Habash
Habash (Habasha). Applied in Arabic usage to the land and peoples of Ethiopia and at times to the adjoining areas in the Horn of Africa.
Habasha see Habash
Habash (Habasha). Applied in Arabic usage to the land and peoples of Ethiopia and at times to the adjoining areas in the Horn of Africa.
Habasha see Habash
Habash al-Hasib al-Marwazi
Habash al-Hasib al-Marwazi (Ahmad ibn 'Abdallah Habash al-Hasib al-Marwazi). Early Muslim astronomer in Baghdad during the ninth century. He possessed a perfect mastery of trigonometrical functions and their application to the problems of spherical astronomy.
Ahmad ibn 'Abdallah Habash al-Hasib al-Marwazi was a Persian astronomer, geographer, and mathematician from Merv in Khorasan, Persia. He flourished in Baghdad, and died a centenarian between 864 and 874. He worked under the Abbasid caliphs al-Ma'mun and al-Mu'tasim.
He made observations from 825 to 835, and compiled three astronomical tables: the first were still in the Hindu manner; the second, called the 'tested" tables, were the most important; they are likely identical with the "Ma'munic" or "Arabic" tables and may be a collective work of al-Ma'mun's astronomers; the third, called tables of the Shah, were smaller.
Apropos of the solar eclipse of 829, Habash gives us the first instance of a determination of time by an altitude (in this case, of the sun); a method which was generally adopted by Muslim astronomers.
In 830, he seems to have introduced the notion of "shadow," umbra (versa), equivalent to our tangent in trigonometry, and he compiled a table of such shadows which seems to be the earliest of its kind. He also introduced the cotangent, and produced the first tables of for it.
Al-Hasib conducted various observations at the Al-Shammisiyyah observatory in Baghdad and estimated a number of geographic and astronomical values. He compiled his results in The Book of Bodies and Distances, in which some of his results included the following:
Earth
Earth's circumference: 20,160 miles (32,444 km)
Earth's diameter: 6414.54 miles (10323.201 km)
Earth radius: 3207.275 miles (5161.609 km)
Moon
Moon's diameter: 1886.8 miles (3036.5 km)
Moon's circumference: 5927.025 miles (9538.622 km)
Radius of closest distance of Moon: 215,208;9,9 (sexagesimal) miles
Half-circumference of closest distance of Moon: 676,368;28,45,25,43 (sexagesimal) miles
Radius of furthest distance of Moon: 205,800;8,45 (sexagesimal) miles
Diameter of furthest distance of Moon: 411,600.216 miles (662,406.338 km)
Circumference of furthest distance of Moon: 1,293,600.916 miles (2,081,848.873 km)
Sun
Sun's diameter: 35,280;1,30 miles (56,777.6966 km)
Sun's circumference: 110,880;4,43 miles (178,444.189 km)
Diameter of orbit of Sun: 7,761,605.5 miles (12,491,093.2 km)
Circumference of orbit of Sun: 24,392,571.38 miles (39,256,038 km)
One degree along orbit of Sun: 67,700.05 miles (108,952.67 km)
One minute along orbit of Sun: 1129.283 miles (1817.405 km)
Marwazi, Habash al-Hasib al- see Habash al-Hasib al-Marwazi
Ahmad ibn 'Abdallah Habash al-Hasib al-Marwazi see Habash al-Hasib al-Marwazi
Marwazi, Ahmad ibn 'Abdallah Habash al-Hasib al- see Habash al-Hasib al-Marwazi
Habash al-Hasib al-Marwazi (Ahmad ibn 'Abdallah Habash al-Hasib al-Marwazi). Early Muslim astronomer in Baghdad during the ninth century. He possessed a perfect mastery of trigonometrical functions and their application to the problems of spherical astronomy.
Ahmad ibn 'Abdallah Habash al-Hasib al-Marwazi was a Persian astronomer, geographer, and mathematician from Merv in Khorasan, Persia. He flourished in Baghdad, and died a centenarian between 864 and 874. He worked under the Abbasid caliphs al-Ma'mun and al-Mu'tasim.
He made observations from 825 to 835, and compiled three astronomical tables: the first were still in the Hindu manner; the second, called the 'tested" tables, were the most important; they are likely identical with the "Ma'munic" or "Arabic" tables and may be a collective work of al-Ma'mun's astronomers; the third, called tables of the Shah, were smaller.
Apropos of the solar eclipse of 829, Habash gives us the first instance of a determination of time by an altitude (in this case, of the sun); a method which was generally adopted by Muslim astronomers.
In 830, he seems to have introduced the notion of "shadow," umbra (versa), equivalent to our tangent in trigonometry, and he compiled a table of such shadows which seems to be the earliest of its kind. He also introduced the cotangent, and produced the first tables of for it.
Al-Hasib conducted various observations at the Al-Shammisiyyah observatory in Baghdad and estimated a number of geographic and astronomical values. He compiled his results in The Book of Bodies and Distances, in which some of his results included the following:
Earth
Earth's circumference: 20,160 miles (32,444 km)
Earth's diameter: 6414.54 miles (10323.201 km)
Earth radius: 3207.275 miles (5161.609 km)
Moon
Moon's diameter: 1886.8 miles (3036.5 km)
Moon's circumference: 5927.025 miles (9538.622 km)
Radius of closest distance of Moon: 215,208;9,9 (sexagesimal) miles
Half-circumference of closest distance of Moon: 676,368;28,45,25,43 (sexagesimal) miles
Radius of furthest distance of Moon: 205,800;8,45 (sexagesimal) miles
Diameter of furthest distance of Moon: 411,600.216 miles (662,406.338 km)
Circumference of furthest distance of Moon: 1,293,600.916 miles (2,081,848.873 km)
Sun
Sun's diameter: 35,280;1,30 miles (56,777.6966 km)
Sun's circumference: 110,880;4,43 miles (178,444.189 km)
Diameter of orbit of Sun: 7,761,605.5 miles (12,491,093.2 km)
Circumference of orbit of Sun: 24,392,571.38 miles (39,256,038 km)
One degree along orbit of Sun: 67,700.05 miles (108,952.67 km)
One minute along orbit of Sun: 1129.283 miles (1817.405 km)
Marwazi, Habash al-Hasib al- see Habash al-Hasib al-Marwazi
Ahmad ibn 'Abdallah Habash al-Hasib al-Marwazi see Habash al-Hasib al-Marwazi
Marwazi, Ahmad ibn 'Abdallah Habash al-Hasib al- see Habash al-Hasib al-Marwazi
Habash, George
Habash, George (George Habash) (August 2, 1926 - January 26, 2008). Leader of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, a Marxist Palestinian Arab group.
George Habash was a Palestinian nationalist. Habash, a Palestinian Christian, founded the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, which pioneered the hijacking of airplanes as a Middle East terror tactic. Habash served as Secretary-General of the Palestine Front until 2000, when ill-health forced him to resign. He died in Amman, Jordan in 2008.
Habash was born in Lydda (today's Lod) to a Greek Orthodox Palestinian family. As a child, he sang in the church choir. Habash, a medical student at the American University of Beirut, was visiting his family during the 1948 Arab-Israeli war. In July 1948, the Israeli military captured Lydda from Jordanian and Arab Liberation Army forces. Habash and his family became refugees and were not allowed to return home.
In 1951, after graduating first in his class from medical school, Habash worked in refugee camps in Jordan, and ran a clinic with Wadie Haddad in Amman. He firmly believed that occupied Palestine must be liberated by all possible means, including armed resistance. In an effort to recruit the Arab World to this cause, Habash founded the Arab Nationalist Movement in 1951 and aligned the organization with Gamal Abdel Nasser's Arab nationalist ideology.
He was implicated in the 1957 coup attempt in Jordan, which had originated among Palestinian members of the National Guard. Habash was convicted in absentia, after having gone underground when King Hussein proclaimed martial law and banned all political parties. In 1958 he fled to Syria (then part of the United Arab Republic), but was forced to return to Beirut in 1961 by the tumultuous break-up of the UAR.
Habash was a leading member of the Palestine Liberation Organization until 1967 when he was sidelined by Fatah leader Yasser Arafat. In response, Habash founded the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine.
In 1964, he began reorganizing the ANM, regrouping the Palestinian members of the organization into a "regional command." After the Six-Day War in 1967, disillusion with Nasser became widespread. This prompted the foundation, led by Habash, of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) as a front of several Palestinian factions, like the "heroes of return" and "Palestinian Liberation Front", along with the ANM on December 11, when he also became its first Secretary-General. Habash was briefly imprisoned in Syria in 1968, but escaped. In the same year, he also came into conflict with long-time ally Wadie Haddad, but both remained in the PFLP.
At a 1969 congress the PFLP re-designated itself a Marxist-Leninist movement, and has remained a Communist organization ever since. Its pan-Arab leanings have been diminished since the ANM days, but popular support for a united Arab front has remained, especially in regard to Israeli and western political pressures. It holds a firm position regarding Israel, demanding its complete eradication as a racist state through military struggle and promotes a one-state solution (one secular, democratic, non-denominational state).
The 1969 congress also saw an ultra-leftist faction under Nayef Hawatmeh and Yasser Abd Rabbo split off as the Popular Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PDFLP), later to become the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP). During Habash's time as Secretary-General, the PFLP became known as one of the most radical and militant Palestinian factions, and gained world notoriety after a string of aircraft hijackings and attacks against Israel affiliated companies as well as Israeli ambassadors in Europe mostly planned by Haddad. The PFLP's pioneering of modern international terror operations brought the group, and the Palestinian issue, onto newspaper front pages worldwide, but it also provoked intense criticism from other parts of the Palestine Liberation Organization. In 1970, Habash was evicted from Jordan due to the key role of the Popular Front in the Black September clashes. In 1974, the Palestinian National Council adopted a resolution recognizing a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and Habash, who opposed this, formed the Rejectionist Front from several other opposition parties.
Habash aligned the PFLP with the PLO and the Lebanese National Movement, but stayed neutral during the Lebanese Civil War in the late 1970s. After a stroke in 1980, when he was living in Damascus, his health declined and other PFLP members rose to the top.
After the Oslo Agreements, Habash formed another opposition alliance consisting of Rejectionist Front members and Islamist organizations such as Hamas and the Islamic Jihad Movement in Palestine, that became prominent during the First Intifada. In 2000, he resigned from his leadership post of the PFLP due to poor health and was succeeded by Abu Ali Mustafa. He continued to be an activist for the group until 2008, when he died of a heart attack in Amman.
The PFLP ignored tensions with the mainstream leadership of Yasser Arafat's Fatah faction, and instead focused on bringing about revolutionary change in Jordan. Habash expressed the opinion that what proceeded was not "only military but also psychological warfare" and one had to "hold the Israelis under permanent pressure".
In 1970, Habash masterminded the hijackings of four Western airliners over the United States, Europe, the Far East and the Persian Gulf. The aircraft were blown up, after the passengers and crews were forced to disembark. Habash was also behind the hijacking of an Air France airliner to Entebbe, Uganda and an attack on Israel's Lod airport in which 27 people were shot to death. Forty-seven people were killed in the bombing of a Swissair jet in 1970. The Dawson's Field hijackings of 1970 were instrumental in provoking the Black September crackdown, which came close to destroying the PLO. The hijackings led King Hussein of Jordan to carry out a major offensive against the Palestinian militants in his kingdom, killing thousands of them. In autumn 1970, Habash visited Beijing.
After Black September, the PLO fedayeen relocated to Lebanon. In 1972, Habash experienced failing health, and gradually began to lose influence within the organization. The Palestinian National Council's (PNC) adoption of a resolution viewed by the PFLP as a two-state solution in 1974, prompted Habash to lead his organization out of active participation in the PLO and to join the Iraqi-backed Rejectionist Front. Only in 1977 would the PFLP opt to rejoin, as the Palestinian factions rallied their forces in opposition to Anwar Sadat's overtures towards Israel, pro-U.S. policies and fragmentation of the Arab world. During the Lebanese Civil War that broke out in 1975, PFLP forces were decimated in battle against Syria. Later, the PFLP would draw close to Syria, as Syria's government shifted, but PFLP involvement in the Lebanese war remained strong until the U.S.-negotiated evacuation of PLO units from Beirut in 1982, and continued on a smaller scale after that.
In 1980, Habash suffered a severe stroke and with his consistently poor health younger members of PFLP began up to assume greater responsibilities. During this time Habash lived in Damascus, Syria and the PFLP neared the Syrian Ba'thist regime of Hafez al-Assad, united by the common opposition to Yasser Arafat's increasing concessions including the refusal to tie the PLO position with Syria's claims on the Israeli occupied Golan Heights and the concession of water rights, port access, and recovery of land occupied by Israeli settlers. In 1992 Habash left Damascus to return to Amman.
After the signing of the Oslo Peace Accords in 1993, Habash and the PFLP again broke completely with Arafat, accusing him of selling out the Palestinian revolution. The group set up an anti-Arafat and anti-Oslo alliance in Damascus, for the first time joined by such non-PLO Islamist groups such as, Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, which had grown to prominence during the First Intifada. After finding the position sterile, with Palestinian political dynamics playing out on the West Bank and Gaza areas of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA), Habash carefully sought to repair ties to Arafat, and gain a hold in post-Oslo politics without compromising PFLP principles. However, there is no indication that he ever accepted the two-state solution. This balancing act could not save the PFLP from being eclipsed by the militant Islamist factions on the one hand, and the resource-rich Fatah with its PNA patronage network on the other. The significance of the PFLP in Palestinian politics has diminished considerably since the mid-90s. The PFLP participated in the Palestinian legislative elections of 2006 as Abu Ali Mustafa won 4.2% of the popular vote.
In the late 1990s, Habash's medical condition worsened. In 2000 he resigned from the post as Secretary-General, citing health reasons. He was succeeded as head of the PFLP by Abu Ali Mustafa who was assassinated by Israel during the Second Intifada. Habash went on to set up a PFLP-affiliated research center, but he remained active in the PFLP's internal politics. Until his death he was still popular among many Palestinians, who appreciate his revolutionary ideology, his determination and principles, the rejection of the Oslo Agreements and his intellectual style.
Habash died on January 26, 2008, at the age of 81 of a heart attack in a hospital in Amman, Jordan. The President of the Palestinian National Authority, Mahmoud Abbas called for three days of national mourning. Habash was buried in a suburban cemetery of Amman with processions by the Greek Orthodox Church.
George Habash see Habash, George
Habash, George (George Habash) (August 2, 1926 - January 26, 2008). Leader of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, a Marxist Palestinian Arab group.
George Habash was a Palestinian nationalist. Habash, a Palestinian Christian, founded the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, which pioneered the hijacking of airplanes as a Middle East terror tactic. Habash served as Secretary-General of the Palestine Front until 2000, when ill-health forced him to resign. He died in Amman, Jordan in 2008.
Habash was born in Lydda (today's Lod) to a Greek Orthodox Palestinian family. As a child, he sang in the church choir. Habash, a medical student at the American University of Beirut, was visiting his family during the 1948 Arab-Israeli war. In July 1948, the Israeli military captured Lydda from Jordanian and Arab Liberation Army forces. Habash and his family became refugees and were not allowed to return home.
In 1951, after graduating first in his class from medical school, Habash worked in refugee camps in Jordan, and ran a clinic with Wadie Haddad in Amman. He firmly believed that occupied Palestine must be liberated by all possible means, including armed resistance. In an effort to recruit the Arab World to this cause, Habash founded the Arab Nationalist Movement in 1951 and aligned the organization with Gamal Abdel Nasser's Arab nationalist ideology.
He was implicated in the 1957 coup attempt in Jordan, which had originated among Palestinian members of the National Guard. Habash was convicted in absentia, after having gone underground when King Hussein proclaimed martial law and banned all political parties. In 1958 he fled to Syria (then part of the United Arab Republic), but was forced to return to Beirut in 1961 by the tumultuous break-up of the UAR.
Habash was a leading member of the Palestine Liberation Organization until 1967 when he was sidelined by Fatah leader Yasser Arafat. In response, Habash founded the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine.
In 1964, he began reorganizing the ANM, regrouping the Palestinian members of the organization into a "regional command." After the Six-Day War in 1967, disillusion with Nasser became widespread. This prompted the foundation, led by Habash, of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) as a front of several Palestinian factions, like the "heroes of return" and "Palestinian Liberation Front", along with the ANM on December 11, when he also became its first Secretary-General. Habash was briefly imprisoned in Syria in 1968, but escaped. In the same year, he also came into conflict with long-time ally Wadie Haddad, but both remained in the PFLP.
At a 1969 congress the PFLP re-designated itself a Marxist-Leninist movement, and has remained a Communist organization ever since. Its pan-Arab leanings have been diminished since the ANM days, but popular support for a united Arab front has remained, especially in regard to Israeli and western political pressures. It holds a firm position regarding Israel, demanding its complete eradication as a racist state through military struggle and promotes a one-state solution (one secular, democratic, non-denominational state).
The 1969 congress also saw an ultra-leftist faction under Nayef Hawatmeh and Yasser Abd Rabbo split off as the Popular Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PDFLP), later to become the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP). During Habash's time as Secretary-General, the PFLP became known as one of the most radical and militant Palestinian factions, and gained world notoriety after a string of aircraft hijackings and attacks against Israel affiliated companies as well as Israeli ambassadors in Europe mostly planned by Haddad. The PFLP's pioneering of modern international terror operations brought the group, and the Palestinian issue, onto newspaper front pages worldwide, but it also provoked intense criticism from other parts of the Palestine Liberation Organization. In 1970, Habash was evicted from Jordan due to the key role of the Popular Front in the Black September clashes. In 1974, the Palestinian National Council adopted a resolution recognizing a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and Habash, who opposed this, formed the Rejectionist Front from several other opposition parties.
Habash aligned the PFLP with the PLO and the Lebanese National Movement, but stayed neutral during the Lebanese Civil War in the late 1970s. After a stroke in 1980, when he was living in Damascus, his health declined and other PFLP members rose to the top.
After the Oslo Agreements, Habash formed another opposition alliance consisting of Rejectionist Front members and Islamist organizations such as Hamas and the Islamic Jihad Movement in Palestine, that became prominent during the First Intifada. In 2000, he resigned from his leadership post of the PFLP due to poor health and was succeeded by Abu Ali Mustafa. He continued to be an activist for the group until 2008, when he died of a heart attack in Amman.
The PFLP ignored tensions with the mainstream leadership of Yasser Arafat's Fatah faction, and instead focused on bringing about revolutionary change in Jordan. Habash expressed the opinion that what proceeded was not "only military but also psychological warfare" and one had to "hold the Israelis under permanent pressure".
In 1970, Habash masterminded the hijackings of four Western airliners over the United States, Europe, the Far East and the Persian Gulf. The aircraft were blown up, after the passengers and crews were forced to disembark. Habash was also behind the hijacking of an Air France airliner to Entebbe, Uganda and an attack on Israel's Lod airport in which 27 people were shot to death. Forty-seven people were killed in the bombing of a Swissair jet in 1970. The Dawson's Field hijackings of 1970 were instrumental in provoking the Black September crackdown, which came close to destroying the PLO. The hijackings led King Hussein of Jordan to carry out a major offensive against the Palestinian militants in his kingdom, killing thousands of them. In autumn 1970, Habash visited Beijing.
After Black September, the PLO fedayeen relocated to Lebanon. In 1972, Habash experienced failing health, and gradually began to lose influence within the organization. The Palestinian National Council's (PNC) adoption of a resolution viewed by the PFLP as a two-state solution in 1974, prompted Habash to lead his organization out of active participation in the PLO and to join the Iraqi-backed Rejectionist Front. Only in 1977 would the PFLP opt to rejoin, as the Palestinian factions rallied their forces in opposition to Anwar Sadat's overtures towards Israel, pro-U.S. policies and fragmentation of the Arab world. During the Lebanese Civil War that broke out in 1975, PFLP forces were decimated in battle against Syria. Later, the PFLP would draw close to Syria, as Syria's government shifted, but PFLP involvement in the Lebanese war remained strong until the U.S.-negotiated evacuation of PLO units from Beirut in 1982, and continued on a smaller scale after that.
In 1980, Habash suffered a severe stroke and with his consistently poor health younger members of PFLP began up to assume greater responsibilities. During this time Habash lived in Damascus, Syria and the PFLP neared the Syrian Ba'thist regime of Hafez al-Assad, united by the common opposition to Yasser Arafat's increasing concessions including the refusal to tie the PLO position with Syria's claims on the Israeli occupied Golan Heights and the concession of water rights, port access, and recovery of land occupied by Israeli settlers. In 1992 Habash left Damascus to return to Amman.
After the signing of the Oslo Peace Accords in 1993, Habash and the PFLP again broke completely with Arafat, accusing him of selling out the Palestinian revolution. The group set up an anti-Arafat and anti-Oslo alliance in Damascus, for the first time joined by such non-PLO Islamist groups such as, Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, which had grown to prominence during the First Intifada. After finding the position sterile, with Palestinian political dynamics playing out on the West Bank and Gaza areas of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA), Habash carefully sought to repair ties to Arafat, and gain a hold in post-Oslo politics without compromising PFLP principles. However, there is no indication that he ever accepted the two-state solution. This balancing act could not save the PFLP from being eclipsed by the militant Islamist factions on the one hand, and the resource-rich Fatah with its PNA patronage network on the other. The significance of the PFLP in Palestinian politics has diminished considerably since the mid-90s. The PFLP participated in the Palestinian legislative elections of 2006 as Abu Ali Mustafa won 4.2% of the popular vote.
In the late 1990s, Habash's medical condition worsened. In 2000 he resigned from the post as Secretary-General, citing health reasons. He was succeeded as head of the PFLP by Abu Ali Mustafa who was assassinated by Israel during the Second Intifada. Habash went on to set up a PFLP-affiliated research center, but he remained active in the PFLP's internal politics. Until his death he was still popular among many Palestinians, who appreciate his revolutionary ideology, his determination and principles, the rejection of the Oslo Agreements and his intellectual style.
Habash died on January 26, 2008, at the age of 81 of a heart attack in a hospital in Amman, Jordan. The President of the Palestinian National Authority, Mahmoud Abbas called for three days of national mourning. Habash was buried in a suburban cemetery of Amman with processions by the Greek Orthodox Church.
George Habash see Habash, George
Habib Allah
Habib Allah (Habibullah) (Habibullah Khan) (June 3, 1872 - February 20, 1919). Ruler of Afghanistan (r.1901-1919). He adopted a pro-British policy and, in internal affairs, introduced needed reforms.
Habibullah Khan was the Emir of Afghanistan from 1901 until 1919. He was born in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, the eldest son of the Emir Abdur Rahman Khan, whom he succeeded by right of primogeniture in October 1901.
Habibullah was a relatively secular, reform-minded ruler who attempted to modernize his country. During his reign he worked to bring Western medicine and other technology to Afghanistan. In 1904, Habibullah founded the Habibia school as well as a military academy. He also worked to put in place progressive reforms in his country. He instituted various legal reforms and repealed many of the harshest criminal penalties. But one of his chief advisors Abdul Lateef was sentenced to death in 1903 for apostacy. He was stoned to death in Kabul. Other reforms included the dismantling of the repressive internal intelligence organization that had put in place by his father.
He strictly maintained the country's neutrality in World War I, despite strenuous efforts by the Sultan of the Ottoman Empire, spiritual ruler of Islam, to enlist Afghanistan on its side. He also greatly reduced tensions with India, signing a treaty of friendship in 1905 and paying an official state visit in 1907.
Habibullah was assassinated while on a hunting trip at Laghman Province on February 20, 1919. His brother Nasrullah Khan did not succeed him as he was imprisoned by Amanullah Khan, a nephew, who seized power and then murdered him.
Habibullah see Habib Allah
Habibullah Khan see Habib Allah
Habib Allah (Habibullah) (Habibullah Khan) (June 3, 1872 - February 20, 1919). Ruler of Afghanistan (r.1901-1919). He adopted a pro-British policy and, in internal affairs, introduced needed reforms.
Habibullah Khan was the Emir of Afghanistan from 1901 until 1919. He was born in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, the eldest son of the Emir Abdur Rahman Khan, whom he succeeded by right of primogeniture in October 1901.
Habibullah was a relatively secular, reform-minded ruler who attempted to modernize his country. During his reign he worked to bring Western medicine and other technology to Afghanistan. In 1904, Habibullah founded the Habibia school as well as a military academy. He also worked to put in place progressive reforms in his country. He instituted various legal reforms and repealed many of the harshest criminal penalties. But one of his chief advisors Abdul Lateef was sentenced to death in 1903 for apostacy. He was stoned to death in Kabul. Other reforms included the dismantling of the repressive internal intelligence organization that had put in place by his father.
He strictly maintained the country's neutrality in World War I, despite strenuous efforts by the Sultan of the Ottoman Empire, spiritual ruler of Islam, to enlist Afghanistan on its side. He also greatly reduced tensions with India, signing a treaty of friendship in 1905 and paying an official state visit in 1907.
Habibullah was assassinated while on a hunting trip at Laghman Province on February 20, 1919. His brother Nasrullah Khan did not succeed him as he was imprisoned by Amanullah Khan, a nephew, who seized power and then murdered him.
Habibullah see Habib Allah
Habibullah Khan see Habib Allah
Habib ibn ‘Abd al-Malik
Habib ibn ‘Abd al-Malik. Cousin and confidant of ‘Abd al-Rahman I, the founder of the Umayyad amirate in al-Andalus in the eighth century. He was the founder of the line of Habibis, which provided al-Andalus with some notable men of learning and of letters.
Habib ibn ‘Abd al-Malik. Cousin and confidant of ‘Abd al-Rahman I, the founder of the Umayyad amirate in al-Andalus in the eighth century. He was the founder of the line of Habibis, which provided al-Andalus with some notable men of learning and of letters.
Habib ibn Maslama
Habib ibn Maslama (617-662). Military commander of the Umayyad caliph Mu‘awiya I. He served as a representative of the Mu‘awiya in the negotiations with the fourth Caliph ‘Ali after the battle of Siffin.
Habib ibn Maslama (617-662). Military commander of the Umayyad caliph Mu‘awiya I. He served as a representative of the Mu‘awiya in the negotiations with the fourth Caliph ‘Ali after the battle of Siffin.
Habre, Hissene
Habre (Hissene Habre) (b. August 13, 1942, Faya-Largeau, Chad - d. August 24, 2021, Dakar, Senegal). Prime minister of Chad (1977-1982) who became the president of Chad in 1982.
Habre (Hissene Habre) (b. August 13, 1942, Faya-Largeau, Chad - d. August 24, 2021, Dakar, Senegal). Prime minister of Chad (1977-1982) who became the president of Chad in 1982.
Of Daza speaking Toubou origin, Habre was born in the northern town of Faya-Largeau. After attending local schools, he worked as a civilian employee for the French army, and then as a sub-prefect in Mao and Moussoro. Afterward, he went to France for advanced studies, and received a law degree, returning to Chad in 1971 to work in the ministry of foreign affairs.
Upon his return, he became increasingly active in the Front de liberation national du Tchad (FROLINAT), a largely northern Muslim movement which began as a peasant rebellion against the southern Christian dominated government, in response to the imposition of heavy taxes and a callous administration. Much of FROLINAT’s support originated in the giant province of Borkou-Ennedi-Tibesti (BET), which comprises half of Chad. Although Chad obtained independence in 1960, BET was occupied by the French military until 1965, as the Chadian government could not control it. By 1966, FROLINAT had emerged as a resistance movement. Within a few years, Habre had become FROLINAT’s military leader.
The political leadership of FROLINAT was based in Tripoli. Tension between Habre and the party’s secretary general, Abba Sikkick, ultimately resulted in Habre breaking off a splinter group, whose followers were mainly of the Garone tribe from northern Chad. Ultimately, Habre assumed control of FROLINAT.
In 1974, Habre’s forces kidnapped some French and German citizens in Bardai, an administrative town in BET. The West German government paid a steep ransom for repatriation of its citizen. France at first refused to pay the $2.4 million demanded by Habre for the release of archeologist Francoise Claustre, but later gave in. However, Claustre and her husband (who was taken prisoner when he came to Chad to try to win Francoise’s release) were held captive until 1977.
In 1975, President Francois Tombalbaye, who was responsible for much of the mistreatment of Muslim northerners, was assassinated. His successor, General Felix Malloum, attempted a policy of reconciliation with the rebels. Meanwhile, continuing dissension within FROLINAT resulted in Habre being replaced by Goukouni Oueddei as head of the movement. Although Habre signed an agreement with Malloum in 1977 which was hoped would lead to the formation of a new government to include FROLINAT, Goukouni’s refusal to cooperate caused the agreement to fall apart. FROLINAT launched a major offensive, which the Chadian army was able to counter only with French assistance.
A second attempt to form a new government was initially successful and, in August, 1977, Malloum retained the position of president while Habre became prime minister and formed a government. However, by the end of December, amidst renewed fighting, the agreement collapsed. Malloum’s army completely lost control of the north. Subsequent efforts to form a unified government failed. In 1980 serious warfare broke out. France, meanwhile, decided to pull its forces out of Chad, which it saw as another Vietnam. In the middle of the year the coalition opposing Habre, known by its initials as GUNT, enlisted Libyan aid to defeat Habre’s forces. Libya occuped northern Chad, and President Goukouni, who had replaced Malloum, pledged an eventual unification with Libya. Reliance on Libya was very unpopular among many of the groups within the coalition, and resulted in a weakening of the alliance against Habre. In 1982, Habre achieved a military victory and captured the capital, N’Djamena. Goukouni fled to Libya. Habre proclaimed himself president and set about to form a broadly representative government.
Chad faced an immediate threat from Libya, which armed Goukouni’s forces. By now Habre had backing from the United States and a reluctant France, which sent troops back into Chad. Libya, however still maintained control over much of the north until early 1988, when Habre’s forces pushed them out of the country.
Despite this victory, Habré's government was weak, and strongly opposed by members of the Zaghawa ethnic group. A rebel offensive in November 1990, which was led by Idriss Déby, a Zaghawa former army commander who had participated in a plot against Habré in 1989 and subsequently fled to Sudan, defeated Habré's forces. The French chose not to assist Habré on this occasion, allowing him to be ousted. It is possible that they actively aided Déby. Explanation and speculation regarding the reasons for France's abandonment of Habré include the adoption of a policy of non-interference in intra-Chadian conflicts, dissatisfaction with Habré's unwillingness to move towards multi-party democracy, and favoritism by Habré towards American rather than French companies with regard to oil development. Habré fled to Cameroon, and the rebels entered N'Djamena on December 2, 1990. Habré subsequently went into exile in Senegal.
Human rights groups hold Habré responsible for the killing of thousands of people, but the exact number is unknown. Killings included massacres against ethnic groups in the south (1984), against the Hadjerai (1987), and against the Zaghawa (1989). He authorized tens of thousands of political murders and physical torture. For these crimes, he received the nickname "the African Pinochet", after the brutal Chilean dictator.
Between 1993 and 2003, Belgium had universal jurisdiction legislation allowing the most serious violations of human rights to be tried in national as well as international courts, without any direct connection to the country of the alleged perpetrator, victims or where the crimes took place. Despite the repeal of the legislation, investigations against Habré went ahead and in September 2005 he was indicted for crimes against humanity, torture, war crimes and other human rights violations. Senegal, where Habré in exile, placed Habré under nominal house arrest in Dakar.
On March 17, 2006, the European Parliament demanded that Senegal turn over Habré to Belgium to be tried. Senegal did not comply, and it at first refused extradition demands from the African Union which arose after Belgium asked to try Habré. The ATDPH expressed its approval of the decision. If he were to be turned over, he would have become the first former dictator to be extradited by a third-party country to stand trial for human rights abuses. In 2007, Senegal set up its own special war-crimes court to try Habré under pressure from the African Union. On April 8, 2008, the National Assembly of Senegal voted to amend the constitution to clear the way for Habré to be prosecuted in Senegal. Ibrahima Gueye was appointed as trial coordinator in May 2008. A joint session of the National Assembly and the Senate voted in July 2008 to approve a bill empowering Senegalese courts to try people for crimes committed in other countries and for crimes that were committed more than ten years beforehand. This made it constitutionally possible to try Habré. Senegalese Minister of Justice Madicke Niang appointed four investigative judges on this occasion.
A 2007 movie by director Klaartje Quirijns, The Dictator Hunter, tells the story of the activists Souleymane Guengueng and Reed Brody who led the efforts to bring Habré to trial.
On August 15, 2008, a Chadian court sentenced Habré to death in absentia for war crimes and crimes against humanity in connection with allegations that he had worked with rebels inside Chad to oust Déby. François Serres, a lawyer for Habré, criticized this trial on August 22 for unfairness and secrecy. According to Serres, the accusation on which the trial was based was previously unknown and Habré had not received any notification of the trial.
On September 16, 2008, 14 victims filed new complaints with a Senegalese prosecutor, accusing Habré of crimes against humanity and torture.
The Senegalese Government added an amendment in 2008, which would allow Habre to be tried in court. Senegal later changed their position, however, requesting 27 million euros in funding from the international community before going through with the trial. This prompted Belgium to pressure the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to force Senegal to either extradite Habre to Belgium or to proceed with the trial.
The ICJ declined to force extradition, finding the prosecution was an international obligation the violation of which was a wrongful act engaging the responsibility of the State, while extradition was an option offered to the State. Senegal was found to have failed international obligations by (1) failing to immediately make a preliminary inquiry into the fact relating to the alleged crimes and (2) failing to submit the case to its competent authorities for prosecution. The ICJ rejected Senegal Defenses of insufficient funds and opposition by domestic law, instead unanimously ordering Senegal to submit the case to authorities for prosecution or extradite him without delay.
In November 2010, the court of justice of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) ruled that Senegal could not hold trial in the matter through a local court only, and asked for the creation of a special tribunal on the matter of Habre's prosecution. In April 2011, after initial reticence, Senegal agreed to the creation of an ad hoc tribunal in collaboration with the African Union, the Chadian state and with international funding.
Senegal changed their position again however, walking out during discussions on establishing the court on May 30, 2011, without explanation. The African Union commission on Habre, in preparation for their next summit on June 30, 2011, published a report which urged pressing Senegal to extradite Habre to Belgium.
On July 8, 2011, Senegal officials announced that Habre would be extradited to Chad on July 11, 2011, but this was subsequently halted. In July 2012, the ICJ ruled that Senegal must start Habre's trial "without delay." Amnesty International called on Senegal to abide by the ICJ's ruling, calling it "a victory for victims that's long overdue". A trial by the International Criminal Court (ICC) was ruled out, because the cirmes took place before the ICC was fully established in 2002, and its jurisdiction is limited to events that took place before the ICC was fully established in 2002, and its jurisdiction is limited to events that took place after that date.
In December 2012, the Parliament of Senegal passed a law allowing for the creation of an international tribunal in Senegal to try Habre. The judges of the tribunal would be appointed by the African Union, and come from elsewhere in Africa.
On June 30, 2013, Habre was arrested in Senegal by the Senegalese police. Chadian President Idriss Deby said of Habre's arrest that it was a step towards "an Africa free of all evil, an Africa stripped of all dictatorships." Senegal's court, set up with the African Union, charged Habre with crimes against humanity and torture. That year he was also sentenced to death in absentia for crimes against humanity by a Chadian court.
On July 20, 2015, the trial of Hissene Habre began. Waiting for the trial to commence, Habre shouted: "Down with imperialists. [This trial] is a farce by rotten Senegalese politicians. African traitors. Valet of America." After this outburst, Habre was taken out of the courtroom and the trial began without him.
On July 21, 2015, Habre's trial was postponed to September 7, 2015, after his lawyers refused to participate in court.
On May 30, 2016, the Extraordinary African Chambers found Habre guilty of rape, sexual slavery, and ordering the killing 40,000 people during his tenure as Chadian president and sentenced him to life in prison in the Prison du Cap Manuel in Senegal. The guilty verdict marked the first time an African Union backed court convicted a former ruler of another country for crimes against humanity.
On April 7, 2020, a judge in Senegal granted Habre two months' leave from prison, as the jail was being used to hold new detainees in COVID-19 quarantine. After finishing his two months leave, Habre returned to prison on June 7, 2020.
Habre died in Senegal on August 24, 2021, a week after his 79th birthday, after being hospitalized in Dakar's main hospital with COVID-19. He had fallen ill while in jail a week earlier. In a statement, Habre's wife, Fatime Raymonne Habre, confirmed that Habre had succumbed to COVID-19.
Habre was buried in Yoff Muslim cemetery.
Habshi
Habshi (Siddi) (Siddhi) (Sheedi) (Zanj) (Seng Chi). Term derived from the Arabic-Persian word "Habashi," meaning Abyssinian, and used in India to indicate slaves of Abyssinian (but maybe also of Nilotic and Bantu) origin. Many of them rose to positions of power and eminence as early as the thirteenth century. They are found among the Khaljis and the Tughluqids, in Gujarat, in Bengal and, perhaps most conspicuously, the Deccan. The most prominent of the Habshis in Ahmadnagar in the seventeenth century was the vizier Malik ‘Ambar. Habshis were also prominent in the navies of Gujarat and the Deccan powers.
The Siddi are an Indian ethnic group of Black African descent. The Siddi population is currently estimated to be 20,000-55,000, with Gujarat state of India being the main population center. Siddis are mainly Sufi Muslims, although some are Hindus and some Roman Catholic Christians.
There are conflicting hypotheses on the origin of the name Siddi. One theory is that the word was a term of respect in North Africa, similar to the word Sahib in modern India and Pakistan. Another holds that it is a degeneration of the word Sayyid or Sayyadi, which is used for descendants of Prophet Muhammad. A third theory is that the term Siddi is derived from the title borne by the captains of the Arab vessels that first delivered Siddi slaves to India. These captains were known as Sayyid (again, signifying the lineage of the Prophet Muhammad), so their black captives were named after them.
Similarly, another term for Siddis, Habshi (from Al-Habsh, the Arabic term for Abyssinia), is held to be derived from the common name for the captains of the Ethiopian/Abyssinian ships that also first delivered Siddi slaves to the subcontinent. The term eventually came to be applied to other Africans as well, and referred not only to emancipated Siddis but to their descendants too.
Siddis are also sometimes referred to as Afro-Indians. Siddis were referred to as Zanj by Arabs, and Seng Chi (a malapropism of Zanj) by the Chinese.
A fine example of Indo-Islamic architecture, the Sidi Saiyyed Mosque in Ahmedabad, India was constructed in 1572 by Sidi Saiyyed, a slave of Sultan Ahmad Shah.
The first Siddis are thought to have arrived in the Indian subcontinent in 628 at the Bharuch port. Several others followed with the first Arab Islamic invasions of the subcontinent in 712. The latter group are believed to have been soldiers with Muhammad bin Qasim's Arab army, and were called Zanjis.
Most Siddis, however, are believed to be the descendants of slaves, sailors, servants and merchants from the Bantu-speaking parts of East Africa who arrived and became resident in the subcontinent during the 1200-1900 period. A large influx of Siddis to the region occurred in the 17th century when Portuguese slave traders sold a number of them to local princes.
In Western India (the modern Indian states of Gujarat and Maharashtra), the Siddi gained a reputation for physical strength and loyalty, and were sought out as mercenaries by local rulers, and as domestic servants and farm labor. Some Siddis escaped slavery to establish communities in forested areas, and some even established small Siddi principalities on Janjira Island and at Jaffrabad as early as the twelfth century. A former alternative name of Janjira was Habshan (i.e., land of the Habshis). In the Delhi Sultanate period prior to the rise of the Mughals in India, Jamal-ud-Din Yaqut was a prominent Siddi slave-turned-nobleman who was a close confidant of Razia Sultana (1205-1240). Although this is disputed, he may also have been her lover.
As a power center, Siddis were sometimes allied with the Mughal Empire in its power-struggle with the Maratha Confederacy. However, Malik Ambar, a prominent Siddi figure in Indian history at large, is sometimes regarded as the "military guru of the Marathas," and was deeply allied with them. He established the town of Khirki which later became the modern city of Aurangabad, and helped establish the Marathas as a major force in the Deccan. Later, the Marathas adapted Siddi guerrilla warfare tactics to grow their power and ultimately demolish the Mughal empire. Some accounts describe the Mughal emperor Jahangir as obsessed by Ambar due to the Mughal empire's consistent failures in crushing him and his Maratha cavalry, describing him derogatorily as "the black faced" and "the ill-starred" in the royal chronicles and even having a painting commissioned that showed Jahangir killing Ambar, a fantasy which was never realized in reality.
Presented as slaves by the Portuguese to the local Prince, Nawab of Junagadh, the Siddis also live around Gir Forest National Park and Wildlife Sanctuary, the last refuge in the world of the almost extinct Asiatic Lions, in Junagadh a district of the state of Gujarat, India.
On the way to Deva-dungar is the quaint village of Sirvan, inhabited entirely by Siddis, a tribe of African people. They were brought 300 years ago from Africa, by the Portuguese for the Nawab of Junagadh. Today, they follow very few of their original customs, with a few exceptions like the traditional Dhamal dance.
Although Gujarati Siddis have adopted the language and many customs of their surrounding populations, some African traditions have been preserved. These include the Goma music and dance form, which is sometimes called Dhamaal. The term is believed to be derived from the Ngoma drumming and dance forms of East Africa. The Goma also has a spiritual significance and, at the climax of the dance, some dancers are believed to be vehicles for the presence of Siddi saints of the past.
In Pakistan, locals of Black African descent are called "Makrani", "Sheedi" or "Habshi". They live primarily along the Makran Coast in Balochistan, and lower Sindh. In the city of Karachi, the main Sheedi centre is the area of Lyari and other nearby coastal areas. Technically, the Sheedi are a brotherhood or community distinct from the other Afro-Pakistanis. The Sheedis are divided into four clans, or houses: Kharadar Makan, Hyderabad Makan, Lassi Makan and Belaro Makan. The sufi saint Pir Mangho is regarded by many as the patron saint of the Sheedis, and the annual Sheedi Mela festival, is the key event in the Sheedi community's cultural calendar. It features songs and dance clearly derived from Africa.
Linguistically, Makranis are Balochi or Sindhi and speak a dialect of Urdu referred to as Makrani.
Famous Sheedis include the historic Sindhi army leader Hoshu Sheedi and Urdu poet Noon Meem Danish. Sheedis are also well known for their excellence in sports, especially in football and boxing. The musical anthem of the ruling Pakistan Peoples Party, "Bija Teer", is a Balochi song in the musical style of the Sheedis with Black African style rhythm and drums. Younis Jani is a popular Sheedi singer famous for singing an Urdu version of the reggaeton song "Papi chulo... (te traigo el mmmm...)."
Films depicting the Siddis include:
* From Africa...To Indian Subcontinent: Sidi Music in the Indian Ocean Diaspora (2003) by Amy Catlin-Jairazbhoy, in close collaboration with Nazir Ali Jairazbhoy and the Sidi community.
* Mon petit diable (My Little Devil) (1999) was directed by Gopi Desai. Om Puri, Pooja Batra, Rushabh Patni, Satyajit Sharma.
* Razia Sultan (1983), an Indian Urdu film directed by Kamal Amrohi, is based on the life of Razia Sultan (played by Hema Malini) (1205-1240), the only female Sultan of Delhi (1236-1240), and her speculated love affair with the Abyssinian slave Jamal-ud-Din Yakut (played by Dharmendra). He was referred to in the movie as a habshee.
Habashi see Habshi
Abyssinian see Habshi
Siddi see Habshi
Siddhi see Habshi
Sheedi see Habshi
Zanj see Habshi
Habshi (Siddi) (Siddhi) (Sheedi) (Zanj) (Seng Chi). Term derived from the Arabic-Persian word "Habashi," meaning Abyssinian, and used in India to indicate slaves of Abyssinian (but maybe also of Nilotic and Bantu) origin. Many of them rose to positions of power and eminence as early as the thirteenth century. They are found among the Khaljis and the Tughluqids, in Gujarat, in Bengal and, perhaps most conspicuously, the Deccan. The most prominent of the Habshis in Ahmadnagar in the seventeenth century was the vizier Malik ‘Ambar. Habshis were also prominent in the navies of Gujarat and the Deccan powers.
The Siddi are an Indian ethnic group of Black African descent. The Siddi population is currently estimated to be 20,000-55,000, with Gujarat state of India being the main population center. Siddis are mainly Sufi Muslims, although some are Hindus and some Roman Catholic Christians.
There are conflicting hypotheses on the origin of the name Siddi. One theory is that the word was a term of respect in North Africa, similar to the word Sahib in modern India and Pakistan. Another holds that it is a degeneration of the word Sayyid or Sayyadi, which is used for descendants of Prophet Muhammad. A third theory is that the term Siddi is derived from the title borne by the captains of the Arab vessels that first delivered Siddi slaves to India. These captains were known as Sayyid (again, signifying the lineage of the Prophet Muhammad), so their black captives were named after them.
Similarly, another term for Siddis, Habshi (from Al-Habsh, the Arabic term for Abyssinia), is held to be derived from the common name for the captains of the Ethiopian/Abyssinian ships that also first delivered Siddi slaves to the subcontinent. The term eventually came to be applied to other Africans as well, and referred not only to emancipated Siddis but to their descendants too.
Siddis are also sometimes referred to as Afro-Indians. Siddis were referred to as Zanj by Arabs, and Seng Chi (a malapropism of Zanj) by the Chinese.
A fine example of Indo-Islamic architecture, the Sidi Saiyyed Mosque in Ahmedabad, India was constructed in 1572 by Sidi Saiyyed, a slave of Sultan Ahmad Shah.
The first Siddis are thought to have arrived in the Indian subcontinent in 628 at the Bharuch port. Several others followed with the first Arab Islamic invasions of the subcontinent in 712. The latter group are believed to have been soldiers with Muhammad bin Qasim's Arab army, and were called Zanjis.
Most Siddis, however, are believed to be the descendants of slaves, sailors, servants and merchants from the Bantu-speaking parts of East Africa who arrived and became resident in the subcontinent during the 1200-1900 period. A large influx of Siddis to the region occurred in the 17th century when Portuguese slave traders sold a number of them to local princes.
In Western India (the modern Indian states of Gujarat and Maharashtra), the Siddi gained a reputation for physical strength and loyalty, and were sought out as mercenaries by local rulers, and as domestic servants and farm labor. Some Siddis escaped slavery to establish communities in forested areas, and some even established small Siddi principalities on Janjira Island and at Jaffrabad as early as the twelfth century. A former alternative name of Janjira was Habshan (i.e., land of the Habshis). In the Delhi Sultanate period prior to the rise of the Mughals in India, Jamal-ud-Din Yaqut was a prominent Siddi slave-turned-nobleman who was a close confidant of Razia Sultana (1205-1240). Although this is disputed, he may also have been her lover.
As a power center, Siddis were sometimes allied with the Mughal Empire in its power-struggle with the Maratha Confederacy. However, Malik Ambar, a prominent Siddi figure in Indian history at large, is sometimes regarded as the "military guru of the Marathas," and was deeply allied with them. He established the town of Khirki which later became the modern city of Aurangabad, and helped establish the Marathas as a major force in the Deccan. Later, the Marathas adapted Siddi guerrilla warfare tactics to grow their power and ultimately demolish the Mughal empire. Some accounts describe the Mughal emperor Jahangir as obsessed by Ambar due to the Mughal empire's consistent failures in crushing him and his Maratha cavalry, describing him derogatorily as "the black faced" and "the ill-starred" in the royal chronicles and even having a painting commissioned that showed Jahangir killing Ambar, a fantasy which was never realized in reality.
Presented as slaves by the Portuguese to the local Prince, Nawab of Junagadh, the Siddis also live around Gir Forest National Park and Wildlife Sanctuary, the last refuge in the world of the almost extinct Asiatic Lions, in Junagadh a district of the state of Gujarat, India.
On the way to Deva-dungar is the quaint village of Sirvan, inhabited entirely by Siddis, a tribe of African people. They were brought 300 years ago from Africa, by the Portuguese for the Nawab of Junagadh. Today, they follow very few of their original customs, with a few exceptions like the traditional Dhamal dance.
Although Gujarati Siddis have adopted the language and many customs of their surrounding populations, some African traditions have been preserved. These include the Goma music and dance form, which is sometimes called Dhamaal. The term is believed to be derived from the Ngoma drumming and dance forms of East Africa. The Goma also has a spiritual significance and, at the climax of the dance, some dancers are believed to be vehicles for the presence of Siddi saints of the past.
In Pakistan, locals of Black African descent are called "Makrani", "Sheedi" or "Habshi". They live primarily along the Makran Coast in Balochistan, and lower Sindh. In the city of Karachi, the main Sheedi centre is the area of Lyari and other nearby coastal areas. Technically, the Sheedi are a brotherhood or community distinct from the other Afro-Pakistanis. The Sheedis are divided into four clans, or houses: Kharadar Makan, Hyderabad Makan, Lassi Makan and Belaro Makan. The sufi saint Pir Mangho is regarded by many as the patron saint of the Sheedis, and the annual Sheedi Mela festival, is the key event in the Sheedi community's cultural calendar. It features songs and dance clearly derived from Africa.
Linguistically, Makranis are Balochi or Sindhi and speak a dialect of Urdu referred to as Makrani.
Famous Sheedis include the historic Sindhi army leader Hoshu Sheedi and Urdu poet Noon Meem Danish. Sheedis are also well known for their excellence in sports, especially in football and boxing. The musical anthem of the ruling Pakistan Peoples Party, "Bija Teer", is a Balochi song in the musical style of the Sheedis with Black African style rhythm and drums. Younis Jani is a popular Sheedi singer famous for singing an Urdu version of the reggaeton song "Papi chulo... (te traigo el mmmm...)."
Films depicting the Siddis include:
* From Africa...To Indian Subcontinent: Sidi Music in the Indian Ocean Diaspora (2003) by Amy Catlin-Jairazbhoy, in close collaboration with Nazir Ali Jairazbhoy and the Sidi community.
* Mon petit diable (My Little Devil) (1999) was directed by Gopi Desai. Om Puri, Pooja Batra, Rushabh Patni, Satyajit Sharma.
* Razia Sultan (1983), an Indian Urdu film directed by Kamal Amrohi, is based on the life of Razia Sultan (played by Hema Malini) (1205-1240), the only female Sultan of Delhi (1236-1240), and her speculated love affair with the Abyssinian slave Jamal-ud-Din Yakut (played by Dharmendra). He was referred to in the movie as a habshee.
Habashi see Habshi
Abyssinian see Habshi
Siddi see Habshi
Siddhi see Habshi
Sheedi see Habshi
Zanj see Habshi
Haddad
Haddad. The most despised, subjugated and socially ostracized peoples of the African Sahel are the Haddad, the blacksmiths, a most puzzling Muslim ethnic group. The Haddad subsist as clients to patrons in a relationship of mutual contempt, scorn and a dependency which guarantees service to the patrons and security for the client.
The Haddad live outside the societies they serve and whose societal values, therefore, do not apply to them. The most basic factor for their being placed outside society is that collectively they can hold no property rights to animals or usufruct (legal) rights to land. Similarly, they are not allowed to use wells, except for themselves individually and their riding animals. Being unable to engage in either agriculture or animal husbandry on their own (although occasionally they do farm small plots), they can only forge iron, hunt and gather and perform various special tasks for their patrons.
Haddad marginality is expressed in many different ways. They are despised to such an extent that ritually, socially and spatially they are forced to live apart from their hosts. Money is thrown in front of them, not handed to them, although the more enlightened will place the money in a Haddad’s breast pocket. Wandering Haddad minstrels play the drum and sing from inside a makeshift hut so that neither performer nor audience sees the other. Touching, such as in shaking hands, let alone eating with a Haddad, is considered repulsive and taboo. If a Haddad’s private grain crop looks promising, it is not unusual for the local chief to have the plants pulled for fear the Haddad will become self-sufficient and thus independent. Masalit women have been known to tickle their babies so they would laugh at a Haddad passing by. Intermarriage with a Haddad is forbidden by most ethnic groups.
Subjugated, relegated to a subservient and inferior status, the Haddad have developed an attitude of scorn and superiority themselves. They despise society as much as society despises them. They exemplify this with their Quranicly sanctioned claim to be descendants of David to whom God taught ironworking. From hindsight, the social inferiority of the Haddad is the result of an intricate dialectic (discussion) fed by repulsion on the part of pastoral immigrants for indigenous hunting techniques and skills in ironworking and magic. Additionally, there is the urge to survive collectively on the part of the Haddad. This is exemplified by their propensity to inspire fear, initially in all innocence, by living according to their own customs and by their willingness to actively cater to special demands which were abhorrent to their hosts’ sense of morality. Thus, the Haddad who never formed part of society had little feelings of solidarity or responsibility towards it.
Historically, the Haddad of the sultanates of Wadai, Darfur and Dar Masalit were governed, judged and taxed by a special Haddad “sultan,” who, moreover, held an important position in the courts of the more recognized sultanates. In Wadai, the “sultan” of the Haddad was the physician for the royal family and as such was permitted to enter the harem. Also, it was his duty, at the beginning of a new reign, to blind the sultan’s brothers, nephews and cousins. He also had the tasks of shaving the sultan’s head weekly and preparing the body of a dead sultan for burial.
Prior to and during the Islamization of the Sahel and the Sudan, states were often headed by sacred kings whose subjects believed that it was they who brought life and death, sickness and health. Frequently, the king remained in seclusion, veiled from the view of his people and outsiders. He conversed with visitors and petitioners through intermediaries or from behind a curtain. It was forbidden to see the king eat or in other ways note his “humanness.” If he became ill, he was likely to be killed by family insiders lest the mortality of the king be exposed. The introduction of Islam did not immediately disturb the mythic basis of royal authority. As recently as the 1870s, the sacrality of the king still largely existed, even though the kings had been Muslims for 200 years. Only when rulers turned Islam from an imperial cult into a state religion and thus brought it to the masses did their sacrality break down.
Throughout this experience, the Haddad, being outside the society, did not have to recognize the sacrality of the rulers. They could converse directly with the king and do many things that no other mortal would contemplate doing.
blacksmiths see Haddad.
Haddad. The most despised, subjugated and socially ostracized peoples of the African Sahel are the Haddad, the blacksmiths, a most puzzling Muslim ethnic group. The Haddad subsist as clients to patrons in a relationship of mutual contempt, scorn and a dependency which guarantees service to the patrons and security for the client.
The Haddad live outside the societies they serve and whose societal values, therefore, do not apply to them. The most basic factor for their being placed outside society is that collectively they can hold no property rights to animals or usufruct (legal) rights to land. Similarly, they are not allowed to use wells, except for themselves individually and their riding animals. Being unable to engage in either agriculture or animal husbandry on their own (although occasionally they do farm small plots), they can only forge iron, hunt and gather and perform various special tasks for their patrons.
Haddad marginality is expressed in many different ways. They are despised to such an extent that ritually, socially and spatially they are forced to live apart from their hosts. Money is thrown in front of them, not handed to them, although the more enlightened will place the money in a Haddad’s breast pocket. Wandering Haddad minstrels play the drum and sing from inside a makeshift hut so that neither performer nor audience sees the other. Touching, such as in shaking hands, let alone eating with a Haddad, is considered repulsive and taboo. If a Haddad’s private grain crop looks promising, it is not unusual for the local chief to have the plants pulled for fear the Haddad will become self-sufficient and thus independent. Masalit women have been known to tickle their babies so they would laugh at a Haddad passing by. Intermarriage with a Haddad is forbidden by most ethnic groups.
Subjugated, relegated to a subservient and inferior status, the Haddad have developed an attitude of scorn and superiority themselves. They despise society as much as society despises them. They exemplify this with their Quranicly sanctioned claim to be descendants of David to whom God taught ironworking. From hindsight, the social inferiority of the Haddad is the result of an intricate dialectic (discussion) fed by repulsion on the part of pastoral immigrants for indigenous hunting techniques and skills in ironworking and magic. Additionally, there is the urge to survive collectively on the part of the Haddad. This is exemplified by their propensity to inspire fear, initially in all innocence, by living according to their own customs and by their willingness to actively cater to special demands which were abhorrent to their hosts’ sense of morality. Thus, the Haddad who never formed part of society had little feelings of solidarity or responsibility towards it.
Historically, the Haddad of the sultanates of Wadai, Darfur and Dar Masalit were governed, judged and taxed by a special Haddad “sultan,” who, moreover, held an important position in the courts of the more recognized sultanates. In Wadai, the “sultan” of the Haddad was the physician for the royal family and as such was permitted to enter the harem. Also, it was his duty, at the beginning of a new reign, to blind the sultan’s brothers, nephews and cousins. He also had the tasks of shaving the sultan’s head weekly and preparing the body of a dead sultan for burial.
Prior to and during the Islamization of the Sahel and the Sudan, states were often headed by sacred kings whose subjects believed that it was they who brought life and death, sickness and health. Frequently, the king remained in seclusion, veiled from the view of his people and outsiders. He conversed with visitors and petitioners through intermediaries or from behind a curtain. It was forbidden to see the king eat or in other ways note his “humanness.” If he became ill, he was likely to be killed by family insiders lest the mortality of the king be exposed. The introduction of Islam did not immediately disturb the mythic basis of royal authority. As recently as the 1870s, the sacrality of the king still largely existed, even though the kings had been Muslims for 200 years. Only when rulers turned Islam from an imperial cult into a state religion and thus brought it to the masses did their sacrality break down.
Throughout this experience, the Haddad, being outside the society, did not have to recognize the sacrality of the rulers. They could converse directly with the king and do many things that no other mortal would contemplate doing.
blacksmiths see Haddad.
Haddad, al-Tahir al-
Haddad, al-Tahir al- (al-Tahir al-Haddad) (c.1899- December 7, 1935). Nationalist and reformist Tunisian writer, considered the pioneer of the movement for the emancipation of women in his country. His most noted work was Imra 'tuna fi 'l-sharia wa 'l-mujtama.
al-Tahir al-Haddad see Haddad, al-Tahir al-
Haddad, al-Tahir al- (al-Tahir al-Haddad) (c.1899- December 7, 1935). Nationalist and reformist Tunisian writer, considered the pioneer of the movement for the emancipation of women in his country. His most noted work was Imra 'tuna fi 'l-sharia wa 'l-mujtama.
al-Tahir al-Haddad see Haddad, al-Tahir al-
Hadi ila’l-Haqq, al-
Hadi ila’l-Haqq, al- (Musa ibn al-Mahdi) (Abu Abdullah Musa ibn Mahdi al-Hadi) (d. September 14, 786) was an Abbasid caliph who succeeded his father Al-Mahdi and ruled from 785 until his death in 786.
Al-Hadi ila'l-Haqq is the regnal name of the ‘Abbasid caliph Musa ibn al-Mahdi who reigned from 785 to 786. His attitude of frank hostility to the ‘Alids led to the massacre of Fakhkh.
Al-Hadi was the eldest son of Al-Mahdi and like his father he was very open to the people of his empire and allowed commoners to visit him in the palace at Baghdad to address him. As such, he was considered an enlightened ruler, and continued the progressive moves of his Abbasid predecessors.
His short rule was wreaked with numerous military conflicts. The revolt of Husayn ibn Ali ibn Hasan broke out when Husayn declared himself caliph in Medina. Al-Hadi crushed the rebellion and killed Husayn and many of his followers, but Idris b. Abdallah b. Hasan b. Hasan b. Ali, a cousin of Husayn, escaped and aided by Wadih, Egyptian postal manager, reached Morocco where he founded the Idrisi state. Al-Hadi also crushed a Kharijite rebellion and faced a Byzantine invasion. However, the Byzantines were turned back, and the Abbasid armies actually seized some territory from them.
Al-Hadi died in 786. He was succeeded by his younger brother, Harun al-Rashid.
Musa ibn al-Mahdi see Hadi ila’l-Haqq, al-
Abu Abdullah Musa ibn Mahdi al-Hadi see Hadi ila’l-Haqq, al-
Hadi ila’l-Haqq, al- (Musa ibn al-Mahdi) (Abu Abdullah Musa ibn Mahdi al-Hadi) (d. September 14, 786) was an Abbasid caliph who succeeded his father Al-Mahdi and ruled from 785 until his death in 786.
Al-Hadi ila'l-Haqq is the regnal name of the ‘Abbasid caliph Musa ibn al-Mahdi who reigned from 785 to 786. His attitude of frank hostility to the ‘Alids led to the massacre of Fakhkh.
Al-Hadi was the eldest son of Al-Mahdi and like his father he was very open to the people of his empire and allowed commoners to visit him in the palace at Baghdad to address him. As such, he was considered an enlightened ruler, and continued the progressive moves of his Abbasid predecessors.
His short rule was wreaked with numerous military conflicts. The revolt of Husayn ibn Ali ibn Hasan broke out when Husayn declared himself caliph in Medina. Al-Hadi crushed the rebellion and killed Husayn and many of his followers, but Idris b. Abdallah b. Hasan b. Hasan b. Ali, a cousin of Husayn, escaped and aided by Wadih, Egyptian postal manager, reached Morocco where he founded the Idrisi state. Al-Hadi also crushed a Kharijite rebellion and faced a Byzantine invasion. However, the Byzantines were turned back, and the Abbasid armies actually seized some territory from them.
Al-Hadi died in 786. He was succeeded by his younger brother, Harun al-Rashid.
Musa ibn al-Mahdi see Hadi ila’l-Haqq, al-
Abu Abdullah Musa ibn Mahdi al-Hadi see Hadi ila’l-Haqq, al-
Hadi ila’l-Haqq, Yahya al-
Hadi ila’l-Haqq, Yahya al- (Yahya al-Hadi ila’l-Haqq). Founder of the Zaydi imamate in Yemen (r.893-911). His tomb in the mosque of Sa‘da became a place of pilgrimage for the Zaydis.
The Imams of Yemen were religiously consecrated leaders belonging to the Zaidiyyah branch of Shi'a Islam. They established a blend of religious and secular rule in parts of Yemen from 898. Their imamate endured under varying circumstances until the republican revolution in 1962. Zaidiyyah theology differed from Ismailis or Twelver Shi'ites by stressing the presence of an active and visible imam as leader. The imam was expected to be knowledgeable in religious sciences, and to prove himself a worthy headman of the community, even in battle if this was necessary. A claimant of the imamate would proclaim a "call" (da'wa), and there were not infrequently more than one claimant.
The imams based their legitimacy on descent from the Prophet Muhammad, mostly via al-Qasim ar-Rassi (d. 860). After him, the medieval imams are sometimes known as Rassids. The first of the ruling line, his grandson al-Hadi ila'l-Haqq Yahya, was born in Medina and summoned to govern the highland tribes of Yemen in 893 and again in 896-98. He introduced practices that evolved into the particular Yemenite Zaidiyyah brand. He could not, however, create an enduring state, due to the strong localism persisting in the region. For long periods during the Middle Ages the imams were marginalized by other Muslim dynasties in the area, such as the Rasulid (1229-1454) and Tahiride (1454-1517) dynasties. The Ottoman Turks ruled from the lowlands in the period 1538-1636, and defeated the Zaidiyyah. From the early 17th century one the Rassid branches, the Qasimids, managed to gather the entire Yemen under their authority and expel the Turks. For a time, the imams ruled a comprehensive territory, including South Yemen and areas even further to the east. Their economic base was strengthened by the coffee trade of the coastal entrepot Mocha. Unlike in the previous practice, the Qasimids ruled as a hereditary dynasty. The power of the imamate declined in the 18th and 19th century, especially in the wake of the Wahhabi invasions after 1800. It was further eclipsed by the second coming of the Turks to lowland Yemen in 1848, and to the highlands in 1872. The occupants were eventually driven out by 1918, by a Qasimid side-branch which inaugurated the Mutawakkilite Kingdom of Yemen. The ruling imams, also called kings (malik), were in charge of North Yemen up to 1962 when the last one was deposed, and the Yemen Arab Republic was proclaimed.
There is no uncontested list of imams of Yemen, since many imams were not universally recognized, and sometimes eclipsed by the rule of lowland dynasties or by the Turks. The following list is fairly inclusive.
* al-Hadi ila'l-Haqq Yahya bin al-Husayn bin al-Qasim ar-Rassi 898-911 (descendant of the Prophet)
* al-Murtada Muhammad 911-913, d. 922
* an-Nasir Ahmad 913-934 or 937
* al-Hasan 934-936 or 939
* al-Mukhtar al-Qasim 936-956
* al-Mansur Yahya 934-976
* ad-Da'i Yusuf 977-999
* al-Mansur al-Qasim bin al-Ayyani Ali 999-1003
* ad-Da'i Yusuf 1003-1012
* al-Mahdi al-Husayn 1003-1013
* al-Mu'ayyad Ahmad bin al-Husayn 1013-1020
* Abu Talib Yahya 1020-1033
* al-Mu’id li-Din Illah 1027-1030
* Abu Hashim al-Hasan 1035-1040
* Abu'l-Fath an-Nasir ad-Daylami bin al-Huasyn 1038-1053
* Hamzah 1060-1066
* al-Mutawakkil Ahmad bin Sulaiman 1138-1171
* al-Mansur Abdallah bin Hamzah 1185-1217
* an-Nasir Muhammad 1217-1226
* al-Hadi Yahya bin Muhsin 1217-1239
* al-Mahdi Ahmad bin Husayn 1249-1258
* Hasan bin Badr ad-Din Muhammad 1258-1260, d. 1285
* Yahya bin as-Saraji Muhammad 1260-1271
* al-Mahdi Ibrahim bin Taj ad-Din Ahmad 1272-1276
* al-Mutawakkil al-Mutahhar bin al-Murtada Yahya 1276-1298
* al-Mahdi Muhammad 1301-1327
* al-Mu'ayyad Yahya bin Hamzah 1328-1349
* Nasir ad-Din Ali bin Salah 1328-1329
* Ahmad bin al-Fathi Ali 1329-1349
* al-Mutahhar 1349
* al-Mahdi Ali bin Muhammad 1349-1372
* an-Nasir Muhammad Salah-ad-Din 1372-1391
* al-Mansur Ali 1391-1436
* al-Mahdi Ahmad bin al-Murtada Yahya 1390-1391, d. 1436
* al-Hadi Ali bin al-Muayyad 1393-1432
* al-Mahdi Salah-ad-Din bin Ali 1436-1440
* al-Mansur an-Nasir bin Muhammad 1436-1462
* al-Mutawakkil Yusuf bin Muhammad 1436-1474
* al-Mu’ayyad Muhammad 1462-1502
* an-Nasir Muhammad 1474-1487
* al-Hadi Izz-ad-Din bin Hasan 1474-1495
* al-Mansur Muhammad bin al-Washali Ali 1475-1504
* an-Nasir al-Hasan 1495-1522
* al-Mutawakkil Yahya Sharaf-ad-Din bin Shams-ad-Din 1507-1558
* al-Mutahhar 1558-1572
* an-Nasir Hasan bin Ali 1579-1585
* al-Mansur al-Qasim bin Muhammad 1597-1620
* al-Mu'ayyad Muhammad I 1620-1644
* al-Mutawakkil Isma'il 1644-1676
* al-Mahdi Ahmad bin al-Hasan 1676-1681
* al-Mu'ayyad Muhammad II 1681-1686
* al-Mahdi Muhammad 1687-1718
* al-Mansur al-Husayn I bin al-Qasim 1716-1720
* al-Mutawakkil al-Qasim bin al-Hasan 1716-1727
* an-Nasir Muhammad bin Ishaq 1723, d. 1754
* al-Mansur al-Husayn II 1727-1748
* al-Mahdi Abbas 1748-1775
* al-Mansur Ali I 1775-1809
* al-Mutawakkil Ahmad 1809-1816
* al-Mahdi Abdallah 1816-1835
* al-Mansur Ali II 1835-1836
* an-Nasir Abdallah bin al-Hasan bin Ahmad 1836-1840
* al-Hadi Muhammad 1840-1844
* al-Mansur Ali II 1844-1845
* al-Mutawakkil Muhammad bin Yahya 1845-1849
* al-Mansur Ali II 1849-1850
* al-Mansur Ahmad bin Hashim 1849-1853
* al-Mu'ayyad Abbas bin Abd ar-Rahman 1850
* al-Hadi Ghalib 1851-1852
* al-Mansur Muhammad bin Abdallah 1853-1890
* al-Mutawakkil al-Muhsin bin Ahmad 1855-1878
* al-Hadi Ghalib 1858-1872
* al-Mansur al-Husayn bin Muhammad bin al-Hadi 1859-1863
* al-Hadi Sharaf ad-Din bin Muhammad bin Abd ar-Rahman 1878-1890
* al-Mansur Muhammad bin Yahya Hamid ad-Din 1890-1904
* al-Mutawakkil Yahya Muhammad Hamid ed-Din 1904-1948
* as-Sayyid al-Hadi Abdallah bin Ahmad al-Wazir 1948
* Saif-al-Islam Ahmad bin Yahya 1948-1962
* Muhammad al-Badr 1962, d. 1996
Yahya al-Hadi ila’l-Haqq see Hadi ila’l-Haqq, Yahya al-
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