons that are still not satisfactorily explained, this was a losing battle. ‘Abbasid authority was never well established in Spain or North Africa. A survivor of the massacre of the Umayyad family escaped to Spain and resurrected the Umayyad caliphate there (756-1031). Ibadi Kharijite rebels in Algeria founded the Rustamid principality (777-909). An Alid adventurer set up the Idrisid dynasty in Morocco (789-926), and a Khurasani general sent to govern the province of Ifriqiya (roughly equivalent to Tunisia) founded, with the tacit approval of the Barmakid vizier, the autonomous Aghlabid state (800-909). Even in the eastern part of the ‘Abbasid empire, many areas were only nominally under ‘Abbasid rule, and in others efforts to establish the control of the central government provoked much resistance and resentment. Mismanagement in the vitally important province of Khurasan led to revolts that forced Harun to dismiss his governor (in 807) and to go to the province in person to try to restore order.
Harun appears to have recognized that, in order to survive, the dynasty would need to begin some decentralization of the government. He arranged to have the provincial administration divided among his sons, although only one would inherit the office of caliph. The scheme was unworkable, and after Harun’s death a civil war broke out between the new caliph al-Amin (r. 809-813), backed by the central government establishment, and his brother al-Ma’mun, supported by the Khurasani military elite. Amin was defeated and executed, and Ma’mun, despite persistent opposition in Baghdad, became the new caliph (r. 813-833).
Ma’mun’s caliphate was clearly a transitional period in ‘Abbasid history. He considered, and then abandoned, the ideas of moving the capital to Khurasan and of turning over the caliphate to an 'Alid Shi‘ite imam. Ma’mun generally acquiesced to the diminution of the political authority of the caliphate and actually facilitated the rise of provincial dynasties (the Tahirids in Khurasan), presumably in the belief that it was better to have the provinces governed by local powers that derived legitimacy from the caliphate and would reciprocate by recognizing the nominal suzerainty of the ‘Abbasid caliphs. On the other hand, Ma’mun seems to have attempted to bolster the spiritual authority of the ‘Abbasid caliphate by intervening in religious controversies and attempting to enforce Mu’tazilite theology. He also patronized learning. Indeed, the cultural vitality of Ma'mun's reign was unmatched by any other ‘Abbasid caliph.
The caliph al-Mu’tasim (r. 833-842) attempted to reverse the process of ‘Abbasid political decline by building up a military force of mostly Turkish slave soldiers and by consolidating ‘Abbasid rule in previously neglected provinces such as Azerbaijan. The slave troops proved impossible to control and soon came to dominate their ‘Abbasid masters. As a result, the ‘Abbasid caliphs after Mu’tasim were, almost without exception, weak or powerless non-entities whose authority, when it existed at all, seldom extended beyond Iraq or even the city of Baghdad. As a result, the focus of Islamic history during this period shifted away from the ‘Abbasid caliphate to the provincial dynasties.
The Shi‘ite Fatimid dynasty that came to power in Egypt and North Africa (in 909) openly challenged ‘Abbasid title to the caliphate. From 945 to 1055, the ‘Abbasid caliphs were under the control of the Buyid amirs. From 1055 to the late twelfth century they were under the “protection” of the Seljuk sultans. Under such circumstances, the survival of the dynasty was chiefly due to its usefulness as a propaganda weapon against the Fatimids, its relative harmlessness, and perhaps the success of its founders in establishing the theocratic legitimacy of the ‘Abbasid caliphate.
When Seljuk power collapsed, the caliph al-Nasir (r. 1180-1225) tried to revive the political authority of the dynasty, but without success. The Mongol leader Hulegu was unimpressed by the supposed sanctity of the ‘Abbasid caliphate and had al-Musta’sim executed (in 1258). The ‘Abbasid shadow caliphate preserved by the Egyptian Mamelukes was of minimal importance or significance, except perhaps as testimony to Muslim reluctance to let the caliphate, however dissipated, expire completely.
It is important to note that in 762, Baghdad was founded. During their reign, the ‘Abbasids shifted the capital city of the Islamic empire from Damascus to Baghdad. As a result, a Persian-Iraqi clique -- the mawali -- became ascendant at court and Islam was transformed from a Mediterranean to an Asian empire.
The period of ‘Abbasid sovereignty covers the great epoch of classical Islamic civilization. The cultural achievements of the ‘Abbasids in literature, philosophy, science, art, architecture, and music were as diverse as they were magnificent.
The political and cultural zenith came under Harun al-Rashid (786-809) with the help of the Barmakids (until 803) and his son, al-Mamun (813-833), who made Baghdad the center of science and raised Mu'tazilite rationalism to the level of state doctrine. From 800 onwards, various provinces sought independence from the empire under their own dynasties. Following the assassination of al-Mutawakkil (847-861), political power dissipated and the ‘Abbasids finally came under the supreme control of various military dynasties.
The authority of the ‘Abbasid caliphs gradually declined and individual military leaders subsequently rose to power. From 945 to 1258, the ‘Abbasid caliphs, with the exception of al-Nasir li-Din Allah, retained a purely nominal suzerainty, real power, even at Baghdad itself, being exercised by dynasties of secular rulers, such as the Buyids (945-1055), the Great Seljuks (1055-1194), and the Khwarazm-Shahs (1192-1220), so that the caliph was reduced to a religious figurehead.
Caliphal sovereignty was largely restored to Caliph al-Nasir (1180-1225), but his great grandson, al-Muta’sim (1242-1258), who had refused to join the Mongol “peace federation,” fell victim to the Mongol invasions in 1258.
The emergence of sectarian dissent in Egypt and ethnic autonomy in central Asia weakened the effective power of the ‘Abbasid caliph long before the Mongols brought the Asian ‘Abbasid dynasty to an end by sacking Baghdad in 1258. However, after Baghdad was sacked by the Mongols, an ‘Abbasid shadow caliphate was established in Cairo by the Mameluke sultan Baybars I. The last Mameluke ‘Abbasid caliph, al-Mutawakkil III, was deposed by the Ottoman Sultan Selim I in 1517, and the shadow caliphate was abolished.
Nevertheless, history records that, despite its failings, the 'Abbasid era was the “Golden Age” of Muslim civilization.
The 'Abbasid caliphs were:
In Iraq and Baghdad (749-1258):
Abu al-‘Abbas al-Saffah (749-754)
al-Mansur (754-775)
al-Mahdi (775-785)
al-Hadi (785-786)
Harun al-Rashid (786-809)
al-Amin (809-813)
al Ma’mun (813-833)
Ibrahim ibn al-Mahdi, in Baghdad (817-819)
al-Mu‘tasim (833-842)
al-Wathiq (842-847)
al-Mutawakkil (847-861)
al-Muntasir (861-862)
al-Musta‘in (862-866)
al-Mu‘tazz (866-869)
al-Muhtadi (869-870)
al-Mu‘tamid (870-892)
[al-Muwaffaq - regent (875-891)]
al-Mu‘tadid (892-902)
al-Muktafi (902-908)
al-Muqtadir (908-932)
al-Qahir (932-934)
al-Radi (934-940)
al-Muttaqi (940-944)
al-Mustakfi (944-946)
al-Muti’ (946-974)
al-Ta’i’ (974-991)
al-Qadir (991-1031)
al-Qa’im (1031-1075)
al-Muqtadi (1075-1094)
al-Mustazhir (1094-1118)
al-Mustarshid (1118-1135)
al-Rashid (1135-1136)
al-Muqtafi (1136-1160)
al-Mustanjid (1160-1170)
al-Mustadi’ (1170-1180)
al-Nasir (1180-1225)
al-Zahir (1225-1226)
al-Mustansir (1226-1242)
al-Musta‘sim (1242-1258)
Mongol sack of Baghdad 1258
In Cairo (1261-1517):
al-Mustansir (1261-1281)
al-Hakim I (1281-1302)
al-Mustakfi I (1302-1340)
al-Wathiq I (1340-1341)
al-Hakim II (1341-1352)
al-Mu‘tadid I (1352-1362)
al-Mutawakkil I (first time) (1362-1377)
al-Mu‘tasim (first time) (1377)
al-Mutawakkil I (second time) (1377-1383)
al-Wathiq II (1383-1386)
al-Mu‘tasim (second time) (1386-1389)
al-Mutawakkil I (third time) (1389-1406)
al-Musta‘in (1406-1414)
al-Mu‘tadid II (1414-1441)
al-Mustakfi II (1441-1451)
al-Qa’im (1451-1455)
al-Mustanjid (1455-1479)
al-Mutawakkil II (1479-1497)
al-Mustamsik (first time) (1497-1508)
al-Mutawakkil III (first time) (1508-1516)
al-Mustamsik (second time) (1516-1517)
al-Mutawakkil III (second time) (1517)
Ottoman conquest of Egypt (1517)
The 'Abbasids are renowned for fostering learning and science. Their most distinguished caliphs were Harun al-Rashid (r. 786-809) and his son al-Ma'mun (r. 813-833), who made Baghdad the center of science and learning. They founded the House of Wisdom, a famous library and scholarly center in Baghdad. Harun al-Rashid is renowned in the West for gifting Emperor Charlemagne a water clock and an organ in 797 C.C.
'Abbas, Mahmoud
'Abbas, Mahmoud (b. March 26, 1935- ) was the Chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and President of the Palestinian National Authority.
Also known by the kunya, Abu Mazen, Mahmoud 'Abbas was born on March 26, 1935 in Zefat in what is now northern Israel. During the war that followed the establishment of the nation of Israel in 1948, 'Abbas fled to Syria with his family.
In the mid-1950s, 'Abbas became heavily involved in underground Palestinian politics, Joining a number of exiled Palestinians in Qatar, where 'Abbas was Director of Personnel in the emirate's Civil Service. 'Abbas and Arafat helped found al-Fatah ("the Conquest"), a militant Palestinian group that became part of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), a political body that represented the Palestinian people. In the late 1950s, Arafat was establishing the groundwork of Fatah by enlisting wealthy Palestinians in Qatar, Kuwait, and other Persian Gulf States.
In 1958, 'Abbas earned a bachelor's degree in law from the University of Damascus in Syria.
As head of the PLO’s international department in the late 1970s, Abbas was instrumental in forging contacts with Israeli peace groups. 'Abbas efforts with Israeli peace groups were ironic in that Abu Daoud, the man who planned the 1972 Munich Massacre of members of the Israeli team at the Munich Olympic Games which ended with the murder of eleven Israeli athletes and coaches and a West German policeman, later claimed that the funds for the operation were provided by 'Abbas, although without 'Abbas' knowing what the money would be used for.
In 1980, he became head of the PLO's national and international relations department.
'Abbas earned a doctorate in history from the Institute of Oriental Studies (Moscow State University) in Moscow in 1982. The theme of his doctoral dissertation was "The Other Side: The secret relations between Nazism and the leadership of the Zionist movement". This dissertation, which examined Nazism and Zionism, later was decried by Jewish groups as a work of Holocaust denial, and in the 1990s 'Abbas distanced himself from some of its more controversial elements.
'Abbas opposed the 1987 intifada (the armed Palestinian uprising against Israel). He also performed diplomatic duties, presenting a moderating face for PLO policies.
In the early 1990s Abbas shaped Palestinian negotiating strategy at both the peace conference in Madrid (1991) and in secret meetings with the Israelis in Norway. Through the resulting Oslo Accords (1993), Israel and the Palestinians extended mutual recognition to each other, and Israel ceded some governing functions in the West Bank and Gaza Strip to a Palestinian Authority.
Abbas was the first PLO official to visit Saudi Arabia after the Gulf War in January 1993 to mend fences with the Gulf countries for the PLO's support of Iraq during the Persian Gulf War. At the 1993 peace accord with Israel, Abbas was the signatory for the PLO on 13 September 1993. He published a memoir, Through Secret Channels: The Road to Oslo (1995).
In 1995, 'Abbas returned to live in Palestine for the first time since leaving for exile and, in 1996, he became secretary-general of the PLO Executive Committee.
'Abbas again opposed the intifada -- the second intifada -- which began in 2000. 'Abbas was a senior member of the Palestinian delegation to the Camp David peace talks in July 2000. 'Abbas adamantly rejected Israel’s peace offer but opposed the violent Palestinian uprising called the intifāḍa (Arabic: “shaking off”) that followed.
By early 2003, as both Israel and the United States had indicated their refusal to negotiate with Yasser Arafat, 'Abbas began to emerge as a candidate for a more visible leadership role. As one of the few remaining founding members of Fatah, he had some degree of credibility within the Palestinian cause, and his candidacy was bolstered by the fact that other high-profile Palestinians were for various reasons not suitable (the most notable, Marwan Barghouthi, was under arrest in an Israeli jail after being convicted of multiple murders). 'Abbas's reputation as a pragmatist garnered him favor with the West and certain elements of the Palestinian legislature, and pressure was soon brought on Arafat to appoint him prime minister. Arafat did so on March 19, 2003. Initially, Arafat attempted to undermine the post of prime minister, but was eventually forced to give 'Abbas some degree of power.
However, the rest of 'Abbas's term as prime minister continued to be characterised by numerous conflicts between him and Arafat over the distribution of power between the two. 'Abbas had often hinted he would resign if not given more control over the administration. In early September 2003, he confronted the Palestinian parliament over this issue. The United States and Israel accused Arafat of constantly undermining 'Abbas and his government.
In addition, 'Abbas came into conflict with Palestinian militant groups, notably the Palestinian Islamic Jihad Movement and Hamas because his pragmatic policies were opposed to their hard-line approach. However, he made it perfectly clear that he was forced to abandon, for the moment, the use of arms against Israeli civilians inside the green line due to its ineffectiveness.
Initially he pledged not to use force against the militants, in the interest of avoiding a civil war, and instead attempted negotiation. This was partially successful, resulting in a pledge from the two groups to honor a unilateral Palestinian cease-fire. However, continuing violence and Israeli "target killings" of known leaders forced 'Abbas to pledge a crackdown in order to uphold the Palestinian Authority's side of the road map for peace. This led to a power struggle with Arafat over control of the Palestinian security services. Arafat refused to release control to 'Abbas, thus preventing him from using them on the militants.
Abbas resigned as prime minister in October 2003, citing lack of support from Israel and the United States as well as "internal incitement" against his government.
On November 11, 2004, Yasser Arafat died. On that same day, Mahmoud 'Abbas was appointed chairman of the Executive Committee of the PLO. Although 'Abbas had little popular support among Palestinians, he was highly regarded in the international community for his moderate stance and peacemaking efforts.
After Yasser Arafat's death, Mahmoud 'Abbas was seen, at least by Fatah, as his natural successor. On November 25, 2004, 'Abbas was endorsed by Fatah's Revolutionary Council as its preferred candidate for the presidential election, scheduled for January 9, 2005.
On 14 December 14, 2004, 'Abbas called for an end to violence in the Second Intifada and a return to peaceful resistance. However, he refused to disarm Palestinian militants or tp use force against groups that Israel, the United States and the European Union designated as terrorist organisations.
With Israeli forces arresting and restricting the movement of other candidates, Hamas' boycott of the election, and his campaign being given 94% of the Palestinian electoral campaign coverage on TV, 'Abbas' election was virtually ensured, and on January 9, 2005 'Abbas was elected with 62% of the vote as President of the Palestinian National Authority.
Despite Abbas' call for a peaceful solution, attacks by militant groups continued after his election, in a direct challenge to his authority. The Palestinian Islamic Jihad Movement launched a raid in Gaza on January 12, 2005 that killed one and wounded three military personnel in Gaza. On January 13, 2005, Palestinians from the Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades, Hamas, and the Popular Resistance Committees launched a suicide attack on the Karni crossing, killing six Israelis. As a result, Israel shut down the damaged terminal and broke off relations with 'Abbas and the Palestinian Authority, stating that 'Abbas needed to show a gesture of peace by attempting to stop such attacks.
'Abbas was formally sworn in as the Chairman of the Palestinian National Authority in a ceremony held on January 15, 2005 in the West Bank town of Ramallah.
On January 23, 2005, Israeli radio reported that 'Abbas had secured a thirty-day ceasefire from Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad. On February 12, 2005, Palestinians attacked Israeli settlements and 'Abbas quickly fired some of his security officers for not stopping the attacks in a ceasefire.
In May 2005, 'Abbas travelled to the White House and met with his American counterpart, George W. Bush. Bush, in return for 'Abbas' crackdown on terrorists, pledged 50 million United States dollars in aid to the Palestinian Authority and reiterated the United States pledge for a free Palestinian state. It was the first direct aid the United States had given to the Palestinian, as previous donations had gone through non-governmental organizations. The next day Prime Minister Paul Martin of Canada pledged 9.5 million Canadian dollars in new aid for judicial reform and housing projects, monitors for the Palestinian elections, border management and scholarships for Palestinian refugee women in Lebanon.
On July 25, 2005, 'Abbas announced that he would move his office to Gaza until the complete withdrawal of Israeli troops in order to coordinate the Palestinian side of the withdrawal, mediating between the different factions.
On August 9, 2005, 'Abbas announced that legislative elections, originally scheduled for July 17, 2005, would take place in January 2006. On January 15, 2006 'Abbas declared that despite unrest in Gaza, he would not change the set date of the elections (January 25), unless Israel decided to prevent Arabic speakers in East Jerusalem from voting. Hamas won a majority of votes in this election.
On January 16, 2006, 'Abbas said that he would not run for office again at the end of his current term. On May 25, 2006, 'Abbas gave Hamas a ten-day deadline to accept the 1967 ceasefire lines.
On June 2, 2006, 'Abbas again announced that if Hamas did not approve the prisoners' document—which called for a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict according to the 1967 borders—within two days, he would present the initiative as a referendum. This deadline was subsequently extended until June 10, 2006. Hamas replied that a change in their stance would not occur, and that 'Abbas was not constitutionally permitted to call a referendum, especially so soon after the January 2006 elections.
'Abbas warned Hamas on October 8, 2006 that he would call new legislative elections if it did not accept a coalition government. To recognize Israel was a condition 'Abbas presented for a coalition. However, it was not clear if Abbas had the power to call new elections.
On December 16, 2006, Abbas called for new legislative elections, to bring an end to the parliamentary stalemate between Fatah and Hamas in forming a national coalition government.
On March 17, 2007, a unity government was formed incorporating members of both Hamas and Fatah, with Ismail Haniyeh as Prime Minister and independent politicians taking many key portfolios.
On June 14, 2007, 'Abbas dissolved the Hamas-led unity government of Haniyeh, declared a state of emergency, and appointed Salam Fayyad in Haniyeh's place. This followed action by Hamas armed forces to take control of Palestinian Authority positions controlled by Fatah militias. The appointment of Fayyad to replace Haniyeh was challenged as illegal because, under the Palestinian Basic Law, the president could dismiss a sitting prime minister, but could not appoint a replacement without the approval of the Palestinian Legislative Council. According to the law, until a new prime minister is thus appointed, the outgoing prime minister heads a caretaker government. Fayyad's appointment was never placed before, or approved by the Legislative Council. For this reason, Haniyeh the Hamas prime minister continued to operate in Gaza, and was recognised by a large number of Palestinians as the legitimate acting prime minister.
On June 18, 2007, the European Union promised to resume direct aid to the Palestinian Authority, Abbas dissolved the National Security Council, a sticking point in the defunct unity government with Hamas. That same day, the United States decided to end its fifteen-month embargo on the Palestinian Authority and resume aid, attempting to strengthen 'Abbas's West Bank government. A day later, the Fatah Central Committee cut off all ties and dialogue with Hamas, pending the return of Gaza.
On March 2, 2008, 'Abbas stated he was suspending peace talks with Israel, while Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert vowed to press on with military operations against militants who have been launching home-made rockets into southern Israel.
On May 20, 2008, 'Abbas stated he would resign from his office if the current round of peace talks had not yielded an agreement in principle "within six months". He also stated that the current negotiations were, in effect, deadlocked.
'Abbas was chosen as the President of the "State of Palestine" by the Palestine Liberation Organisation's Central Council on November 23, 2008, a job he had held unofficially since May 8, 2005.
On January 9, 2009, 'Abbas' term as president, at least as he was originally elected, ended. Elected to serve until January 9, 2009, 'Abbas unilaterally extended his term for another year and continued in office even after that deadline expired. 'Abbas justified the extension by stating that the Basic Law gave him the right to do so, so he could align the next presidential and parliamentary elections. Pointing to the Palestinian constitution, Hamas disputed the validity of this move, and considered 'Abbas' term to have ended, in which case Abdel Aziz Duwaik, Speaker of the Palestinian Legislative Council would have become acting president.
Questions about the legitimacy of 'Abbas' continued presidency did not appear to affect his acceptance by other world leaders. In May 2009, 'Abbas welcomed Pope Benedict XVI to the West Bank, who supported 'Abbas' goal of a Palestinian State. Also, in May of 2009, 'Abbas made a visit to Canada, where he met with foreign affairs minister Lawrence Cannon and Prime Minister Stephen Harper.
In February 2010, 'Abbas visited Japan for the third time as Palestinian President. In this visit, he met Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama. He also visited Hiroshima, the first such visit by a Palestinian leader, and spoke about the suffering of the people of Hiroshima, who he compared to the suffering of the Palestinians.
'Abbas married Amina 'Abbas and they had three sons, including Yasser Abbas, who was named after former Palestinian Authority leader Yasser Arafat.
Also known by the kunya, Abu Mazen, Mahmoud 'Abbas was born on March 26, 1935 in Zefat in what is now northern Israel. During the war that followed the establishment of the nation of Israel in 1948, 'Abbas fled to Syria with his family.
In the mid-1950s, 'Abbas became heavily involved in underground Palestinian politics, Joining a number of exiled Palestinians in Qatar, where 'Abbas was Director of Personnel in the emirate's Civil Service. 'Abbas and Arafat helped found al-Fatah ("the Conquest"), a militant Palestinian group that became part of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), a political body that represented the Palestinian people. In the late 1950s, Arafat was establishing the groundwork of Fatah by enlisting wealthy Palestinians in Qatar, Kuwait, and other Persian Gulf States.
In 1958, 'Abbas earned a bachelor's degree in law from the University of Damascus in Syria.
As head of the PLO’s international department in the late 1970s, Abbas was instrumental in forging contacts with Israeli peace groups. 'Abbas efforts with Israeli peace groups were ironic in that Abu Daoud, the man who planned the 1972 Munich Massacre of members of the Israeli team at the Munich Olympic Games which ended with the murder of eleven Israeli athletes and coaches and a West German policeman, later claimed that the funds for the operation were provided by 'Abbas, although without 'Abbas' knowing what the money would be used for.
In 1980, he became head of the PLO's national and international relations department.
'Abbas earned a doctorate in history from the Institute of Oriental Studies (Moscow State University) in Moscow in 1982. The theme of his doctoral dissertation was "The Other Side: The secret relations between Nazism and the leadership of the Zionist movement". This dissertation, which examined Nazism and Zionism, later was decried by Jewish groups as a work of Holocaust denial, and in the 1990s 'Abbas distanced himself from some of its more controversial elements.
'Abbas opposed the 1987 intifada (the armed Palestinian uprising against Israel). He also performed diplomatic duties, presenting a moderating face for PLO policies.
In the early 1990s Abbas shaped Palestinian negotiating strategy at both the peace conference in Madrid (1991) and in secret meetings with the Israelis in Norway. Through the resulting Oslo Accords (1993), Israel and the Palestinians extended mutual recognition to each other, and Israel ceded some governing functions in the West Bank and Gaza Strip to a Palestinian Authority.
Abbas was the first PLO official to visit Saudi Arabia after the Gulf War in January 1993 to mend fences with the Gulf countries for the PLO's support of Iraq during the Persian Gulf War. At the 1993 peace accord with Israel, Abbas was the signatory for the PLO on 13 September 1993. He published a memoir, Through Secret Channels: The Road to Oslo (1995).
In 1995, 'Abbas returned to live in Palestine for the first time since leaving for exile and, in 1996, he became secretary-general of the PLO Executive Committee.
'Abbas again opposed the intifada -- the second intifada -- which began in 2000. 'Abbas was a senior member of the Palestinian delegation to the Camp David peace talks in July 2000. 'Abbas adamantly rejected Israel’s peace offer but opposed the violent Palestinian uprising called the intifāḍa (Arabic: “shaking off”) that followed.
By early 2003, as both Israel and the United States had indicated their refusal to negotiate with Yasser Arafat, 'Abbas began to emerge as a candidate for a more visible leadership role. As one of the few remaining founding members of Fatah, he had some degree of credibility within the Palestinian cause, and his candidacy was bolstered by the fact that other high-profile Palestinians were for various reasons not suitable (the most notable, Marwan Barghouthi, was under arrest in an Israeli jail after being convicted of multiple murders). 'Abbas's reputation as a pragmatist garnered him favor with the West and certain elements of the Palestinian legislature, and pressure was soon brought on Arafat to appoint him prime minister. Arafat did so on March 19, 2003. Initially, Arafat attempted to undermine the post of prime minister, but was eventually forced to give 'Abbas some degree of power.
However, the rest of 'Abbas's term as prime minister continued to be characterised by numerous conflicts between him and Arafat over the distribution of power between the two. 'Abbas had often hinted he would resign if not given more control over the administration. In early September 2003, he confronted the Palestinian parliament over this issue. The United States and Israel accused Arafat of constantly undermining 'Abbas and his government.
In addition, 'Abbas came into conflict with Palestinian militant groups, notably the Palestinian Islamic Jihad Movement and Hamas because his pragmatic policies were opposed to their hard-line approach. However, he made it perfectly clear that he was forced to abandon, for the moment, the use of arms against Israeli civilians inside the green line due to its ineffectiveness.
Initially he pledged not to use force against the militants, in the interest of avoiding a civil war, and instead attempted negotiation. This was partially successful, resulting in a pledge from the two groups to honor a unilateral Palestinian cease-fire. However, continuing violence and Israeli "target killings" of known leaders forced 'Abbas to pledge a crackdown in order to uphold the Palestinian Authority's side of the road map for peace. This led to a power struggle with Arafat over control of the Palestinian security services. Arafat refused to release control to 'Abbas, thus preventing him from using them on the militants.
Abbas resigned as prime minister in October 2003, citing lack of support from Israel and the United States as well as "internal incitement" against his government.
On November 11, 2004, Yasser Arafat died. On that same day, Mahmoud 'Abbas was appointed chairman of the Executive Committee of the PLO. Although 'Abbas had little popular support among Palestinians, he was highly regarded in the international community for his moderate stance and peacemaking efforts.
After Yasser Arafat's death, Mahmoud 'Abbas was seen, at least by Fatah, as his natural successor. On November 25, 2004, 'Abbas was endorsed by Fatah's Revolutionary Council as its preferred candidate for the presidential election, scheduled for January 9, 2005.
On 14 December 14, 2004, 'Abbas called for an end to violence in the Second Intifada and a return to peaceful resistance. However, he refused to disarm Palestinian militants or tp use force against groups that Israel, the United States and the European Union designated as terrorist organisations.
With Israeli forces arresting and restricting the movement of other candidates, Hamas' boycott of the election, and his campaign being given 94% of the Palestinian electoral campaign coverage on TV, 'Abbas' election was virtually ensured, and on January 9, 2005 'Abbas was elected with 62% of the vote as President of the Palestinian National Authority.
Despite Abbas' call for a peaceful solution, attacks by militant groups continued after his election, in a direct challenge to his authority. The Palestinian Islamic Jihad Movement launched a raid in Gaza on January 12, 2005 that killed one and wounded three military personnel in Gaza. On January 13, 2005, Palestinians from the Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades, Hamas, and the Popular Resistance Committees launched a suicide attack on the Karni crossing, killing six Israelis. As a result, Israel shut down the damaged terminal and broke off relations with 'Abbas and the Palestinian Authority, stating that 'Abbas needed to show a gesture of peace by attempting to stop such attacks.
'Abbas was formally sworn in as the Chairman of the Palestinian National Authority in a ceremony held on January 15, 2005 in the West Bank town of Ramallah.
On January 23, 2005, Israeli radio reported that 'Abbas had secured a thirty-day ceasefire from Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad. On February 12, 2005, Palestinians attacked Israeli settlements and 'Abbas quickly fired some of his security officers for not stopping the attacks in a ceasefire.
In May 2005, 'Abbas travelled to the White House and met with his American counterpart, George W. Bush. Bush, in return for 'Abbas' crackdown on terrorists, pledged 50 million United States dollars in aid to the Palestinian Authority and reiterated the United States pledge for a free Palestinian state. It was the first direct aid the United States had given to the Palestinian, as previous donations had gone through non-governmental organizations. The next day Prime Minister Paul Martin of Canada pledged 9.5 million Canadian dollars in new aid for judicial reform and housing projects, monitors for the Palestinian elections, border management and scholarships for Palestinian refugee women in Lebanon.
On July 25, 2005, 'Abbas announced that he would move his office to Gaza until the complete withdrawal of Israeli troops in order to coordinate the Palestinian side of the withdrawal, mediating between the different factions.
On August 9, 2005, 'Abbas announced that legislative elections, originally scheduled for July 17, 2005, would take place in January 2006. On January 15, 2006 'Abbas declared that despite unrest in Gaza, he would not change the set date of the elections (January 25), unless Israel decided to prevent Arabic speakers in East Jerusalem from voting. Hamas won a majority of votes in this election.
On January 16, 2006, 'Abbas said that he would not run for office again at the end of his current term. On May 25, 2006, 'Abbas gave Hamas a ten-day deadline to accept the 1967 ceasefire lines.
On June 2, 2006, 'Abbas again announced that if Hamas did not approve the prisoners' document—which called for a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict according to the 1967 borders—within two days, he would present the initiative as a referendum. This deadline was subsequently extended until June 10, 2006. Hamas replied that a change in their stance would not occur, and that 'Abbas was not constitutionally permitted to call a referendum, especially so soon after the January 2006 elections.
'Abbas warned Hamas on October 8, 2006 that he would call new legislative elections if it did not accept a coalition government. To recognize Israel was a condition 'Abbas presented for a coalition. However, it was not clear if Abbas had the power to call new elections.
On December 16, 2006, Abbas called for new legislative elections, to bring an end to the parliamentary stalemate between Fatah and Hamas in forming a national coalition government.
On March 17, 2007, a unity government was formed incorporating members of both Hamas and Fatah, with Ismail Haniyeh as Prime Minister and independent politicians taking many key portfolios.
On June 14, 2007, 'Abbas dissolved the Hamas-led unity government of Haniyeh, declared a state of emergency, and appointed Salam Fayyad in Haniyeh's place. This followed action by Hamas armed forces to take control of Palestinian Authority positions controlled by Fatah militias. The appointment of Fayyad to replace Haniyeh was challenged as illegal because, under the Palestinian Basic Law, the president could dismiss a sitting prime minister, but could not appoint a replacement without the approval of the Palestinian Legislative Council. According to the law, until a new prime minister is thus appointed, the outgoing prime minister heads a caretaker government. Fayyad's appointment was never placed before, or approved by the Legislative Council. For this reason, Haniyeh the Hamas prime minister continued to operate in Gaza, and was recognised by a large number of Palestinians as the legitimate acting prime minister.
On June 18, 2007, the European Union promised to resume direct aid to the Palestinian Authority, Abbas dissolved the National Security Council, a sticking point in the defunct unity government with Hamas. That same day, the United States decided to end its fifteen-month embargo on the Palestinian Authority and resume aid, attempting to strengthen 'Abbas's West Bank government. A day later, the Fatah Central Committee cut off all ties and dialogue with Hamas, pending the return of Gaza.
On March 2, 2008, 'Abbas stated he was suspending peace talks with Israel, while Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert vowed to press on with military operations against militants who have been launching home-made rockets into southern Israel.
On May 20, 2008, 'Abbas stated he would resign from his office if the current round of peace talks had not yielded an agreement in principle "within six months". He also stated that the current negotiations were, in effect, deadlocked.
'Abbas was chosen as the President of the "State of Palestine" by the Palestine Liberation Organisation's Central Council on November 23, 2008, a job he had held unofficially since May 8, 2005.
On January 9, 2009, 'Abbas' term as president, at least as he was originally elected, ended. Elected to serve until January 9, 2009, 'Abbas unilaterally extended his term for another year and continued in office even after that deadline expired. 'Abbas justified the extension by stating that the Basic Law gave him the right to do so, so he could align the next presidential and parliamentary elections. Pointing to the Palestinian constitution, Hamas disputed the validity of this move, and considered 'Abbas' term to have ended, in which case Abdel Aziz Duwaik, Speaker of the Palestinian Legislative Council would have become acting president.
Questions about the legitimacy of 'Abbas' continued presidency did not appear to affect his acceptance by other world leaders. In May 2009, 'Abbas welcomed Pope Benedict XVI to the West Bank, who supported 'Abbas' goal of a Palestinian State. Also, in May of 2009, 'Abbas made a visit to Canada, where he met with foreign affairs minister Lawrence Cannon and Prime Minister Stephen Harper.
In February 2010, 'Abbas visited Japan for the third time as Palestinian President. In this visit, he met Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama. He also visited Hiroshima, the first such visit by a Palestinian leader, and spoke about the suffering of the people of Hiroshima, who he compared to the suffering of the Palestinians.
'Abbas married Amina 'Abbas and they had three sons, including Yasser Abbas, who was named after former Palestinian Authority leader Yasser Arafat.
Mahmoud 'Abbas, also known by the kunya Abu Mazen, was an Arab of the Sunni-Muslim faith. He became the Chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) on November 11, 2004 and became President of the Palestinian National Authority on January 15, 2005 on the Fatah ticket.
Mahmoud 'Abbas was elected to serve until January 9, 2009. However, due to Palestinian Internal conflict, he unilaterally extended his term for another year and continued in office even after that second deadline expired. As a result of this, Fatah's main rival, Hamas announced that it would not recognize the extension or view 'Abbas as rightful president. 'Abbas was chosen as the President of the State of Palestine by the Palestine Liberation Organization's Central Council on November 23, 2008, a job he had held unofficially since May 8, 2005. 'Abbas served as the first Prime Minister of the Palestinian Authority from March to October 2003 when he resigned citing lack of support from Israel and the United States as well as "internal incitement" against his government. Before being named prime minister, 'Abbas led the PLO's Negotiations Affairs Department.
Alternative names include:
'Abbas, MahmoudMahmoud 'Abbas was elected to serve until January 9, 2009. However, due to Palestinian Internal conflict, he unilaterally extended his term for another year and continued in office even after that second deadline expired. As a result of this, Fatah's main rival, Hamas announced that it would not recognize the extension or view 'Abbas as rightful president. 'Abbas was chosen as the President of the State of Palestine by the Palestine Liberation Organization's Central Council on November 23, 2008, a job he had held unofficially since May 8, 2005. 'Abbas served as the first Prime Minister of the Palestinian Authority from March to October 2003 when he resigned citing lack of support from Israel and the United States as well as "internal incitement" against his government. Before being named prime minister, 'Abbas led the PLO's Negotiations Affairs Department.
Alternative names include:
Abu Mazen
Abu Mazin
Mahmoud 'Abbas
Mazen, Abu
Mazin, Abu
Mazin, Abu
‘Abbas Mahmud al-‘Aqqad
‘Abbas Mahmud al-‘Aqqad (Abbas Mahmoud el-Akkad) (June 28, 1889- March 12, 1964). Egyptian litterateur, journalist, educator, polemicist and critic. He was born in Aswan, a city in upper Egypt. He wrote more than 100 books about philosophy, religions, greats of humanity, and poetry. He founded a poetry school (a salon) with Ibrahim al-Mazny and 'Abd al-Rahman Shokry. Near the end of his life, critics hailed him as a "human encyclopedia" of modern Arab culture. He died on March 12, 1964 in Cairo. His most famous works were The Ingenuity of Christ, The Ingenuity of Abraham, The Ingenuity of Mohamed, The Arab Impact on European Civilization, Sarah, and Allah or God.
'Aqqad, 'Abbas Mahmud al- see ‘Abbas Mahmud al-‘Aqqad
Abbas Mahmoud el-Akkad see ‘Abbas Mahmud al-‘Aqqad
Akkad, Abbas Mahmoud el- see ‘Abbas Mahmud al-‘Aqqad
‘Abbas Mahmud al-‘Aqqad (Abbas Mahmoud el-Akkad) (June 28, 1889- March 12, 1964). Egyptian litterateur, journalist, educator, polemicist and critic. He was born in Aswan, a city in upper Egypt. He wrote more than 100 books about philosophy, religions, greats of humanity, and poetry. He founded a poetry school (a salon) with Ibrahim al-Mazny and 'Abd al-Rahman Shokry. Near the end of his life, critics hailed him as a "human encyclopedia" of modern Arab culture. He died on March 12, 1964 in Cairo. His most famous works were The Ingenuity of Christ, The Ingenuity of Abraham, The Ingenuity of Mohamed, The Arab Impact on European Civilization, Sarah, and Allah or God.
'Aqqad, 'Abbas Mahmud al- see ‘Abbas Mahmud al-‘Aqqad
Abbas Mahmoud el-Akkad see ‘Abbas Mahmud al-‘Aqqad
Akkad, Abbas Mahmoud el- see ‘Abbas Mahmud al-‘Aqqad
‘Abbas Mirza
‘Abbas Mirza (August 26, 1789 - October 25, 1833). Son of the Qajar shah of Persia Fath ‘Ali Shah (r. 1798-1834). He was known for his bravery and generosity. Devoted to military art, he was for many years (1799-1833) governor-general of Azerbaijan. Almost a partner to his father’s throne, ‘Abbas Mirza’s sincere efforts to create a modern army (nizam jadid) and an efficient administration did not prevent his disastrous defeats in two rounds of Russo-Persian wars (1804-1813 and 1826-1828) and the loss of the Caucasian provinces to Russian expansionism. An advocate of modernization and European reforms, his provincial seat, Tabriz, grew to become Iran’s chief trade center. After 1831, he extended his control over eastern Iran, but his devastating campaigns failed to secure Herat. He predeceased his father, but Anglo-Russian guarantees made the monarchy hereditary, and because of his mother's royal birth, the line of 'Abbas Mirza was destined to sit on the throne.
Mirza, 'Abbas see ‘Abbas Mirza
‘Abbas Mirza (August 26, 1789 - October 25, 1833). Son of the Qajar shah of Persia Fath ‘Ali Shah (r. 1798-1834). He was known for his bravery and generosity. Devoted to military art, he was for many years (1799-1833) governor-general of Azerbaijan. Almost a partner to his father’s throne, ‘Abbas Mirza’s sincere efforts to create a modern army (nizam jadid) and an efficient administration did not prevent his disastrous defeats in two rounds of Russo-Persian wars (1804-1813 and 1826-1828) and the loss of the Caucasian provinces to Russian expansionism. An advocate of modernization and European reforms, his provincial seat, Tabriz, grew to become Iran’s chief trade center. After 1831, he extended his control over eastern Iran, but his devastating campaigns failed to secure Herat. He predeceased his father, but Anglo-Russian guarantees made the monarchy hereditary, and because of his mother's royal birth, the line of 'Abbas Mirza was destined to sit on the throne.
Mirza, 'Abbas see ‘Abbas Mirza
'Abbasuddin Ahmed
'Abbasuddin Ahmed (1901-1959). Disciple of Kazi Nazrul Islam, he spent about twenty years with him. He was a master of at least two varieties of folk songs: bhawiya and palligeeti. He influenced the resurgence of Bengali Muslims and, with poet Jasimuddin, was instrumental in popularizing folksongs. 'Abbasuddin is credited with having popularized Islamic songs. He is also known for using a two-string musical instrument (duo tara). He received Pakistan’s "Pride of Performance" award. Abbasuddin’s autobiography is entitled Amer Shilpa Jeban.
Ahmed, 'Abbasuddin see 'Abbasuddin Ahmed
'Abbasuddin Ahmed (1901-1959). Disciple of Kazi Nazrul Islam, he spent about twenty years with him. He was a master of at least two varieties of folk songs: bhawiya and palligeeti. He influenced the resurgence of Bengali Muslims and, with poet Jasimuddin, was instrumental in popularizing folksongs. 'Abbasuddin is credited with having popularized Islamic songs. He is also known for using a two-string musical instrument (duo tara). He received Pakistan’s "Pride of Performance" award. Abbasuddin’s autobiography is entitled Amer Shilpa Jeban.
Ahmed, 'Abbasuddin see 'Abbasuddin Ahmed
No comments:
Post a Comment