Nasir
Nasir (al-Nasir). Regnal title of five Mameluke sultans.
Nasir, al- see Nasir
Nasir, al- see Nasir
Nasir, Abu ‘Abd Allah al-
Nasir, Abu ‘Abd Allah al- (Abu ‘Abd Allah al-Nasir). Sovereign of the dynasty of the Almohads (r. 1199-1213). In 1211, he sent an expedition against Spain which ended in disaster for the Muslim troops at Las Navas de Tolosa.
Abu ‘Abd Allah al-Nasir see Nasir, Abu ‘Abd Allah al-
Nasir, Abu ‘Abd Allah al- (Abu ‘Abd Allah al-Nasir). Sovereign of the dynasty of the Almohads (r. 1199-1213). In 1211, he sent an expedition against Spain which ended in disaster for the Muslim troops at Las Navas de Tolosa.
Abu ‘Abd Allah al-Nasir see Nasir, Abu ‘Abd Allah al-
Nasir al-Dawla, Abu Muhammad al-Hasan al-
Nasir al-Dawla, Abu Muhammad al-Hasan al- (Abu Muhammad al-Hasan al-Nasir al-Dawla). Ruler of the Mosul branch of the Hamdanids (r.920-968). He profitted by the rapid decline in the power of the ‘Abbasid caliphs, but came into conflict with the Buyid of Iraq Mu‘izz al-Dawla. His rule was disastrous because of his exactions and tyrannical seizures of lands.
Abu Muhammad al-Hasan al-Nasir al-Dawla see Nasir al-Dawla, Abu Muhammad al-Hasan al-
Dawla, Abu Muhammad al-Hasan al-Nasir al- see Nasir al-Dawla, Abu Muhammad al-Hasan al-
Nasir al-Dawla, Abu Muhammad al-Hasan al- (Abu Muhammad al-Hasan al-Nasir al-Dawla). Ruler of the Mosul branch of the Hamdanids (r.920-968). He profitted by the rapid decline in the power of the ‘Abbasid caliphs, but came into conflict with the Buyid of Iraq Mu‘izz al-Dawla. His rule was disastrous because of his exactions and tyrannical seizures of lands.
Abu Muhammad al-Hasan al-Nasir al-Dawla see Nasir al-Dawla, Abu Muhammad al-Hasan al-
Dawla, Abu Muhammad al-Hasan al-Nasir al- see Nasir al-Dawla, Abu Muhammad al-Hasan al-
Nasir al-Din Shah
Nasir al-Din Shah (Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar) (Nāṣira’d-Dīn Shāh Qājār) (Nāṣer al-Dīn Shāh) (b. July 16, 1831 – d. May 1, 1896). Ruler of the Qajar dynasty (r. 1848-1896). The first phase of his reign (1848-1858) was characterized by a prolonged struggle to assert monarchical authority against the Prime Minister, the Qajar nobility, the European powers and popular and religious dissent. The second phase (1858-1871) was marked by the abolition of the office of Prime Minister and the appointment of ministers to the newly created ministries, with the shah acting as his own Prime Minister. The third phase (1871-1886) saw the rise of the celebrated reformer Mirza Husayn Khan Mushir al-Dawla and the royal tours to Ottoman Iraq and to Europe. The last phase of the long reign was marked by the shah’s personal disillusionment and growing popular discontent.
Nāṣer al-Dīn Shāh was the Qājār shah of Iran who began his reign as a reformer but became increasingly conservative, failing to understand the accelerating need for change or for a response to the pressures brought by contact with the Western nations.
Although a younger son of Moḥammad Shāh, Nāṣer al-Dīn was named heir apparent through the influence of his mother. Serious disturbances broke out when he succeeded to the throne on his father’s death in 1848, but these were quelled through the efforts of his chief minister, Mīrzā Taqī Khān. Under Taqī Khān’s influence, Nāṣer al-Dīn began his rule by instituting a series of needed reforms. Taqī Khān, however, was later forced from power by his enemies, who included Nāṣer al-Dīn’s mother, and was disgraced, imprisoned, and finally murdered. In 1852 an attempt was made on Nāṣer al-Dīn’s life by two Bābīs (members of a religious sect considered heretical); he responded with a fierce, cruel, and prolonged persecution of the sect.
Unable to regain territory lost to Russia in the early 19th century, Nāṣer al-Dīn sought compensation by seizing Herāt, Afghanistan, in 1856. Great Britain regarded the move as a threat to British India and declared war on Iran, forcing the return of Herāt as well as Iranian recognition of the kingdom of Afghanistan.
Nāṣer al-Dīn was effective in certain areas. He curbed the secular power of the clergy, introduced telegraph and postal services, built roads, opened the first school offering education along Western lines, and launched Iran’s first newspaper. He visited Europe in 1873, 1878, and 1889 and was impressed with the technology he saw there. In the later years of his rule, however, he steadfastly refused to deal with the growing pressures for reforms. He also granted a series of concessionary rights to foreigners in return for large payments that went into his own pockets. In 1872, popular pressure forced him to withdraw one concession involving permission to construct such complexes as railways and irrigation works throughout Iran. In 1890, he made an even greater error in granting a 50-year concession on the purchase, sale, and processing of all tobacco in the country, which led to a national boycott of tobacco and the withdrawal of the concession. This last incident is considered by many authorities to be the origin of modern Iranian nationalism. Increasingly unpopular among various Iranian factions, Nāṣer al-Dīn was assassinated in Tehrān by a follower of Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī.
Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar see Nasir al-Din Shah
Nāṣira’d-Dīn Shāh Qājār see Nasir al-Din Shah
Nāṣer al-Dīn Shāh see Nasir al-Din Shah
Nasir al-Din Shah (Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar) (Nāṣira’d-Dīn Shāh Qājār) (Nāṣer al-Dīn Shāh) (b. July 16, 1831 – d. May 1, 1896). Ruler of the Qajar dynasty (r. 1848-1896). The first phase of his reign (1848-1858) was characterized by a prolonged struggle to assert monarchical authority against the Prime Minister, the Qajar nobility, the European powers and popular and religious dissent. The second phase (1858-1871) was marked by the abolition of the office of Prime Minister and the appointment of ministers to the newly created ministries, with the shah acting as his own Prime Minister. The third phase (1871-1886) saw the rise of the celebrated reformer Mirza Husayn Khan Mushir al-Dawla and the royal tours to Ottoman Iraq and to Europe. The last phase of the long reign was marked by the shah’s personal disillusionment and growing popular discontent.
Nāṣer al-Dīn Shāh was the Qājār shah of Iran who began his reign as a reformer but became increasingly conservative, failing to understand the accelerating need for change or for a response to the pressures brought by contact with the Western nations.
Although a younger son of Moḥammad Shāh, Nāṣer al-Dīn was named heir apparent through the influence of his mother. Serious disturbances broke out when he succeeded to the throne on his father’s death in 1848, but these were quelled through the efforts of his chief minister, Mīrzā Taqī Khān. Under Taqī Khān’s influence, Nāṣer al-Dīn began his rule by instituting a series of needed reforms. Taqī Khān, however, was later forced from power by his enemies, who included Nāṣer al-Dīn’s mother, and was disgraced, imprisoned, and finally murdered. In 1852 an attempt was made on Nāṣer al-Dīn’s life by two Bābīs (members of a religious sect considered heretical); he responded with a fierce, cruel, and prolonged persecution of the sect.
Unable to regain territory lost to Russia in the early 19th century, Nāṣer al-Dīn sought compensation by seizing Herāt, Afghanistan, in 1856. Great Britain regarded the move as a threat to British India and declared war on Iran, forcing the return of Herāt as well as Iranian recognition of the kingdom of Afghanistan.
Nāṣer al-Dīn was effective in certain areas. He curbed the secular power of the clergy, introduced telegraph and postal services, built roads, opened the first school offering education along Western lines, and launched Iran’s first newspaper. He visited Europe in 1873, 1878, and 1889 and was impressed with the technology he saw there. In the later years of his rule, however, he steadfastly refused to deal with the growing pressures for reforms. He also granted a series of concessionary rights to foreigners in return for large payments that went into his own pockets. In 1872, popular pressure forced him to withdraw one concession involving permission to construct such complexes as railways and irrigation works throughout Iran. In 1890, he made an even greater error in granting a 50-year concession on the purchase, sale, and processing of all tobacco in the country, which led to a national boycott of tobacco and the withdrawal of the concession. This last incident is considered by many authorities to be the origin of modern Iranian nationalism. Increasingly unpopular among various Iranian factions, Nāṣer al-Dīn was assassinated in Tehrān by a follower of Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī.
Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar see Nasir al-Din Shah
Nāṣira’d-Dīn Shāh Qājār see Nasir al-Din Shah
Nāṣer al-Dīn Shāh see Nasir al-Din Shah
Nasir ‘Ali Sirhindi
Nasir ‘Ali Sirhindi (d. 1697). One of the best of the Persian poets of India. His principal work is a version of the love story of Madhumalat and Manuhar, originally written in Hindi.
Sirhindi, Nasir 'Ali see Nasir ‘Ali Sirhindi
Nasir ‘Ali Sirhindi (d. 1697). One of the best of the Persian poets of India. His principal work is a version of the love story of Madhumalat and Manuhar, originally written in Hindi.
Sirhindi, Nasir 'Ali see Nasir ‘Ali Sirhindi
Nasir al-Salawi, Shihab al-Din al-
Nasir al-Salawi, Shihab al-Din al- (Shihab al-Din al-Nasir al-Salawi) (1835-1897). Moroccan historian. He wrote a general history of Morocco which became a much consulted document.
Shihab al-Din al-Nasir al-Salawi see Nasir al-Salawi, Shihab al-Din al-
Salawi, Shihab al-Din al-Nasir al- see Nasir al-Salawi, Shihab al-Din al-
Nasir al-Salawi, Shihab al-Din al- (Shihab al-Din al-Nasir al-Salawi) (1835-1897). Moroccan historian. He wrote a general history of Morocco which became a much consulted document.
Shihab al-Din al-Nasir al-Salawi see Nasir al-Salawi, Shihab al-Din al-
Salawi, Shihab al-Din al-Nasir al- see Nasir al-Salawi, Shihab al-Din al-
Nasir, Gamal ‘Abd al-
Nasir, Gamal ‘Abd al- (Gamal ‘Abd al-Nasir). See Nasser, Gamal Abdel.
Nasir, Gamal ‘Abd al- (Gamal ‘Abd al-Nasir). See Nasser, Gamal Abdel.
Nasir ibn ‘Alennas, al-
Nasir ibn ‘Alennas, al- (An-Nasir ibn Hammad ibn `Alanna) (d. 1088 ) . Ruler of the Hammadid dynasty (r.1062- 1088). His reign marks the apogee of the little Berber kingdom founded by Hammad. He founded the town of Bijaya (Bougie), where he built the splendid Palace of the Pearl.
An-Nasir ibn Hammad ibn `Alanna see Nasir ibn ‘Alennas, al-
Nasir ibn Hammad ibn `Alanna, An- see Nasir ibn ‘Alennas, al-
Nasir ibn ‘Alennas, al- (An-Nasir ibn Hammad ibn `Alanna) (d. 1088 ) . Ruler of the Hammadid dynasty (r.1062- 1088). His reign marks the apogee of the little Berber kingdom founded by Hammad. He founded the town of Bijaya (Bougie), where he built the splendid Palace of the Pearl.
An-Nasir ibn Hammad ibn `Alanna see Nasir ibn ‘Alennas, al-
Nasir ibn Hammad ibn `Alanna, An- see Nasir ibn ‘Alennas, al-
Nasir-i Khusraw
Nasir-i Khusraw (Abu Mo’in Hamid ad-Din Nasir ibn Khusraw al-Qubadiani) (Nāsir Khusraw Qubādiyānī) (Nasir Khusrow) (Naser Khosrow) (1004 - 1075/1088). Persian poet and prose writer, a noted traveller, and an Isma‘ili philosopher and missionary. His travel account relates his journeys to Mecca by way of Nishapur, Tabriz, Aleppo and Jerusalem. From Mecca, he went to Cairo where he became familiar with the tradition of Isma‘ili learning. His Isma‘ili writings are the only contributions in Persian by a major Fatimid missionary.
Nasir Khusraw was a Persian poet, philosopher, Isma'ili scholar and a traveler. He was born in Qubadyan, a village in middle-age Bactria in modern Tajikistan and died in Yamagan, a village in Badakhshan province of Afghanistan.
He is considered as one of the great poets and writers in Persian literature, the Safarnama, an account of his travels, being his most famous work.
Nasir Khusraw was born in Qubadiyan (Kobadiyan in Balkh a province of Afghanistan), then Greater Khorasan. He was well versed in all the branches of natural science, in medicine, mathematics, astronomy and astrology, in Greek philosophy and the writings of al-Kindi, al-Farabi and Ibn Sina; and the interpretation of the Qur'an. He studied Arabic, Turkish, Greek, the vernacular languages of India and Sindh, and perhaps even Hebrew. He visited Multan and Lahore, and the splendid Ghaznavid court under Sultan Mahmud, Firdousi's patron. Later on he chose Merv for his residence, and was the owner of a house and garden there.
Until 1046, he worked as financial secretary and revenue collector for the Seljuk sultan Toghrul Beg, or rather of his brother Jaghir Beg, the emir of Khorasan, who had conquered Merv in 1037. About this time, inspired by a heavenly voice in a dream, he abjured all the luxuries of life, and resolved upon a pilgrimage to the holy shrines of Mecca and Medina, hoping to find there the solution to his spiritual crisis.
The graphic description of this journey is contained in the Safarnama, which possesses a special value among books of travel, since it contains the most authentic account of the state of the Muslim world in the middle of the 11th century. The minute sketches of Jerusalem and its environs are even today of practical value.
During the seven years of his 19,000-kilometer journey (1046-1052), Nasir visited Mecca four times, and performed all the rites and observances of a zealous pilgrim; but he was far more attracted to Cairo, the capital of Egypt, and the residence of the Fatimid caliph-imam Ma'ad al-Mustansir Billah, the Imam of the Ismaili Shi'a Muslims, which was just then waging a deadly war against the Abbasid caliph of Baghdad, and Toghrul Beg the Seljuk, the great defender of the Sunni creed. At the very time of Nasir's visit to Cairo, the power of the Egyptian Fatimids was in its zenith. Syria, the Hejaz, Africa, and Sicily obeyed al-Mustanir's sway, and the utmost order, security and prosperity reigned in Egypt.
At Cairo, Nasir learned mainly under the Fatimid dā‘ī ("missionary") Mu'ayyad fid-Din al-Shirazi, and became thoroughly imbued with the Shi'a Isma'ili doctrines of the Fatimids, and their introduction into his native country was thereafter the sole object of his life. He was raised to the position of dā‘ī "missionary" and appointed as the Hujjat-i Khorasan, though the hostility he encountered in the propagation of these new religious ideas after his return to Greater Khorasan in 1052 and Sunnite fanaticism compelled him at last to flee. After many wanderings he found a refuge in Yamgan (about 1060) in the mountains of Badakhshan, where he spent as a hermit the last decades of his life, and gathered round him a considerable number of devoted adherents, who handed down his doctrines to succeeding generations.
Nāṣir-i Khusraw’s poetry is of a didactic and devotional character and consists mainly of long odes that are considered to be of high literary quality. His philosophical poetry includes the Rawshana’ināme (Book of Lights). Nāṣir’s most celebrated prose work is the Safarnāme (Diary of a Journey Through Syria and Palestine), a diary describing his seven-year journey. It is a valuable record of the scenes and events that he witnessed. He also wrote more than a dozen treatises expounding the doctrines of the Ismāʿīlīs, among them the Jāmiʿ al-ḥikmatayn (“Union of the Two Wisdoms”), in which he attempted to harmonize Ismāʿīlī theology and Greek philosophy. Nāṣir’s literary style is straightforward and vigorous. In his verse he displays great technical virtuosity, while his prose is remarkable for the richness of its philosophical vocabulary.
Nasir-i Khusraw see Nasir-i Khusraw
Khusraw, Nasir-i see Nasir-i Khusraw
Abu Mo’in Hamid ad-Din Nasir ibn Khusraw al-Qubadiani see Nasir-i Khusraw
Nāsir Khusraw Qubādiyānī see Nasir-i Khusraw
Nasir Khusrow see Nasir-i Khusraw
Naser Khosrow see Nasir-i Khusraw
Nasir-i Khusraw (Abu Mo’in Hamid ad-Din Nasir ibn Khusraw al-Qubadiani) (Nāsir Khusraw Qubādiyānī) (Nasir Khusrow) (Naser Khosrow) (1004 - 1075/1088). Persian poet and prose writer, a noted traveller, and an Isma‘ili philosopher and missionary. His travel account relates his journeys to Mecca by way of Nishapur, Tabriz, Aleppo and Jerusalem. From Mecca, he went to Cairo where he became familiar with the tradition of Isma‘ili learning. His Isma‘ili writings are the only contributions in Persian by a major Fatimid missionary.
Nasir Khusraw was a Persian poet, philosopher, Isma'ili scholar and a traveler. He was born in Qubadyan, a village in middle-age Bactria in modern Tajikistan and died in Yamagan, a village in Badakhshan province of Afghanistan.
He is considered as one of the great poets and writers in Persian literature, the Safarnama, an account of his travels, being his most famous work.
Nasir Khusraw was born in Qubadiyan (Kobadiyan in Balkh a province of Afghanistan), then Greater Khorasan. He was well versed in all the branches of natural science, in medicine, mathematics, astronomy and astrology, in Greek philosophy and the writings of al-Kindi, al-Farabi and Ibn Sina; and the interpretation of the Qur'an. He studied Arabic, Turkish, Greek, the vernacular languages of India and Sindh, and perhaps even Hebrew. He visited Multan and Lahore, and the splendid Ghaznavid court under Sultan Mahmud, Firdousi's patron. Later on he chose Merv for his residence, and was the owner of a house and garden there.
Until 1046, he worked as financial secretary and revenue collector for the Seljuk sultan Toghrul Beg, or rather of his brother Jaghir Beg, the emir of Khorasan, who had conquered Merv in 1037. About this time, inspired by a heavenly voice in a dream, he abjured all the luxuries of life, and resolved upon a pilgrimage to the holy shrines of Mecca and Medina, hoping to find there the solution to his spiritual crisis.
The graphic description of this journey is contained in the Safarnama, which possesses a special value among books of travel, since it contains the most authentic account of the state of the Muslim world in the middle of the 11th century. The minute sketches of Jerusalem and its environs are even today of practical value.
During the seven years of his 19,000-kilometer journey (1046-1052), Nasir visited Mecca four times, and performed all the rites and observances of a zealous pilgrim; but he was far more attracted to Cairo, the capital of Egypt, and the residence of the Fatimid caliph-imam Ma'ad al-Mustansir Billah, the Imam of the Ismaili Shi'a Muslims, which was just then waging a deadly war against the Abbasid caliph of Baghdad, and Toghrul Beg the Seljuk, the great defender of the Sunni creed. At the very time of Nasir's visit to Cairo, the power of the Egyptian Fatimids was in its zenith. Syria, the Hejaz, Africa, and Sicily obeyed al-Mustanir's sway, and the utmost order, security and prosperity reigned in Egypt.
At Cairo, Nasir learned mainly under the Fatimid dā‘ī ("missionary") Mu'ayyad fid-Din al-Shirazi, and became thoroughly imbued with the Shi'a Isma'ili doctrines of the Fatimids, and their introduction into his native country was thereafter the sole object of his life. He was raised to the position of dā‘ī "missionary" and appointed as the Hujjat-i Khorasan, though the hostility he encountered in the propagation of these new religious ideas after his return to Greater Khorasan in 1052 and Sunnite fanaticism compelled him at last to flee. After many wanderings he found a refuge in Yamgan (about 1060) in the mountains of Badakhshan, where he spent as a hermit the last decades of his life, and gathered round him a considerable number of devoted adherents, who handed down his doctrines to succeeding generations.
Nāṣir-i Khusraw’s poetry is of a didactic and devotional character and consists mainly of long odes that are considered to be of high literary quality. His philosophical poetry includes the Rawshana’ināme (Book of Lights). Nāṣir’s most celebrated prose work is the Safarnāme (Diary of a Journey Through Syria and Palestine), a diary describing his seven-year journey. It is a valuable record of the scenes and events that he witnessed. He also wrote more than a dozen treatises expounding the doctrines of the Ismāʿīlīs, among them the Jāmiʿ al-ḥikmatayn (“Union of the Two Wisdoms”), in which he attempted to harmonize Ismāʿīlī theology and Greek philosophy. Nāṣir’s literary style is straightforward and vigorous. In his verse he displays great technical virtuosity, while his prose is remarkable for the richness of its philosophical vocabulary.
Nasir-i Khusraw see Nasir-i Khusraw
Khusraw, Nasir-i see Nasir-i Khusraw
Abu Mo’in Hamid ad-Din Nasir ibn Khusraw al-Qubadiani see Nasir-i Khusraw
Nāsir Khusraw Qubādiyānī see Nasir-i Khusraw
Nasir Khusrow see Nasir-i Khusraw
Naser Khosrow see Nasir-i Khusraw
Nasir li-Din Allah, Abu’l-‘Abbas Ahmad al-
Nasir li-Din Allah, Abu’l-‘Abbas Ahmad al- (Abu’l-‘Abbas Ahmad al-Nasir li-Din Allah) (b. 1158). ‘Abbasid caliph (r.1180-1225). After the secular power of the ‘Abbasid caliphate had disappeared because of the dominance of the Buyids and the Saljuqs, al-Nasir succeeded in restoring ‘Abbasid sovereignty and the former prestige of the caliphate. He tried to achieve a rapprochement of the different opposite dogmatic trends in Islam, and a policy of alliances with Qatada, the Sharif of Mecca, the Zaydi Imams of Yemen and the Ayyubids of Egypt. In the end, he was unable to prevent the impending fall of the ‘Abbasid caliphate of Baghdad in 1258.
Abu’l-‘Abbas Ahmad al-Nasir li-Din Allah see Nasir li-Din Allah, Abu’l-‘Abbas Ahmad al-
Nasir li-Din Allah, Abu’l-‘Abbas Ahmad al- (Abu’l-‘Abbas Ahmad al-Nasir li-Din Allah) (b. 1158). ‘Abbasid caliph (r.1180-1225). After the secular power of the ‘Abbasid caliphate had disappeared because of the dominance of the Buyids and the Saljuqs, al-Nasir succeeded in restoring ‘Abbasid sovereignty and the former prestige of the caliphate. He tried to achieve a rapprochement of the different opposite dogmatic trends in Islam, and a policy of alliances with Qatada, the Sharif of Mecca, the Zaydi Imams of Yemen and the Ayyubids of Egypt. In the end, he was unable to prevent the impending fall of the ‘Abbasid caliphate of Baghdad in 1258.
Abu’l-‘Abbas Ahmad al-Nasir li-Din Allah see Nasir li-Din Allah, Abu’l-‘Abbas Ahmad al-
Nasir li-Din Allah, Ahmad Abu’l-Hasan al-
Nasir li-Din Allah, Ahmad Abu’l-Hasan al- (Ahmad Abu’l-Hasan al-Nasir li-Din Allah) (d. 927). Third incumbent of the Rassi Zaydi imamate in northern Yemen. He defeated the aggressive followers of the Isma‘ili Fatimid missionaries, whose unity and influence were shattered.
Ahmad Abu’l-Hasan al-Nasir li-Din Allah see Nasir li-Din Allah, Ahmad Abu’l-Hasan al-
Nasir li-Din Allah, Ahmad Abu’l-Hasan al- (Ahmad Abu’l-Hasan al-Nasir li-Din Allah) (d. 927). Third incumbent of the Rassi Zaydi imamate in northern Yemen. He defeated the aggressive followers of the Isma‘ili Fatimid missionaries, whose unity and influence were shattered.
Ahmad Abu’l-Hasan al-Nasir li-Din Allah see Nasir li-Din Allah, Ahmad Abu’l-Hasan al-
Nasiruddin Shah
Nasiruddin Shah (Nasr-ed-Din) (Nasr ud-Din Shah). See Nasir al-Din Shah.
Nasiruddin Shah (Nasr-ed-Din) (Nasr ud-Din Shah). See Nasir al-Din Shah.
Nasiruddin Tusi
Nasiruddin Tusi (Naṣīr al-Dīn al-Ṭūsī) (Muḥammad ibn Muḥammad ibn al-Ḥasan al-Ṭūsī) (b. February 18, 1201, Ṭūs, Khorāsān [now Iran] — d. June 26, 1274, Baghdad, Iraq). Outstanding Persian philosopher, scientist, astronomer and mathematician.
Educated first in Ṭūs, where his father was a jurist in the Twelfth Imam school, the main sect of Shīʾite Muslims, al-Ṭūsī finished his education in Neyshābūr, about 75 kilometers (50 miles) to the west. This was no doubt a prudent move as Genghis Khan (d. 1227), having conquered Beijing in 1215, turned his attention to the Islamic world and reached the region around Ṭūs by 1220. In about 1227 the Ismāʿīlīte governor Nāṣir al-Dīn ʿAbd al-Raḥīm offered al-Ṭūsī sanctuary in his mountain fortresses in Khorāsān. Al-Ṭūsī in turn dedicated his most famous work, Akhlāq-i nāṣirī (1232; Nasirean Ethics), to the governor before being invited to stay in the capital at Alamūt, where he espoused the Ismāʿīlīte faith under the new imam, Alauddin Muḥammad (r. 1227–1255). (This Ismāʿīlīte state began in 1090 with the conquest of Alamūt by Ḥasan-e Ṣabbāḥ and ended with the fall of the city to the Mongols in 1256.) During this period, al-Ṭūsī wrote on Ismāʿīlīte theology (Taṣawwurāt; “Notions”), logic (Asās al-iqtibās; “Foundations of Inference”), and mathematics (Taḥrīr al-Majisṭī; “Commentary on the Almagest”).
With the fall in 1256 of Alamūt to Hülegü Khan (c. 1217–1265), grandson of Genghis Khan, al-Ṭūsī immediately accepted a position with the Mongols as a scientific adviser. (The alacrity with which he went to work for them fueled accusations that his conversion to the Ismāʿīlīte faith was feigned, as well as rumors that he betrayed the city’s defenses.) Al-Ṭūsī married a Mongol and was then put in charge of the ministry of religious bequests. The topic of whether al-Ṭūsī accompanied the Mongol capture of Baghdad in 1258 remains controversial, although he certainly visited nearby Shīʾite centers soon afterward. Profiting from Hülegü’s belief in astrology, al-Ṭūsī obtained support in 1259 to build a fine observatory (completed in 1262) adjacent to Hülegü’s capital in Marāgheh (now in Azerbaijan). More than an observatory, Hülegü obtained a first-rate library and staffed his institution with notable Islamic and Chinese scholars. Funded by an endowment, research continued at the institution for at least 25 years after al-Ṭūsī’s death, and some of its astronomical instruments inspired later designs in Samarkand (now in Uzbekistan).
Al-Ṭūsī was a man of exceptionally wide erudition. He wrote approximately 150 books in Arabic and Persian and edited the definitive Arabic versions of the works of Euclid, Archimedes, Ptolemy, Autolycus, and Theodosius. He also made original contributions to mathematics and astronomy. His Zīj-i Ilkhānī (1271; “Ilkhan Tables”), based on research at the Marāgheh observatory, is a splendidly accurate table of planetary movements. Al-Ṭūsī’s most influential book in the West may have been Tadhkirah fi ʿilm al-hayʿa (“Treasury of astronomy”), which describes a geometric construction, now known as the al-Ṭūsī couple, for producing rectilinear motion from a point on one circle rolling inside another. By means of this construction, al-Ṭūsī succeeded in reforming the Ptolemaic planetary models, producing a system in which all orbits are described by uniform circular motion. Most historians of Islamic astronomy believe that the planetary models developed at Marāgheh found their way to Europe (perhaps via Byzantium) and provided Nicolaus Copernicus (1473–1543) with inspiration for his astronomical models.
The Arabian scholar Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406) considered Tusi to be the greatest of the later Persian scholars. A 60-kilometer diameter lunar crater located on the southern hemisphere of the moon is named after him as "Nasireddin". A minor planet 10269 Tusi discovered by Soviet astronomer Nikolai Stepanovich Chernykh in 1979 is also named after him. The K. N. Toosi University of Technology in Iran and Observatory of Shamakhy in the Republic of Azerbaijan are also named after him.
Today al-Ṭūsī’s Tajrīd (“Catharsis”) is a highly esteemed treatise on Shīʾite theology. He made important contributions to many branches of Islamic learning, and under his direction Marāgheh sparked a revival of Islamic mathematics, astronomy, philosophy, and theology. In the East, al-Ṭūsī is an example par excellence of the ḥakīm, or wise man.
Tusi, Nasiruddin see Nasiruddin Tusi
Nasir al-Din al-Tusi see Nasiruddin Tusi
Tusi, Nasir al-Din al- see Nasiruddin Tusi
Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn al-Hasan al-Tusi see Nasiruddin Tusi
Tusi, Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn al-Hasan al- see Nasiruddin Tusi
Nasiruddin Tusi (Naṣīr al-Dīn al-Ṭūsī) (Muḥammad ibn Muḥammad ibn al-Ḥasan al-Ṭūsī) (b. February 18, 1201, Ṭūs, Khorāsān [now Iran] — d. June 26, 1274, Baghdad, Iraq). Outstanding Persian philosopher, scientist, astronomer and mathematician.
Educated first in Ṭūs, where his father was a jurist in the Twelfth Imam school, the main sect of Shīʾite Muslims, al-Ṭūsī finished his education in Neyshābūr, about 75 kilometers (50 miles) to the west. This was no doubt a prudent move as Genghis Khan (d. 1227), having conquered Beijing in 1215, turned his attention to the Islamic world and reached the region around Ṭūs by 1220. In about 1227 the Ismāʿīlīte governor Nāṣir al-Dīn ʿAbd al-Raḥīm offered al-Ṭūsī sanctuary in his mountain fortresses in Khorāsān. Al-Ṭūsī in turn dedicated his most famous work, Akhlāq-i nāṣirī (1232; Nasirean Ethics), to the governor before being invited to stay in the capital at Alamūt, where he espoused the Ismāʿīlīte faith under the new imam, Alauddin Muḥammad (r. 1227–1255). (This Ismāʿīlīte state began in 1090 with the conquest of Alamūt by Ḥasan-e Ṣabbāḥ and ended with the fall of the city to the Mongols in 1256.) During this period, al-Ṭūsī wrote on Ismāʿīlīte theology (Taṣawwurāt; “Notions”), logic (Asās al-iqtibās; “Foundations of Inference”), and mathematics (Taḥrīr al-Majisṭī; “Commentary on the Almagest”).
With the fall in 1256 of Alamūt to Hülegü Khan (c. 1217–1265), grandson of Genghis Khan, al-Ṭūsī immediately accepted a position with the Mongols as a scientific adviser. (The alacrity with which he went to work for them fueled accusations that his conversion to the Ismāʿīlīte faith was feigned, as well as rumors that he betrayed the city’s defenses.) Al-Ṭūsī married a Mongol and was then put in charge of the ministry of religious bequests. The topic of whether al-Ṭūsī accompanied the Mongol capture of Baghdad in 1258 remains controversial, although he certainly visited nearby Shīʾite centers soon afterward. Profiting from Hülegü’s belief in astrology, al-Ṭūsī obtained support in 1259 to build a fine observatory (completed in 1262) adjacent to Hülegü’s capital in Marāgheh (now in Azerbaijan). More than an observatory, Hülegü obtained a first-rate library and staffed his institution with notable Islamic and Chinese scholars. Funded by an endowment, research continued at the institution for at least 25 years after al-Ṭūsī’s death, and some of its astronomical instruments inspired later designs in Samarkand (now in Uzbekistan).
Al-Ṭūsī was a man of exceptionally wide erudition. He wrote approximately 150 books in Arabic and Persian and edited the definitive Arabic versions of the works of Euclid, Archimedes, Ptolemy, Autolycus, and Theodosius. He also made original contributions to mathematics and astronomy. His Zīj-i Ilkhānī (1271; “Ilkhan Tables”), based on research at the Marāgheh observatory, is a splendidly accurate table of planetary movements. Al-Ṭūsī’s most influential book in the West may have been Tadhkirah fi ʿilm al-hayʿa (“Treasury of astronomy”), which describes a geometric construction, now known as the al-Ṭūsī couple, for producing rectilinear motion from a point on one circle rolling inside another. By means of this construction, al-Ṭūsī succeeded in reforming the Ptolemaic planetary models, producing a system in which all orbits are described by uniform circular motion. Most historians of Islamic astronomy believe that the planetary models developed at Marāgheh found their way to Europe (perhaps via Byzantium) and provided Nicolaus Copernicus (1473–1543) with inspiration for his astronomical models.
The Arabian scholar Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406) considered Tusi to be the greatest of the later Persian scholars. A 60-kilometer diameter lunar crater located on the southern hemisphere of the moon is named after him as "Nasireddin". A minor planet 10269 Tusi discovered by Soviet astronomer Nikolai Stepanovich Chernykh in 1979 is also named after him. The K. N. Toosi University of Technology in Iran and Observatory of Shamakhy in the Republic of Azerbaijan are also named after him.
Today al-Ṭūsī’s Tajrīd (“Catharsis”) is a highly esteemed treatise on Shīʾite theology. He made important contributions to many branches of Islamic learning, and under his direction Marāgheh sparked a revival of Islamic mathematics, astronomy, philosophy, and theology. In the East, al-Ṭūsī is an example par excellence of the ḥakīm, or wise man.
Tusi, Nasiruddin see Nasiruddin Tusi
Nasir al-Din al-Tusi see Nasiruddin Tusi
Tusi, Nasir al-Din al- see Nasiruddin Tusi
Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn al-Hasan al-Tusi see Nasiruddin Tusi
Tusi, Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn al-Hasan al- see Nasiruddin Tusi
Nasr al-Dawla, Abu Nasr Ahmad
Nasr al-Dawla, Abu Nasr Ahmad (Abu Nasr Ahmad Nasr al-Dawla). Prince of the Marwanid dynasty of Diyarbakr (r. 1011-1061). The ruler of Diyarbakr was regarded as a principal guardian of the frontier of Islam in eastern Anatolia, but Nasr al-Dawla’s relations with the Byzantine Emperor were for the most part amicable. His reign, under which Diyarbakr prospered, saw the rise of the Saljuqs from some obscurity to the empire of Persia and Iraq.
Abu Nasr Ahmad Nasr al-Dawla see Nasr al-Dawla, Abu Nasr Ahmad
Dawla, Abu Nasr Ahmad Nasr al- see Nasr al-Dawla, Abu Nasr Ahmad
Nasr al-Dawla, Abu Nasr Ahmad (Abu Nasr Ahmad Nasr al-Dawla). Prince of the Marwanid dynasty of Diyarbakr (r. 1011-1061). The ruler of Diyarbakr was regarded as a principal guardian of the frontier of Islam in eastern Anatolia, but Nasr al-Dawla’s relations with the Byzantine Emperor were for the most part amicable. His reign, under which Diyarbakr prospered, saw the rise of the Saljuqs from some obscurity to the empire of Persia and Iraq.
Abu Nasr Ahmad Nasr al-Dawla see Nasr al-Dawla, Abu Nasr Ahmad
Dawla, Abu Nasr Ahmad Nasr al- see Nasr al-Dawla, Abu Nasr Ahmad
Nasr Allah ibn Muhammad
Nasr Allah ibn Muhammad (Nasr Allah Munshi). Persian author and statesman during the twelfth century. His fame rests on his version of the famous Indian Kalila wa-Dimna into Persian prose.
Nasr Allah Munshi see Nasr Allah ibn Muhammad
Munshi, Nasr Allah see Nasr Allah ibn Muhammad
Ibn Muhammad, Nasr Allah see Nasr Allah ibn Muhammad
Nasr Allah ibn Muhammad (Nasr Allah Munshi). Persian author and statesman during the twelfth century. His fame rests on his version of the famous Indian Kalila wa-Dimna into Persian prose.
Nasr Allah Munshi see Nasr Allah ibn Muhammad
Munshi, Nasr Allah see Nasr Allah ibn Muhammad
Ibn Muhammad, Nasr Allah see Nasr Allah ibn Muhammad
Nasrallah, Hassan
Hassan Nasrallah (b. Hassan Abdel Karim Nasrallah, August 31, 1960, Beirut, Lebanon — d. September 27, 2024, Dahieh, Lebanon) was a Lebanese militia and political leader who served as leader (secretary-general) of Hezbollah (Arabic: “Party of God”) from 1992.
Nasrallah was raised in the impoverished Karantina district of eastern Beirut, where his father ran a small grocery store. As a boy, Nasrallah was an earnest student of Islam. After the outbreak of civil war in Lebanon in 1975 caused the family to flee south from Beirut, Nasrallah joined Amal, a Lebanese Shi'a paramilitary group with ties to Iran and Syria. Soon afterward, he left for Najaf, Iraq, to study at the Shi'a seminary there. Following the expulsion of hundreds of Lebanese students from Iraq in 1978, Nasrallah returned to Lebanon and fought with Amal, becoming the group’s Al-Biqa, valley commander. Following Israel's invasion of Lebanon in 1982, Nasrallah left Amal to join the nascent Hezbollah movement, a more-radical force that was heavily influenced by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran.
In the late 1980s, Nasrallah rose through Hezbollah’s military ranks and became a leading figure in Hezbollah’s clashes with Amal. As his potential for leadership became clear, he went to Iran to further his religious education in Qom. He then returned to battle in Lebanon in 1989 until the end of the civil war in the following year. He assumed leadership of Hezbollah in 1992 after his predecessor, Sheikh 'Abbas al-Musawi, was killed by an Israeli missile.
Nasrallah’s leadership of the organization was characterized by his populism. He relied on charisma and subtle charm to express his message. He was not a fiery or intimidating speaker. Rather, he came across as thoughtful, humble, and, at times, humorous. Moreover, under his leadership, Hezbollah cultivated an elaborate network of social welfare programs, which helped win the group broad grassroots support.
Nasrallah also steered the organization beyond its roots as an Islamist militia and into the realm of national politics, establishing himself as a political leader without holding public office. He emphasized the importance of Arab dignity and honor and assumed a key role in the defense of Lebanon. With Hezbollah engaged in a war of attrition against the continued Israeli occupation of southern Lebanon, Israel launched an assault in 1996 to combat rockets fired into northern Israel. Nasrallah’s national profile was raised when he negotiated, through United States mediation, a cease-fire on cross-border attacks with Israel, though this did not preclude any fighting within Lebanon itself. Later, continued attacks on Israeli forces occupying southern Lebanon led Israel to withdraw in 2000. This gave Nasrallah a surge in popularity in the Arab world, but he was not unscathed in the effort. In 1997 his 18-year-old son, Hadi, was killed while fighting Israeli forces.
Nasrallah was credited with additional successes against Israel. In 2004, he arranged a prisoner exchange with Israel that many Arabs considered a victory. In an effort to pressure Israel into releasing additional prisoners, Hezbollah paramilitary forces launched a military operation from the south in 2006, killing a number of Israeli soldiers and abducting two. This action led Israel to launch a major military offensive against Hezbollah. At the beginning of the war, some Arab leaders criticized Nasrallah and Hezbollah for inciting the conflict. However, by the end of the 34-day war, which resulted in the deaths of 1,000 Lebanese and the displacement of some one million others, Nasrallah had declared victory and had once again emerged as a revered leader in much of the Arab world, as Hezbollah was able to fight the Israeli Defense Forces to a standstill — a feat that no other Arab militia had accomplished.
Nasrallah and Hezbollah emerged from the 2006 war against Israel with new prestige and political influence. The group argued for more seats in the cabinet in the government of Prime Minister Fouad Siniora so that it could wield veto power. When this demand was not met, opposition ministers in the cabinet who were aligned with Hezbollah quit the government. Hezbollah and its political allies organized protests and sit-ins across Lebanon for well over a year. In November 2007, an opposition boycott prevented the National Assembly, from choosing a new president, and the office was left vacant.
In May 2008, clashes broke out in Beirut between Hezbollah forces and pro-government militias after the government decided to dismantle Hezbollah’s telecommunications network — a move Nasrallah likened to a declaration of war. The government reversed its decision, and the standoff came to an end later that month after Nasrallah and the other government leaders reached a settlement in the Qatar-mediated Doha Agreement. One of the provisions of the agreement increased the number of cabinet seats held by Hezbollah, giving the group its desired veto power, albeit only for a short period of time, as the June 2009 elections left Hezbollah and its allies, known as the March 8 bloc, too politically weak to retain veto power in the cabinet. In 2011, after it became clear that five members of Hezbollah would be indicted in the 2005 assassination of former prime minister Rafic al-Hariri, the March 8 bloc and one other minister quit the cabinet, forcing a collapse of the government.
Meanwhile, the region was shaken by the Arab Spring of 2011, forcing Nasrallah to make tough decisions. He supported the uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, and Bahrain in 2011. But when his ally in Syria, Bashar al-Assad. faced protests and, later, a civil war, Nasrallah initially remained silent. In 2013, he began giving speeches and interviews in which he confirmed and justified Hezbollah’s material support for the Syrian government in its civil war. He acknowledged the unpopularity of Hezbollah’s participation but was able to frame the rebel groups as inimical to the Shi'a in the region and, therefore, an existential threat to his constituents.
Lebanon’s political system, meanwhile, was virtually paralyzed. Stalemate left the presidency vacant for 29 months, until a 2016 power-sharing deal filled the post with Nasrallah’s ally Michel Aoun. Legislative elections, originally set for 2013, were repeatedly postponed, while Nasrallah and the March 8 bloc pushed for a new law to make the National Assembly representation proportional. In 2017, the cabinet approved a proportional electoral system and set elections for May 2018. When elections were held, Hezbollah and its March 8 allies expanded their representation and played a commanding role in the formation of a unity government.
Amid a burgeoning financial crisis, the new government was plagued by an image of corruption and ineffectiveness. When massive protests broke out across the country in October 2019, demanding that the government resign, Nasrallah opposed the protests and the calls for the government’s resignation, but he also called on the government to address protesters’ concerns and restore their confidence in it.
As Iran worked in the late 2010s and early 2020s to consolidate its network of alliances across the Middle East, which it refers to as the “axis of resistance,” Nasrallah was one of the network’s most important nodes. On October 7, 2023, axis ally Hamas, a Palestinian militant group in the Gaza Strip, launched a land, sea, and air attack on Israel. Nasrallah congratulated Hamas on the attack. Hezbollah and Israel intensified their cross-border skirmishes in the wake of the attack and the onset of the Israel-Hamas war.
After nearly a year of war in the Gaza Strip, Israel began turning its attention toward Hezbollah in Lebanon in September 2024. On September 27, just a week after launching intense air strikes across southern Lebanon and Beirut, the Israeli air force dropped more than 80 bombs into the Dahieh neighborhood just south of Beirut in a strike targeting Nasrallah. His body was found and identified the following day, and his death was confirmed by Hezbollah.
Nasreddin Hoca
Nasreddin Hoca (Nasr al-Din Khoja) (Nasrettin Hoca) (Hoja Nasretdin>/I>) (Ependi) . Name given the most prominent protagonist of humorous prose narratives in the whole sphere of Turkish-Islamic influence. He is a legendary character whose historical existence none of the various theories regarding his alleged lifetime has succeeded in proving beyond doubt. The earliest anecdotes about Nasreddin are quoted in a work dating from the sixteenth century.
Nasreddin is a legendary satirical Sufi figure who is believed to have existed during the Middle Ages (around the 13th century of the Christian calendar), in Akşehir, and later in Konya, under the Seljuq rule. Nasreddin was a populist philosopher and wise man, remembered for his funny stories and anecdotes.
Many nations of the Near, Middle East and Central Asia claim Nasreddin as their own, but if Nasreddin did truly exist, it is most likely that he was Turkish. His name is spelled differently in various cultures—and often preceded or followed by titles "Hodja", "Mullah", or "Effendi".
1996–1997 was declared International Nasreddin Year by UNESCO.
Nasreddin lived in Anatolia, Turkey; he was born in Hortu Village in Sivrihisar, Eskişehir in the 13th century, then settled in Akşehir, and later in Konya, where he died (probably born around 1209 and died in 1275/6 or 1285/6).
As generations went by, new stories were added, others were modified, and the character and his tales spread to other regions. The themes in the tales have become part of the folklore of a number of nations and express the national imaginations of a variety of cultures. Although most of them depict Nasreddin in an early small-village setting, the tales (like Aesop's fables) deal with concepts that have a certain timelessness. They purvey a pithy folk wisdom that triumphs over all trials and tribulations. The oldest manuscript of Nasreddin was found in 1571.
Today, Nasreddin stories are told in a wide variety of regions, and have been translated into many languages. Some regions independently developed a character similar to Nasreddin, and the stories have become part of a larger whole. In many regions, Nasreddin is a major part of the culture, and is quoted or alluded to frequently in daily life. Since there are thousands of different Nasreddin stories, one can be found to fit almost any occasion. Nasreddin often appears as a whimsical character of a large Albanian, Arab, Armenian, Azeri, Bengali, Bosnian, Bulgarian, Greek, Chinese, Russian, Hindi, Italian, Pashto, Persian, Romanian, Serbian, Turkish and Urdu folk tradition of vignettes, not entirely different from zen koans. He is also very popular in Greece for his wisdom and his judgment. He is known in Bulgaria, although in a different role. Nasreddin has been very popular in China for many years, and still appears in a variety of movies, cartoons, and novels.
The "International Nasreddin Hodja Festival" is held annually in Akşehir between July 5–10.
The Nasreddin stories are known throughout the Middle East and have touched cultures around the world. Superficially, most of the Nasreddin stories may be told as jokes or humorous anecdotes. They are told and retold endlessly in the teahouses and caravanserais of Asia and can be heard in homes and on the radio. But it is inherent in a Nasreddin story that it may be understood at many levels. There is the joke, followed by a moral — and usually the little extra which brings the consciousness of the potential mystic a little further on the way to realization.
Hoca, Nasreddin see Nasreddin Hoca
Nasr al-Din Khoja see Nasreddin Hoca
Khoja, Nasr al-Din see Nasreddin Hoca
Nasrettin Hoca see Nasreddin Hoca
Hoja Nasretdin see Nasreddin Hoca
Ependi see Nasreddin Hoca
Nasreddin Hoca (Nasr al-Din Khoja) (Nasrettin Hoca) (Hoja Nasretdin>/I>) (Ependi) . Name given the most prominent protagonist of humorous prose narratives in the whole sphere of Turkish-Islamic influence. He is a legendary character whose historical existence none of the various theories regarding his alleged lifetime has succeeded in proving beyond doubt. The earliest anecdotes about Nasreddin are quoted in a work dating from the sixteenth century.
Nasreddin is a legendary satirical Sufi figure who is believed to have existed during the Middle Ages (around the 13th century of the Christian calendar), in Akşehir, and later in Konya, under the Seljuq rule. Nasreddin was a populist philosopher and wise man, remembered for his funny stories and anecdotes.
Many nations of the Near, Middle East and Central Asia claim Nasreddin as their own, but if Nasreddin did truly exist, it is most likely that he was Turkish. His name is spelled differently in various cultures—and often preceded or followed by titles "Hodja", "Mullah", or "Effendi".
1996–1997 was declared International Nasreddin Year by UNESCO.
Nasreddin lived in Anatolia, Turkey; he was born in Hortu Village in Sivrihisar, Eskişehir in the 13th century, then settled in Akşehir, and later in Konya, where he died (probably born around 1209 and died in 1275/6 or 1285/6).
As generations went by, new stories were added, others were modified, and the character and his tales spread to other regions. The themes in the tales have become part of the folklore of a number of nations and express the national imaginations of a variety of cultures. Although most of them depict Nasreddin in an early small-village setting, the tales (like Aesop's fables) deal with concepts that have a certain timelessness. They purvey a pithy folk wisdom that triumphs over all trials and tribulations. The oldest manuscript of Nasreddin was found in 1571.
Today, Nasreddin stories are told in a wide variety of regions, and have been translated into many languages. Some regions independently developed a character similar to Nasreddin, and the stories have become part of a larger whole. In many regions, Nasreddin is a major part of the culture, and is quoted or alluded to frequently in daily life. Since there are thousands of different Nasreddin stories, one can be found to fit almost any occasion. Nasreddin often appears as a whimsical character of a large Albanian, Arab, Armenian, Azeri, Bengali, Bosnian, Bulgarian, Greek, Chinese, Russian, Hindi, Italian, Pashto, Persian, Romanian, Serbian, Turkish and Urdu folk tradition of vignettes, not entirely different from zen koans. He is also very popular in Greece for his wisdom and his judgment. He is known in Bulgaria, although in a different role. Nasreddin has been very popular in China for many years, and still appears in a variety of movies, cartoons, and novels.
The "International Nasreddin Hodja Festival" is held annually in Akşehir between July 5–10.
The Nasreddin stories are known throughout the Middle East and have touched cultures around the world. Superficially, most of the Nasreddin stories may be told as jokes or humorous anecdotes. They are told and retold endlessly in the teahouses and caravanserais of Asia and can be heard in homes and on the radio. But it is inherent in a Nasreddin story that it may be understood at many levels. There is the joke, followed by a moral — and usually the little extra which brings the consciousness of the potential mystic a little further on the way to realization.
Hoca, Nasreddin see Nasreddin Hoca
Nasr al-Din Khoja see Nasreddin Hoca
Khoja, Nasr al-Din see Nasreddin Hoca
Nasrettin Hoca see Nasreddin Hoca
Hoja Nasretdin see Nasreddin Hoca
Ependi see Nasreddin Hoca
Nasrids
Nasrids. Last Islamic dynasty in Spain (al-Andalus) (r.1232-1492). Their main capital was Granada. The Nasrids were of the Banu Nasr or the Banu I-Ahmar, Khazraji tribe, Hispano-Arabs in the area to the north of Jaen. Taking advantage of the fall from power of the Almohads in Spain, in 1232 Muhammad ibn Nasr (Ibn al-Ahmar) (Muhammad I ibn Yusuf al-Ghalib) (r. 1232-1273) proclaimed himself Sultan Muhammad I in Arjona after Ferdinand III of Castile and Leon had conquered Cordoba (in 1236). Muhammad ibn Nasr subsequently conquered vast territories in southern Spain (in 1238 Granada and Malaga). He and his son, Muhammad II (1273-1302), consolidated their rule, acknowledging the formal sovereignty of Castile, and were able to maintain their position using a skillful policy of changing alliances with the Merinids of Morocco and the Christian kings of Spain.
The cultural zenith of Granada as the refuge of Muslims in Andalusia was achieved in the reign of Yusuf I (r. 1333-1354) and Muhammad V (r. 1354-1359 and 1362-1391). Nasrid art and architecture, having inherited and adapted Almohad artistic forms, reached its apogee in the fourteenth century, when classically monumental architecture was created and decoration reached its greatest richness. The Alhambra, begun under Muhammad I, owes much to Muhammad V (r. 1354-1359, 1362-1391).
After 1408 there was a period of rapid political decline, due to the warring between different pretenders and family branches, and dependence on Castile. A final political consolidation came under Mulai Hasan (1464-1482 and 1483-1485) and his brother, al-Zaghal. Hasan’s son, Muhammad XII, known as Boabdil (r. 1482-1483 and 1485-1492), could no longer withstand the advancing forces of the Catholic Monarchs, Ferdinand and Isabella, and was forced to cede the beleaguered Granada in January 1492. In January1492, Granada fell to the Christians and the last Nasrids fled to Morocco.
The list of the Nasrid Sultans of Granada include:
* Muhammed I ibn Nasr (1238-1272)
* Muhammed II al-Faqih (1273-1302)
* Muhammed III (1302-1309)
* Nasr (1309-1314)
* Ismail I (1314-1325)
* Muhammed IV (1325-1333)
* Yusuf I (1333-1354)
* Muhammed V (1354-1359, 1362-1391)
* Ismail II (1359-1360)
* Muhammed VI (1360-1362)
* Yusuf II (1391-1392)
* Muhammed VII (1392-1408)
* Yusuf III (1408-1417)
* Muhammed VIII (1417-1419, 1427-1429)
* Muhammed IX (1419-1427, 1430-1431, 1432-1445, 1448-1453)
* Yusuf IV (1432)
* Yusuf V (1445-1446, 1462)
* Muhammed X (1446-1448)
* Muhammed XI (1453-1454)
* Said (1454-1464)
* Abu l-Hasan Ali, known as Muley Hacén (1464-1482, 1483-1485)
* Abu 'abd Allah Muhammed XII, known as Boabdil (1482-1483, 1486-1492)
* Abū `Abd Allāh Muhammed XIII, known as El Zagal (1485-1486)
Nasrids. Last Islamic dynasty in Spain (al-Andalus) (r.1232-1492). Their main capital was Granada. The Nasrids were of the Banu Nasr or the Banu I-Ahmar, Khazraji tribe, Hispano-Arabs in the area to the north of Jaen. Taking advantage of the fall from power of the Almohads in Spain, in 1232 Muhammad ibn Nasr (Ibn al-Ahmar) (Muhammad I ibn Yusuf al-Ghalib) (r. 1232-1273) proclaimed himself Sultan Muhammad I in Arjona after Ferdinand III of Castile and Leon had conquered Cordoba (in 1236). Muhammad ibn Nasr subsequently conquered vast territories in southern Spain (in 1238 Granada and Malaga). He and his son, Muhammad II (1273-1302), consolidated their rule, acknowledging the formal sovereignty of Castile, and were able to maintain their position using a skillful policy of changing alliances with the Merinids of Morocco and the Christian kings of Spain.
The cultural zenith of Granada as the refuge of Muslims in Andalusia was achieved in the reign of Yusuf I (r. 1333-1354) and Muhammad V (r. 1354-1359 and 1362-1391). Nasrid art and architecture, having inherited and adapted Almohad artistic forms, reached its apogee in the fourteenth century, when classically monumental architecture was created and decoration reached its greatest richness. The Alhambra, begun under Muhammad I, owes much to Muhammad V (r. 1354-1359, 1362-1391).
After 1408 there was a period of rapid political decline, due to the warring between different pretenders and family branches, and dependence on Castile. A final political consolidation came under Mulai Hasan (1464-1482 and 1483-1485) and his brother, al-Zaghal. Hasan’s son, Muhammad XII, known as Boabdil (r. 1482-1483 and 1485-1492), could no longer withstand the advancing forces of the Catholic Monarchs, Ferdinand and Isabella, and was forced to cede the beleaguered Granada in January 1492. In January1492, Granada fell to the Christians and the last Nasrids fled to Morocco.
The list of the Nasrid Sultans of Granada include:
* Muhammed I ibn Nasr (1238-1272)
* Muhammed II al-Faqih (1273-1302)
* Muhammed III (1302-1309)
* Nasr (1309-1314)
* Ismail I (1314-1325)
* Muhammed IV (1325-1333)
* Yusuf I (1333-1354)
* Muhammed V (1354-1359, 1362-1391)
* Ismail II (1359-1360)
* Muhammed VI (1360-1362)
* Yusuf II (1391-1392)
* Muhammed VII (1392-1408)
* Yusuf III (1408-1417)
* Muhammed VIII (1417-1419, 1427-1429)
* Muhammed IX (1419-1427, 1430-1431, 1432-1445, 1448-1453)
* Yusuf IV (1432)
* Yusuf V (1445-1446, 1462)
* Muhammed X (1446-1448)
* Muhammed XI (1453-1454)
* Said (1454-1464)
* Abu l-Hasan Ali, known as Muley Hacén (1464-1482, 1483-1485)
* Abu 'abd Allah Muhammed XII, known as Boabdil (1482-1483, 1486-1492)
* Abū `Abd Allāh Muhammed XIII, known as El Zagal (1485-1486)
Nasr, Seyyed Hossein
Nasr, Seyyed Hossein (Seyyed Hossein Nasr) (b. April 7, 1933 in Tehran). Iranian philosopher, philosopher of science, theologian, and traditionalist. A prolific writer, Seyyed Hossein Nasr was one of the most visible exponents in the West of an understanding of traditional Islam. He was born in Tehran on April 7, 1933. His father was a physician and educator. Nasr went to the United States for his higher education, receiving his bachelor of science degree from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1954 and going on to Harvard to work in geology and physics. His longstanding interest in the traditional disciplines, however, led him to change his field to philosophy and the history of science. He received his doctorate in 1958. Nasr’s broad classical education spans Eastern and Western history, philosophy and social science, Muslim and Christian historical and contemporary theological materials, and the development of Islamic mysticism, spirtituality, art, and culture.
In 1958, Nasr returned to Iran to teach at Tehran University, continuing his own education with some of Iran’s foremost religious authorities. At the time of the Iranian revolution in 1979, he was director of the Imperial Iranian Academy of Philosophy. After leaving the country at the fall of shah, he remained an advocate of Safavid Islam as representing the real essence of Islamic, and particularly Shi‘a, thought. In the 1990s, he was University Professor of Islamic Studies at George Washington University in Washington, D. C.
The underlying theme of Nasr’s recent work was the perception that persons in the contemporary world, especially in the West, could no longer understand and appreciate the sacred -- that they have lost sight of what is essential and eternal. His Gifford Lectures, given in 1981 and published as Knowledge and the Sacred, reveal his hope of reviving what he calls the sacred quality of knowledge as opposed to secularized reason. He was an articulate opponent of such contemporary ideologies as modernism, rationalism, secularism, and materialism, and advocates instead the immutable principles best illustrated in traditional Islam. His writings clearly show his related aims of interpreting Islamic civilization to a skeptical Western audience and attacking the secularizing forces that have alienated Westerners from their faith and are threatening to do the same to Muslims.
Always concerned for the integration of science, philosophy, and art, Nasr was devoted to an explication of the essential unity of all things as reflecting the unity of God. He saw the secularization of the natural sciences and the destruction of the earth’s equilibrium evident in today’s ecological crisis as illustrations of the essential disruption of the relationship between human and divine. This he compared with the scientia sacra of traditionalist Islam, in which there is a sacred relationship of the terrestrial and the celestial, and of human and sacred history.
A student of, and advocate for, the classical schools of Islamic mysticism, Nasr has recently focused on spiritual disciplines as expressed in the arts of architecture, music, and poetry, and on the particular role of Shi‘ism within Islamic history and thought. He tried to show that some Muslims posed falsely as traditionalists, suggesting that they were really duplicating some of the mistakes made by the modern West rather than learning from them. He saw Western individualism as the opposite of the true freedom expressed in Islamic philosophy and Sufism -- a freedom consisting not in action but in understanding one’s essential relationship to God.
Nasr is the author of over fifty books and five hundred articles (a number of which can be found in the journal, Studies in Comparative Religion) on topics such as traditional metaphysics, Islamic science, religion and the environment, Sufism, and Islamic philosophy. Listed below are some of Dr. Nasr's works in English (in no particular order), including translations, and edited volumes:
* Islam and the Plight of Modern Man
* Ideals and Realities of Islam
* An Introduction to Islamic Cosmological Doctrines
* Knowledge and the Sacred online
* Islamic Life and Thought
* Islamic Art and Spirituality
* Sufi Essays
* Sadr al-Din Shirazi and His Transcendent Theosophy, 2nd edition
* A Young Muslim's Guide to the Modern World
* The Need for a Sacred Science
* Traditional Islam in the Modern World
* Man and Nature: The Spiritual Crisis in Modern Man
* The Islamic Intellectual Tradition in Persia, edited by Mehdi Aminrazavi
* The Garden of Truth: The Vision and Promise of Sufism, Islam's Mystical Tradition
* Three Muslim Sages
* Science and Civilization in Islam
* Islamic Science: An Illustrated Study
* Religion and the Order of Nature
* Muhammad: Man of God
* Islamic Studies: Essays on Law and Society, the Sciences, and Philosophy and Sufism
* The Heart of Islam: Enduring Values for Humanity
* Islamic Philosophy from its Origin to the Present: Philosophy in the Land of Prophecy
* Poems of the Way
* The Pilgrimage of Life and the Wisdom of Rumi
* Islam: Religion, History, and Civilization
* Islam, Science, Muslims, and Technology: Seyyed Hossein Nasr in Conversation with Muzaffar Iqbal
* The Essential Seyyed Hossein Nasr, edited by William Chittick
* The Essential Frithjof Schuon
* Religion of the Heart: Essays Presented to Frithjof Schuon on his Eightieth Birthday, edited with William Stoddart
* The Philosophy of Seyyed Hossein Nasr, edited by L.E. Hahn, R. Auxier, and L.W. Stone
* History of Islamic Philosophy, edited with Oliver Leaman
* The Essential Sophia, editd with Katherine O'Brien
* An Anthology of Philosophy in Persia, edited with Mehdi Aminrazavi (5 vols.)
* Islamic Spirituality, edited by Seyyed Hossein Nasr (Vol. 1: Foundations; Vol. 2: Manifestations)
* In Quest of the Sacred: The Modern World in the Light of Tradition, edited with Katherine O'Brien
* An Annotated Bibliography of Islamic Science, edited with William Chittick and Peter Zirnis (3 vols.)
* Isma'ili Contributions to Islamic Culture, edited by Seyyed Hossein Nasr
* Mecca the Blessed, Madina the Radiant, photographs by Ali Kazuyo Nomachi; essay by Seyyed Hossein Nasr
* The Works of Seyyed Hossein Nasr Through His Fortieth Birthday, edited by William Chittick
* Knowledge is Light: Essays in Honor of Seyyed Hossein Nasr, edited by Zailan Moris
* Beacon of Knowledge - Essays in Honor of Seyyed Hossein Nasr, edited by Mohammad Faghfoory
* Shi'ite Islam by Sayyid Muhammad Husayn Tabataba'i, translated by Seyyed Hossein Nasr
Seyyed Hossein Nasr see Nasr, Seyyed Hossein
Nasr, Seyyed Hossein (Seyyed Hossein Nasr) (b. April 7, 1933 in Tehran). Iranian philosopher, philosopher of science, theologian, and traditionalist. A prolific writer, Seyyed Hossein Nasr was one of the most visible exponents in the West of an understanding of traditional Islam. He was born in Tehran on April 7, 1933. His father was a physician and educator. Nasr went to the United States for his higher education, receiving his bachelor of science degree from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1954 and going on to Harvard to work in geology and physics. His longstanding interest in the traditional disciplines, however, led him to change his field to philosophy and the history of science. He received his doctorate in 1958. Nasr’s broad classical education spans Eastern and Western history, philosophy and social science, Muslim and Christian historical and contemporary theological materials, and the development of Islamic mysticism, spirtituality, art, and culture.
In 1958, Nasr returned to Iran to teach at Tehran University, continuing his own education with some of Iran’s foremost religious authorities. At the time of the Iranian revolution in 1979, he was director of the Imperial Iranian Academy of Philosophy. After leaving the country at the fall of shah, he remained an advocate of Safavid Islam as representing the real essence of Islamic, and particularly Shi‘a, thought. In the 1990s, he was University Professor of Islamic Studies at George Washington University in Washington, D. C.
The underlying theme of Nasr’s recent work was the perception that persons in the contemporary world, especially in the West, could no longer understand and appreciate the sacred -- that they have lost sight of what is essential and eternal. His Gifford Lectures, given in 1981 and published as Knowledge and the Sacred, reveal his hope of reviving what he calls the sacred quality of knowledge as opposed to secularized reason. He was an articulate opponent of such contemporary ideologies as modernism, rationalism, secularism, and materialism, and advocates instead the immutable principles best illustrated in traditional Islam. His writings clearly show his related aims of interpreting Islamic civilization to a skeptical Western audience and attacking the secularizing forces that have alienated Westerners from their faith and are threatening to do the same to Muslims.
Always concerned for the integration of science, philosophy, and art, Nasr was devoted to an explication of the essential unity of all things as reflecting the unity of God. He saw the secularization of the natural sciences and the destruction of the earth’s equilibrium evident in today’s ecological crisis as illustrations of the essential disruption of the relationship between human and divine. This he compared with the scientia sacra of traditionalist Islam, in which there is a sacred relationship of the terrestrial and the celestial, and of human and sacred history.
A student of, and advocate for, the classical schools of Islamic mysticism, Nasr has recently focused on spiritual disciplines as expressed in the arts of architecture, music, and poetry, and on the particular role of Shi‘ism within Islamic history and thought. He tried to show that some Muslims posed falsely as traditionalists, suggesting that they were really duplicating some of the mistakes made by the modern West rather than learning from them. He saw Western individualism as the opposite of the true freedom expressed in Islamic philosophy and Sufism -- a freedom consisting not in action but in understanding one’s essential relationship to God.
Nasr is the author of over fifty books and five hundred articles (a number of which can be found in the journal, Studies in Comparative Religion) on topics such as traditional metaphysics, Islamic science, religion and the environment, Sufism, and Islamic philosophy. Listed below are some of Dr. Nasr's works in English (in no particular order), including translations, and edited volumes:
* Islam and the Plight of Modern Man
* Ideals and Realities of Islam
* An Introduction to Islamic Cosmological Doctrines
* Knowledge and the Sacred online
* Islamic Life and Thought
* Islamic Art and Spirituality
* Sufi Essays
* Sadr al-Din Shirazi and His Transcendent Theosophy, 2nd edition
* A Young Muslim's Guide to the Modern World
* The Need for a Sacred Science
* Traditional Islam in the Modern World
* Man and Nature: The Spiritual Crisis in Modern Man
* The Islamic Intellectual Tradition in Persia, edited by Mehdi Aminrazavi
* The Garden of Truth: The Vision and Promise of Sufism, Islam's Mystical Tradition
* Three Muslim Sages
* Science and Civilization in Islam
* Islamic Science: An Illustrated Study
* Religion and the Order of Nature
* Muhammad: Man of God
* Islamic Studies: Essays on Law and Society, the Sciences, and Philosophy and Sufism
* The Heart of Islam: Enduring Values for Humanity
* Islamic Philosophy from its Origin to the Present: Philosophy in the Land of Prophecy
* Poems of the Way
* The Pilgrimage of Life and the Wisdom of Rumi
* Islam: Religion, History, and Civilization
* Islam, Science, Muslims, and Technology: Seyyed Hossein Nasr in Conversation with Muzaffar Iqbal
* The Essential Seyyed Hossein Nasr, edited by William Chittick
* The Essential Frithjof Schuon
* Religion of the Heart: Essays Presented to Frithjof Schuon on his Eightieth Birthday, edited with William Stoddart
* The Philosophy of Seyyed Hossein Nasr, edited by L.E. Hahn, R. Auxier, and L.W. Stone
* History of Islamic Philosophy, edited with Oliver Leaman
* The Essential Sophia, editd with Katherine O'Brien
* An Anthology of Philosophy in Persia, edited with Mehdi Aminrazavi (5 vols.)
* Islamic Spirituality, edited by Seyyed Hossein Nasr (Vol. 1: Foundations; Vol. 2: Manifestations)
* In Quest of the Sacred: The Modern World in the Light of Tradition, edited with Katherine O'Brien
* An Annotated Bibliography of Islamic Science, edited with William Chittick and Peter Zirnis (3 vols.)
* Isma'ili Contributions to Islamic Culture, edited by Seyyed Hossein Nasr
* Mecca the Blessed, Madina the Radiant, photographs by Ali Kazuyo Nomachi; essay by Seyyed Hossein Nasr
* The Works of Seyyed Hossein Nasr Through His Fortieth Birthday, edited by William Chittick
* Knowledge is Light: Essays in Honor of Seyyed Hossein Nasr, edited by Zailan Moris
* Beacon of Knowledge - Essays in Honor of Seyyed Hossein Nasr, edited by Mohammad Faghfoory
* Shi'ite Islam by Sayyid Muhammad Husayn Tabataba'i, translated by Seyyed Hossein Nasr
Seyyed Hossein Nasr see Nasr, Seyyed Hossein
Nasser, Gamal Abdel
Nasser, Gamal Abdel (Gamal Abdel Nasser) (Gamal ‘Abd al-Nasir) (Jamal ‘Abd al-Nasir) (b. January 15, 1918, Alexandria, Egypt — d. September 28, 1970, Cairo), Egyptian army officer, prime minister (1954–56), and then president (1956–70) of Egypt, who became a controversial leader of the Arab world, creating the short-lived United Arab Republic (1958–61), twice fighting wars with Israel (1956, 1967), and engaging in such inter-Arab policies as mediating the Jordanian civil war (1970).
Nasser was born in a mud-brick house on an unpaved street in the Bacos section of Alexandria, where his father was in charge of the local post office. In an effort to cultivate a more earthy image of the president as a member of the class of rural agrarians (fellahin), Egyptian government publications for years gave his birthplace as Banī Murr, the primitive Upper Egypt village of his ancestors. From Alexandria, Nasser’s father was transferred to Al-Khaṭāṭibah, a squalid delta village, where the boy got his first schooling. Then he went to live in Cairo with an uncle who had just been released from a British prison and had rooms in a building occupied by nine Jewish families.
Constantly in trouble with schoolteachers, some of them British, Nasser took part in many anti-British street demonstrations. In one, he received a blow on the forehead that left a lifelong scar. After secondary school he went to a law college for several months and then entered the Royal Military Academy, graduating as a second lieutenant.
While serving in the Egyptian army in the Sudan, Nasser met three fellow officers — Zakariyyā Muḥyi al-Dīn (Zakaria Mohieddine), later vice president of the United Arab Republic; ʿAbd al-Ḥakīm ʿĀmir, later field marshal; and Anwar el-Sādāt, who would succeed Nasser as president. Together, they planned a secret revolutionary organization, the Free Officers, whose composition would be known only to Nasser. Their aim was to oust the British and the Egyptian royal family.
In the 1948 Arab war against the newly created State of Israel, Nasser was an officer in one of three battalions surrounded for weeks by the Israelis in a group of Arab villages called the Faluja Pocket.
On July 23, 1952, Nasser and 89 other Free Officers staged an almost bloodless coup d’état, ousting the monarchy. Sādāt favored the immediate public execution of King Fārūq I and some members of the establishment, but Nasser vetoed the idea and permitted Fārūq and others to go into exile. The country was taken over by a Revolutionary Command Council of 11 officers controlled by Nasser, with Major General Muḥammad Naguib as the puppet head of state. For more than a year Nasser kept his real role so well hidden that astute foreign correspondents were unaware of his existence. However, in the spring of 1954, in a complicated series of intrigues, Naguib was deposed and placed under house arrest. Nasser emerged from the shadows and named himself prime minister. That same year an Egyptian fanatic allegedly tried to assassinate Nasser at a mass meeting in Alexandria. When the gunman confessed that he had been given the assignment by the Muslim Brotherhood, Nasser cracked down on the extremist Muslim religious organization.
In January 1956, Nasser announced the promulgation of a constitution under which Egypt became a socialist Arab state with a one-party political system and with Islam as the official religion. In June, 99.948 percent of the five million Egyptians voting marked their ballots for Nasser, the only candidate, for president. The constitution was approved by 99.8 percent.
As Nasser took titular as well as actual control, Egypt’s prospects looked bright. A secret contract had been signed with Czechoslovakia for war matériel, and Great Britain and the United States had agreed to put up $270 million to finance the first stage of the Aswān High Dam project. But on July 20, 1956, the United States secretary of state, John Foster Dulles, canceled the United States offer. The next day, Britain followed suit. Five days later, addressing a mass meeting in Alexandria, Nasser announced the nationalization of the Suez Canal, promising that the tolls Egypt collected in five years would build the dam. Both Britain and France had interests in the canal and conspired with Israel—whose relations with Egypt had grown even more tense after the first Arab-Israeli war in 1948–49—to best Nasser and regain control of the canal. According to their plan, on October 29, 1956, Israeli forces invaded the Sinai Peninsula. Two days later, French and British planes attacked Egyptian airfields. Although the Israelis occupied the Sinai Peninsula to Sharm al-Shaykh and the Egyptian air force was virtually destroyed, Nasser emerged from the brief war with undiminished prestige throughout the Arab world.
In Philosophy of the Revolution, which he wrote in 1954, Nasser told of “heroic and glorious roles which never found heroes to perform them” and outlined his aspiration to be the leader of the 55 million Arabs, then of the 224 million Africans, then of the 420 million followers of Islam. In 1958, Syria and Egypt formed the United Arab Republic, which Nasser hoped would someday include the entire Arab world. Syria withdrew in 1961, but Egypt continued to be known as the United Arab Republic until 1971. That was as close as Nasser ever came to realizing his tripartite dream.
However, there were other accomplishments by Nasser. The Aswān High Dam, built with the help of the Soviet Union, began operating in 1968; 20th-century life was introduced into many villages; industrialization was accelerated; land reforms broke up Egypt’s large private estates; a partially successful campaign was conducted against corruption; and women were accorded more rights than they had ever had, including the right to vote. A new middle class began to occupy the political and economic positions once held in Egypt by Italians, Greeks,the French, Britons, and other foreigners, whom Nasser now encouraged—sometimes not gently—to leave the country. Nasser’s outstanding accomplishment was his survival for 18 years as Egypt’s political leader, despite the strength of his opponents: communists, Copts, Jews, Muslim extremists, old political parties, rival military cliques, dispossessed landowners, supporters of Naguib, and what was left of the foreign colony.
On the negative side, Nasser made Egypt a police state, in which mail was opened, the communications media were strictly censored, the chief newspapers were nationalized, telephones were tapped, and visitors’ rooms were searched. Political democracy in the Western sense was non-existent. One-party candidates for office were handpicked by Nasser and his close associates. Political enemies were herded into concentration camps in the desert. Life was little changed for most fellahin. The birth rate remained so high as to defeat attempts to increase the living standard.
In foreign affairs Nasser joined Josip Broz Tito of Yugoslavia and Jawaharlal Nehru of India as an advocate of non-alignment, or “positive neutrality.” At the Bandung Conference of Asian and African nations in 1955, he emerged as a world figure. His refusal to recognize Israel and Egypt’s defeat by Israel in 1956 led him to divert vast sums into military channels that might have gone to implement his social revolution.
Egyptian troops supported the Republican Army in Yemen’s civil war starting in 1962. But they were withdrawn in 1967 when war broke out again between Egypt and Israel in June after Nasser had requested that the United Nations remove its peacekeeping troops from the Gaza Strip and Sharm al-Shaykh and then closed the Gulf of Aqaba to Israeli shipping. The conflict came to be known as the Six-Day (or June) War. After the Egyptian air force was destroyed on the ground and the Egyptian army was forced to retreat across the Suez, Nasser attempted to resign, but massive street demonstrations and a vote of confidence by the National Assembly induced him to remain in office. The Soviet Union immediately began replacing all the destroyed war equipment and installed surface-to-air missiles along the Suez as a cover for Egypt’s artillery emplacements. Nasser had tentatively accepted a United States plan leading to peace negotiations with Israel when he died, in 1970, from a heart attack.
Although complex and revolutionary in his public life, privately Nasser was conservative and simple. No other Arab leader in modern times has succeeded in winning the sometimes hysterical support of Arab masses throughout the Middle East as did Nasser during the last 15 years of his life. Even the loss of two wars, with disastrous results for Egypt, did not dim the popularity of this charismatic, almost mythogenic, army officer who became the first true Egyptian to rule the country in several millennia, giving his people the dignity denied them under foreign rule. Nevertheless, he failed in his ambition to create a unified Arab world, and before his death he was forced to sacrifice some of Egypt’s political independence for the military support of the Soviet Union.
Gamal Abdel Nasser see Nasser, Gamal Abdel
Gamal 'Abd al-Nasir see Nasser, Gamal Abdel
Nasir, Gamal 'Abd al- see Nasser, Gamal Abdel
Jamal 'Abd al-Nasir see Nasser, Gamal Abdel
Nasir, Jamal 'Abd al see Nasser, Gamal Abdel
Nasser, Gamal Abdel (Gamal Abdel Nasser) (Gamal ‘Abd al-Nasir) (Jamal ‘Abd al-Nasir) (b. January 15, 1918, Alexandria, Egypt — d. September 28, 1970, Cairo), Egyptian army officer, prime minister (1954–56), and then president (1956–70) of Egypt, who became a controversial leader of the Arab world, creating the short-lived United Arab Republic (1958–61), twice fighting wars with Israel (1956, 1967), and engaging in such inter-Arab policies as mediating the Jordanian civil war (1970).
Nasser was born in a mud-brick house on an unpaved street in the Bacos section of Alexandria, where his father was in charge of the local post office. In an effort to cultivate a more earthy image of the president as a member of the class of rural agrarians (fellahin), Egyptian government publications for years gave his birthplace as Banī Murr, the primitive Upper Egypt village of his ancestors. From Alexandria, Nasser’s father was transferred to Al-Khaṭāṭibah, a squalid delta village, where the boy got his first schooling. Then he went to live in Cairo with an uncle who had just been released from a British prison and had rooms in a building occupied by nine Jewish families.
Constantly in trouble with schoolteachers, some of them British, Nasser took part in many anti-British street demonstrations. In one, he received a blow on the forehead that left a lifelong scar. After secondary school he went to a law college for several months and then entered the Royal Military Academy, graduating as a second lieutenant.
While serving in the Egyptian army in the Sudan, Nasser met three fellow officers — Zakariyyā Muḥyi al-Dīn (Zakaria Mohieddine), later vice president of the United Arab Republic; ʿAbd al-Ḥakīm ʿĀmir, later field marshal; and Anwar el-Sādāt, who would succeed Nasser as president. Together, they planned a secret revolutionary organization, the Free Officers, whose composition would be known only to Nasser. Their aim was to oust the British and the Egyptian royal family.
In the 1948 Arab war against the newly created State of Israel, Nasser was an officer in one of three battalions surrounded for weeks by the Israelis in a group of Arab villages called the Faluja Pocket.
On July 23, 1952, Nasser and 89 other Free Officers staged an almost bloodless coup d’état, ousting the monarchy. Sādāt favored the immediate public execution of King Fārūq I and some members of the establishment, but Nasser vetoed the idea and permitted Fārūq and others to go into exile. The country was taken over by a Revolutionary Command Council of 11 officers controlled by Nasser, with Major General Muḥammad Naguib as the puppet head of state. For more than a year Nasser kept his real role so well hidden that astute foreign correspondents were unaware of his existence. However, in the spring of 1954, in a complicated series of intrigues, Naguib was deposed and placed under house arrest. Nasser emerged from the shadows and named himself prime minister. That same year an Egyptian fanatic allegedly tried to assassinate Nasser at a mass meeting in Alexandria. When the gunman confessed that he had been given the assignment by the Muslim Brotherhood, Nasser cracked down on the extremist Muslim religious organization.
In January 1956, Nasser announced the promulgation of a constitution under which Egypt became a socialist Arab state with a one-party political system and with Islam as the official religion. In June, 99.948 percent of the five million Egyptians voting marked their ballots for Nasser, the only candidate, for president. The constitution was approved by 99.8 percent.
As Nasser took titular as well as actual control, Egypt’s prospects looked bright. A secret contract had been signed with Czechoslovakia for war matériel, and Great Britain and the United States had agreed to put up $270 million to finance the first stage of the Aswān High Dam project. But on July 20, 1956, the United States secretary of state, John Foster Dulles, canceled the United States offer. The next day, Britain followed suit. Five days later, addressing a mass meeting in Alexandria, Nasser announced the nationalization of the Suez Canal, promising that the tolls Egypt collected in five years would build the dam. Both Britain and France had interests in the canal and conspired with Israel—whose relations with Egypt had grown even more tense after the first Arab-Israeli war in 1948–49—to best Nasser and regain control of the canal. According to their plan, on October 29, 1956, Israeli forces invaded the Sinai Peninsula. Two days later, French and British planes attacked Egyptian airfields. Although the Israelis occupied the Sinai Peninsula to Sharm al-Shaykh and the Egyptian air force was virtually destroyed, Nasser emerged from the brief war with undiminished prestige throughout the Arab world.
In Philosophy of the Revolution, which he wrote in 1954, Nasser told of “heroic and glorious roles which never found heroes to perform them” and outlined his aspiration to be the leader of the 55 million Arabs, then of the 224 million Africans, then of the 420 million followers of Islam. In 1958, Syria and Egypt formed the United Arab Republic, which Nasser hoped would someday include the entire Arab world. Syria withdrew in 1961, but Egypt continued to be known as the United Arab Republic until 1971. That was as close as Nasser ever came to realizing his tripartite dream.
However, there were other accomplishments by Nasser. The Aswān High Dam, built with the help of the Soviet Union, began operating in 1968; 20th-century life was introduced into many villages; industrialization was accelerated; land reforms broke up Egypt’s large private estates; a partially successful campaign was conducted against corruption; and women were accorded more rights than they had ever had, including the right to vote. A new middle class began to occupy the political and economic positions once held in Egypt by Italians, Greeks,the French, Britons, and other foreigners, whom Nasser now encouraged—sometimes not gently—to leave the country. Nasser’s outstanding accomplishment was his survival for 18 years as Egypt’s political leader, despite the strength of his opponents: communists, Copts, Jews, Muslim extremists, old political parties, rival military cliques, dispossessed landowners, supporters of Naguib, and what was left of the foreign colony.
On the negative side, Nasser made Egypt a police state, in which mail was opened, the communications media were strictly censored, the chief newspapers were nationalized, telephones were tapped, and visitors’ rooms were searched. Political democracy in the Western sense was non-existent. One-party candidates for office were handpicked by Nasser and his close associates. Political enemies were herded into concentration camps in the desert. Life was little changed for most fellahin. The birth rate remained so high as to defeat attempts to increase the living standard.
In foreign affairs Nasser joined Josip Broz Tito of Yugoslavia and Jawaharlal Nehru of India as an advocate of non-alignment, or “positive neutrality.” At the Bandung Conference of Asian and African nations in 1955, he emerged as a world figure. His refusal to recognize Israel and Egypt’s defeat by Israel in 1956 led him to divert vast sums into military channels that might have gone to implement his social revolution.
Egyptian troops supported the Republican Army in Yemen’s civil war starting in 1962. But they were withdrawn in 1967 when war broke out again between Egypt and Israel in June after Nasser had requested that the United Nations remove its peacekeeping troops from the Gaza Strip and Sharm al-Shaykh and then closed the Gulf of Aqaba to Israeli shipping. The conflict came to be known as the Six-Day (or June) War. After the Egyptian air force was destroyed on the ground and the Egyptian army was forced to retreat across the Suez, Nasser attempted to resign, but massive street demonstrations and a vote of confidence by the National Assembly induced him to remain in office. The Soviet Union immediately began replacing all the destroyed war equipment and installed surface-to-air missiles along the Suez as a cover for Egypt’s artillery emplacements. Nasser had tentatively accepted a United States plan leading to peace negotiations with Israel when he died, in 1970, from a heart attack.
Although complex and revolutionary in his public life, privately Nasser was conservative and simple. No other Arab leader in modern times has succeeded in winning the sometimes hysterical support of Arab masses throughout the Middle East as did Nasser during the last 15 years of his life. Even the loss of two wars, with disastrous results for Egypt, did not dim the popularity of this charismatic, almost mythogenic, army officer who became the first true Egyptian to rule the country in several millennia, giving his people the dignity denied them under foreign rule. Nevertheless, he failed in his ambition to create a unified Arab world, and before his death he was forced to sacrifice some of Egypt’s political independence for the military support of the Soviet Union.
Gamal Abdel Nasser see Nasser, Gamal Abdel
Gamal 'Abd al-Nasir see Nasser, Gamal Abdel
Nasir, Gamal 'Abd al- see Nasser, Gamal Abdel
Jamal 'Abd al-Nasir see Nasser, Gamal Abdel
Nasir, Jamal 'Abd al see Nasser, Gamal Abdel
Nasution, Abdul Haris
Nasution, Abdul Haris (Abdul Haris Nasution) (b. December 3, 1918, Kotanopan, North Sumatra - d. September 5, 2000, Jakarta). He was one of the leading figures in the Indonesian army and its principal theoretician.
Nasution was born in 1918 in Kotanopan, North Sumatra. Trained in the Bandung Military Academy under the Dutch, he was a second lieutenant in the Dutch Indies Army at the time of the Japanese invasion of Indonesia. He joined the Republican army after independence and in May 1946 was appointed commander of its West Java division (later Siliwangi). He became deputy commander of the armed forces and chief of its operations staff in 1948 and was the prime mover in the republic’s plans for rationalizing the armed forces. In December 1949, he was named chief of staff of the army but was suspended for his role in the movement demanding dissolution of Parliament in October 1952.
Inactive from 1952 to 1955, Nasution was reappointed army chief of staff, a post he had until 1962, when he became chief of staff of the combined armed forces. He was minister of defense from 1959-1966. He led military actions against the regional rebellions of 1958 to 1961. Although often disagreeing with Sukarno, he actively supported the West Irian campaign and the Confrontation policies directed against Malaysia.
Nasution was a principal target of the attempted coup of September 30, 1965, but escaped with minor injuries, although his daughter was killed. He was elected chairman of Parliament in 1966 and held the post until 1972. He was a prominent critic of the Suharto government.
In 1958, Nasution formulated his middle way concept of the army’s political role, on which later theories of its “dual function” (dwifungsi) were based. His extensive writings include a three volume history of the Indonesian army and a treatise on guerrilla war (translated as Fundamentals of Guerrilla Warfare).
Once he fell out of power, Nasution developed into a political opponent of the New Order Regime.
By the late 1970's, Suharto's regime had turned from popular to authoritarian and corrupt. At this time many voices began to openly speak out and criticize the regime. After the 1977 Legislative Elections, in which there was alleged electoral fraud by Suharto's Golkar Party, Nasution said that there was a crisis in leadership in the New Order.
In July 1978, together with former Vice President Hatta, Nasution set up the Institute for Constitutional Awareness Foundation (YLKB) . Suharto's Government moved quickly and did not allow YLKB to conduct its first meeting in January 1979. Nasution and the YLKB did not give up. In August 1979, Nasution managed to hold a meeting in which DPR (People's Representative Councilmembers) were included. Perhaps significantly, ABRI members attended the meeting. During the meeting, Nasution criticized the New Order for not fully implementing Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution.
Suharto did not take the criticism lightly. On March 27, 1980, at an ABRI (Armed Forces of the Republic of Indonesia) Meeting, Suharto in a speech said that ABRI members should be ready to defend their seats in DPR and that they should align themselves with forces that are for Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution such as Golkar. Suharto followed this up with another speech on April 16, 1980, on the occasion of Kopassus' anniversary. In the speech, Suharto denied allegations of corruption and claimed that if he had to, he would kidnap MPR members if it would prevent the MPR from having the two-thirds majority required to change the constitution.
Nasution then decided that the oppositions of the regime should make a big statement. He gathered ABRI members who were disgruntled with the Suharto regime such as former Governor of Jakarta Ali Sadikin, former Chief of Police Hugeng Imam Santoso, and former Deputy Army Chief of Staff Yasin. Former Prime Ministers Mohammed Natsir and Burhanuddin Harahap as well as PDRI Chairman Syarifuddin Prawiranegara joined in. Together with many other big name critics of the Government, they signed a petition which would become known as Petisi 50 (Petition of Fifty), so-called because there were 50 signatories.
The petition was signed on May 5, 1980 and delivered to the DPR on May 13, 1980. It called for Suharto to stop interpreting Pancasila to suit his own ends and for ABRI to be neutral in politics instead of favoring Golkar. The DPR, especially members of the United Development Party (PPP) and the Indonesian Democratic Party took the petition seriously and asked Suharto to respond on the issue. Suharto replied that his speeches on March 27, 1980 and April 16, 1980 was a sufficient enough response. Suharto added if there was any problem, the DPR can motion for a special investigation. Here the PPP and PDI members stopped, knowing that their motion would be beaten by Golkar's dominance.
For signatories to the petition such as Nasution, Suharto imposed travel bans and made business dealings difficult so that the petition signatories would have a hard time making a living.
By the beginning of the 1990s, Suharto was beginning to adopt a policy of political openness and enforcement of Petition of 50 Signatories' punishment was loosened. In June 1993, when Nasution was in the hospital because of illness, he was visited by the Army's top brass. Nasution then received a visit from B. J. Habibie, Suharto's Minister of Technology. Habibie then invited Nasution and the other signatories to visit his shipyard and the aircraft factory which had been put under his jurisdiction. The Government also began claiming that although there was a travel ban for the Petition of 50 Signatories, the ban did not apply to Nasution. For his part, Nasution denied criticizing the Government, preferring to call it a "difference in opinion".
Finally, in July 1993, Suharto invited Nasution to the Presidential Palace for a meeting. This was followed by another meeting on August 18, 1993, after the Independence Day celebrations. Nothing political was talked about, but it was clear that both men were keen to reconcile their differences. In an interview in 1995, Nasution encouraged Indonesia to go through a reconciliation process so that the Nation could be united under the leadership of Suharto.
On October 5, 1997, on the occasion of ABRI's anniversary, Nasution was given the honorary rank Jenderal Besar. A rank that he shared with Suharto and Sudirman.
Nasution died on September 5, 2000 after suffering a stroke and going into a coma.
Nasution was married to Johanna Sunarti, with whom he had two daughters.
Abdul Haris Nasution (born Kotanopan, North Sumatra 3 December 1918 - died Jakarta 5 September 2000) was an Indonesian general who was twice appointed Army Chief of Staff and who escaped an assassination attempt during the 1965 coup attempt by 30 September Movement.
Nasution was born in Sumatra on 3 December 1918. His father was a farmer but was also active in Sarekat Islam (Islamic Union), a pro-Independence movement. Nasution recalled that as a child, he quickly developed a hobby in reading.
After completing his education in 1935, Nasution had originally chosen a teaching career. He graduated from teaching school in 1938 and had stints as a teacher in Bengkulu and Palembang. In 1942, he became interested in a military career and joined a military academy which was run by the Dutch colonial government in Bandung, West Java. His time did not last long as the Japanese took over and occupied Indonesia. Under Japanese occupation, Nasution continued to stay in Bandung and served as a civil servant.
After Sukarno declared Indonesia's independence on 17 August 1945, Nasution joined the fledgling Indonesian Army which was then known as the People's Security Army (TKR) and was appointed Regional Commander of the Siliwangi Division, which looked after the security of West Java in May 1946.
In this position, Nasution developed the theory of territorial warfare which would become the defense doctrine of the Indonesian Army in the future.
In January 1948, the Indonesian Government and the Dutch Government signed the Renville Agreement. During this agreement, the Indonesian Government would recognize the territories which the Dutch Army had attacked as belonging to the Dutch. Because the territories included West Java, Nasution was forced to lead the Siliwangi Division across to Central Java.
1948 would also see Nasution rise to the position of Deputy TKR Commander. Despite being only a Colonel this appointment made Nasution the most powerful person in TKR, second only to the popular General Sudirman. Nasution immediately went to work in his new role. In April, he assisted Sudirman in reorganizing the structure of the troops. In June, at a Commanders' meeting, his suggestion that TKR should fight guerrilla warfare against the Dutch was approved.
Although not the Commander of TKR, Nasution gained experience on what it was like to become a Commander of Armed Forces in September 1948 with the Madiun incident. During the course of the year, former Prime Minister Amir Syarifuddin had aligned himself with Musso of the Indonesian Communist Party. When they forcibly took over the city of Madiun in East Java, everyone knew that the matters could only be settled violently.
When the news reached the TKR Headquarters in Yogyakarta, a meeting was held between the top brass. Sudirman was anxious to avoid violence and wanted negotiations to be conducted. Sudirman then commissioned Lieutenant Colonel Suharto, to negotiate a deal with the communists. After taking his trip, Suharto returned to Nasution and Sudirman and reported that everything seemed to be peaceful. Nasution did not trust this report and with Sudirman down with illness, Nasution was left in charge.[3] Nasution then decided on a crackdown, sending troops to go after the Communists to put them down and end the rebellion.
On September 30 Madiun was taken over by republican troops of the Siliwangi Division. Thousands of party cadres were killed and 36 000 were imprisoned. Amongst the executed were several leaders including Musso who was killed on October 31, allegedly while trying to escape from prison. Other PKI leaders such as D.N. Aidit went into exile in China.
On 19 December 1948, the Dutch launched a successful attack on Yogyakarta and occupied it. Nasution, together with TKR and the other Commanders, retreated into the countryside to fight a guerrilla warfare. With President Sukarno and Vice President Mohammad Hatta caught by the Dutch, the Emergency Government of the Republic of Indonesia (PDRI) was set up in Sumatra. In this interim Government, Nasution was given the position of the Army and Territorial Commander of Java.
Although all seemed lost in 1948, the tide would turn in Indonesia's favor in 1949. Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX's 1 March General Offensive inspired soldiers all over Indonesia to continue the resistance and influenced the United Nations to pressure the Dutch to recognize Indonesian Independence. The Dutch finally stopped fighting in July and by December, recognized Indonesia's independence. As the PDRI returned its powers to Sukarno and Hatta, Nasution returned to his position as Deputy Commander to Sudirman.
In 1950, Nasution took on his position as Army Chief of Staff, with TB Simatupang replacing Sudirman as the Commander of the newly dubbed ABRI (Armed Forces of the Republic of Indonesia).
In 1952, Nasution and Simatupang decided to adopt a policy of restructuring and reorganization for ABRI. Under this arrangement, Nasution and Simatupang hoped to create a smaller Army but one that was expected to be more modern and professional. It did not take long however, before factional interests comes into play. Nasution and Simatupang, who have both been trained by the Dutch Colonial Government wanted to sack the soldiers trained by the Japanese and integrate more soldiers trained by the Dutch Colonial Government. The Japanese-trained troops, led by Bambang Supeno, began speaking against this policy.
In adopting their policy, Nasution and Simatupang had the backing of Prime Minister Wilopo and Defense Minister Hamengkubuwono IX. However, Supeno managed to find support from among the opposition parties in the People's Representative Council (DPR). The DPR members then began making their disagreements on the restructuring of ABRI known. Nasution and Simatupang were not happy to see what they perceived to be interference of military affairs by civilians.
On 17 October 1952, Nasution and Simatupang mobilized their troops in a show of force. Protesting against civilian interference in military business, Nasution and Simatupang had their troops surround the Presidential Palace and point the tank turrets in the direction of the said building. Their demand to Sukarno was that the current DPR be dismissed. For this cause, Nasution and Simatupang also mobilized civilian protesters. Sukarno came out of the Presidential Palace and using nothing but his famed oratory skills, convinced both soldiers and civilians alike to go home. Nasution and Simatupang had been defeated.
Nasution and Simatupang were then put under interrogation by Attorney General Suprapto. In December 1952, they both lost their position in ABRI and were discharged from service.
During the time in which he was not the Army Chief of Staff, Nasution wrote a book called the Fundamentals of Guerrilla Warfare. This book was based on Nasution's own experience fighting and organizing guerrilla warfare during the Indonesian War of Independence. Originally released in 1953, it would become one of the most studied books on guerrilla warfare along with Mao Zedong's works on the same subject matter.
On 27 October 1955 and after three years of exile, Nasution was re-appointed to his old position as Army Chief of Staff.
Nasution immediately began working on the Army and its structure by adopting a threefold approach. His first approach was to formulate a tour of duty system, so that officers can be stationed all around the country and gain experience. This approach would also result in Army Officers being more professional, instead of feeling personal attachment and loyalty to the Province and/or region from which they came from. Nasution's second approach was to centralize military training. All methods of training troops would now be uniform, instead of Regional Commanders setting up their own method of training troops. Nasution's third and most important approach was to increase the Army's influence and power so that it can be able to take care of itself, instead of relying on civilian decisions. Nasution did not have a problem applying the first two approaches. But he would have to wait to apply the third approach.
By 1957, President Sukarno had begun to introduce the concept of Guided Democracy to his rhetoric in response to his disenchantment with the Parliamentary Democracy approach which Indonesia had adopted since November 1945. In this, he found a common bond with Nasution and the Army, who had not forgotten the way in which civilians interfered with Army affairs in 1952. On 14 March 1957, after receiving the resignation of Prime Minister Ali Sastroadmijojo and his Cabinet, Sukarno declared a State of Emergency.
This move not only added to Sukarno's up until then ceremonial Presidential role, but also increased the Army's influence and power as Nasution had wished for. Under this arrangement, Regional Commanders were able to interfere with civilian matters such as the economy and administrative matters. With the behest of Sukarno himself, the Army also began participating in politics, filling in positions which ranged from Cabinet Ministers to Provincial Governors and even DPR members. In December 1957, Nasution further increased the Army's role by ordering officers to take over the recently nationalized Dutch Companies. Aside from increasing the Army's role, this move was also designed to stop the influence of the increasingly powerful PKI.
In 1958, Nasution made a famous speech that would become the basis for the Dwifungsi Doctrine which the Suharto regime ABRI would adopt. Speaking at Magelang in Central Java, Nasution declared that ABRI should adopt a Middle Way in its approach to the Nation. According to Nasution, ABRI should not be under the control of civilians. At the same time, ABRI should not dominate the nation in such a way that it becomes a military dictatorship.
In late 1956, there were demands by Regional Commanders in Sumatra for more autonomy in the Provinces. When these demands were not met by the Central Government, they began to rebel and by early 1957, they had taken control of Governance in Sumatra by force. Then, on 15 February 1958, Lieutenant Colonel Ahmad Hussein declared the establishment of the Revolutionary Government of the Republic of Indonesia (PRRI). This prompted the Central Government to deploy troops.
As Army Chief of Staff, Nasution would have been involved in mobilizing the troops to Sumatra. However, it would be his 2nd Deputy, Colonel Ahmad Yani who would make his name by successfully putting down the rebellions.
On 5 July 1959, Sukarno issued a decree declaring that Indonesia would now revert back to the original 1945 constitution. The Parliamentary Democracy system would be gone and for Sukarno, he was now the Head of Government in addition to being the Head of State. Nasution was appointed Minister of Defense and Security in Sukarno's Cabinet while continuing to hold the position as Army Chief of Staff.
Since 1956, Nasution had been trying to stamp out corruption in the Army. But the return to the 1945 constitution seemed to have renewed his resolve in this matter. According to him, the Army should set an example for the rest of society. Not long after Sukarno's 5 July Decree, Nasution sent Brigadier General Sungkono to investigate the financial dealings of Kodam IV/Diponegoro and its commander, Colonel Suharto.
Sungkono's findings reveal that during his time as Regional Commander, Suharto had set up foundations to help the local people. However, these foundations were founded through charging levies (instead of voluntary donations) on production and service industries. Suharto was also involved in illegal bartering. He had been bartering sugar for rice with Thailand.
Nasution wanted to take action against Suharto and actually considered expelling him out of the Army. However, Deputy Army Chief of Staff Gatot Subroto intervened. Gatot had taken Suharto under his wings when he was the Kodam IV/Diponegoro Commander and had noticed Suharto's talents. Gatot asked Nasution not to expel Suharto because Suharto's talent is one that could be further developed. Nasution listened to Gatot's advice. His decision was to remove Suharto from his position and to punish him by sending him to the Army Staff College (Seskoad).
During the struggle for Independence, Sukarno had always perceived Indonesia as also encompassing West Irian. When the Dutch finally recognized Indonesia's Independence, West Irian continued to be a Dutch colony. Sukarno did not give up and continued to push for West Irian to be included as part of Indonesia through the UN and through the Bandung Conference, where the attending nations promised to support Indonesia's claim. The Dutch continued to remain adamant. By 1960, Sukarno had run out of patience. In July, he met with his top advisors including Nasution and it was agreed that Indonesia would confront the Dutch on the matter of West Irian.
As part of the preparation for this campaign, Nasution turned to Suharto who in November 1960, finished his Seskoad course. Suharto, now a Brigadier General was commissioned by Nasution to create a strategic force unit which would be on standby, ready to be called into action at any time. Suharto was placed in charge of this taskforce and in March 1961, the General Army Reserve (Caduad) was formed, with Suharto being appointed as its Commander. Caduad would in 1963 change its name to the Army Strategic Command (Kostrad).
At the beginning of 1962, Nasution and Yani were the overall Commanders of the so called Liberation of West Irian, with Suharto stationed in East Indonesia as the Field Commander.
Around this time, Sukarno had begun to see the PKI, instead of the Army as his main political ally. Although he had set Indonesia on a non-aligned course during the Cold War, the revelation that the PRRI was given assistance by America, caused Sukarno to adopt an anti-American stance. In this, he had the PKI as a natural ally. For the PKI, an alliance with Sukarno would only add to their political momentum as their influence continued to grow in Indonesian politics. In April 1962, as he named a new Cabinet, PKI Chairman DN Aidit and Vice Chairman Njoto were included as ministers.
Nasution was wary of the PKI's influence over Sukarno and in turn, Sukarno was aware that Nasution was not happy about the PKI's influence and made a move to weaken his power. In July 1962, Sukarno reorganized the structure of ABRI. The status of the heads of the Armed Forces branches would now be upgraded from Chief of Staff to Commander (Example: Army Chief of Staff becomes Army Commander). As Commanders, the heads of the Armed Forces Branches would have more power and they would answer only to Sukarno as the Supreme Commander of ABRI. Assisting Sukarno as Supreme Commander of ABRI, would be an ABRI Chief of Staff. Sukarno appointed Nasution to the position of ABRI Chief of Staff and appointed Yani as the Army Commander. By doing this, Sukarno had decreased Nasution's powers as the ABRI Chief of Staff was only responsible for administration matters and had nothing whatsoever to do with troop handling.
Now in a powerless position, Nasution began to think of other ways to stop the PKI's momentum. The right moment came at the Provisional People's Consultative Assembly (MPRS) General Session in May 1963. During the General Session, Nasution had Sukarno's Indonesian National Party (PNI) as well as the Army members present to put forward the motion that Sukarno be appointed President for Life.[11] The rationale behind this was that with Sukarno being appointed President for Life, there would be no elections, and without elections, the PKI would not be able to get in power no matter how big they would become. The motion was carried through and Sukarno became President for Life.
Nasution soon began developing an attitude of hostility towards Yani. Both Nasution and Yani were anti-Communists. But their attitude towards Sukarno was different. Nasution was critical of Sukarno for backing and supporting PKI. While Yani, a Sukarno loyalist
adopted a softer stance. Nasution criticized Yani's soft stance and the two officers stopped getting along. To make matters worse, Yani began replacing Regional Commanders who were close to Nasution with those who were close to himself.
On 13 January 1965, a delegation of officers representing Nasution and Yani met in an attempt to reconcile the differences between the two officers. The meeting was unsuccessful in attempting to get Yani to distance himself from Sukarno. But they agreed to hold seminars where officers could talk about the current political climate and the role of the Army in politics.
As the year went on, a curious document was found. Dubbed the Gilchrist Document, the document spoke about "our local army friends" and suspicion was immediately cast on the Army wanting to launch a coup. Although Yani was quick to deny the allegations, the PKI began running a smear campaign, claiming that a Council of Generals were planning to overthrow the President. As the most senior officers in the Army, Nasution and Yani were implicated to be part of this Council.
On the morning of 1 October 1965, troops calling themselves the 30th September Movement (G30S) made their move to kidnap 7 anti-Communist Army officers including Nasution.
That morning, Nasution's wife heard the doors in the house being forced open. Curious to see what it was, Mrs. Nasution got out of bed to check. Opening the door, she saw a soldier with his gun raised ready to shoot. Mrs. Nasution quickly closed the door and told Nasution to get away. Nasution wanted to take a look himself and when he opened the door, the soldier shot at him. Nasution narrowly avoided the shot and closed the door as Mrs. Nasution pushed him out of the bedroom window to escape. Nasution escaped to the house of the Iraqi ambassador, who happened to be his neighbor and hid in the garden.
The Nasution household was in chaos as the G30S troops began looking all over the house for Nasution. In the confusion that ensued, Nasution's daughter and sister were shot by a soldier. Nasution's sister would recover while his daughter, Ade Irma Suryani was fatally wounded. At the end, the soldiers left only after detaining First Lieutenant Pierre Tendean who was Nasution's adjutant. Tendean had been mistaken for Nasution in the darkness and was kidnapped.
Nasution continued hiding in the garden of his neighbor until 6 AM when he returned to his house with a broken ankle. Nasution then asked his adjutants to be taken to the Ministry of Defense and Security because he thought it would be safer there. He was then taken in a car, with Nasution crouching on the floor of the car to the Ministry. Nasution then sent a message to Suharto at the Kostrad headquarters, telling him that he was alive and safe. After knowing that Suharto was taking Command of the Army, Nasution then ordered him to take measures such as finding out information on the whereabouts of the President, contacting Navy Commander RE Martadinata, Marine Corps Commander Hartono as well as the Chief of Police Sucipto Judodiharjo, and secure Jakarta by closing off all roads leading up to it. The Air Force was excluded because its Commander Omar Dhani was suspected of being a G30S Sympathizer. Suharto immediately integrated these orders into his plan to secure the city.
At around 2 PM, after the G30S Movement announced the formation of a Revolutionary Council, Nasution sent another order to Suharto, Martadinata and Judodiharjo. In the order, Nasution said that he was convinced that Sukarno had been kidnapped and taken to the G30S headquarters in Halim. He therefore ordered ABRI to free the President, restore security to Jakarta, and most importantly, appointed Suharto to head the operations. Just as Suharto began working however, a message came from Sukarno at Halim. Sukarno had decided to appoint Major General Pranoto Reksosamudra to the position of Army Commander and now wanted Pranoto to come see him. Suharto did not allow Pranoto to go but he knew that Sukarno would not give up in trying to summon Pranoto. To strengthen his bargaining position, Suharto asked Nasution to come to the Kostrad Headquarters.
Nasution arrived at the Kostrad headquarters at around 6 PM, just as Suharto began sending Sarwo Edhie Wibowo's troops to began securing Jakarta from the G30S Movement. There, Nasution finally received first aid for his broken ankle. Once Jakarta was safely secured, Martadinata came to the Kostrad headquarters with a copy of the Presidential Decree which appointed Pranoto his position. After seeing the Decree, Suharto invited Martadinata and Nasution into a room to discuss the situation.
Nasution asked Martadinata how the President came to appoint Pranoto. Martadinata replied that during the afternoon he, Judodiharjo, and Dhani had attended a meeting with Sukarno at Halim to decide who should become the Army Commander now that Yani had died. The meeting had decided that Pranoto should become Army Commander. Nasution said that Sukarno's appointment could not be accepted as the appointment came when Suharto had begun with the operations. Nasution also added that he will be backing Suharto's decision to not let Pranoto go to Halim. Nasution and Suharto then invited Pranoto in and convinced him to delay accepting his appointment as Army Commander until after Suharto finished putting down the attempted coup d'état.
With Sarwo Edhie's troops, Jakarta was quickly secured. Suharto then turned his attention to Halim and began making preparations to attack the Air Base. To assist him, Nasution ordered the Navy and the Police to assist Suharto in putting down the G30S Movement. To the Air Force, Nasution issued an order saying that they will not be charged with insubordination if they refuse to obey Dhani's orders. By 6 AM on 2 October, Halim was overtaken and the G30S Movement was officially put down.
Although Suharto had been the man of the hour on 1 October, many of the other Army officers still turned to Nasution for leadership and had expected him to take more decisive control of the situation. However, Nasution seemed indecisive and slowly but surely the support began to swing away from him. Perhaps this reason was because he was still rightfully griefing over his daughter, Ade Irma, who died on 6 October.
In the first few weeks after G30S, Nasution was the one who constantly lobbied Sukarno to have Suharto appointed Army Commander. Sukarno, who after 1 October wanted to keep Pranoto had originally only made Suharto the Commander of Kopkamtib but with Nasution's constant lobbying, Sukarno was finally persuaded and on 14 October 1965, appointed Suharto as the Army Commander.
A golden opportunity came to Nasution in December 1965 when there was talk of getting him appointed as Vice President to assist Sukarno in the times of uncertainty. Nasution did not capitalize on this and chose to do nothing. Suharto, whose political momentum was growing took the initiative in early 1966 by issuing a statement saying that there was no need to fill in the vacant Vice Presidency.
On February 24, 1966, Nasution was removed from his position as Minister of Defense and Security in a Cabinet Reshuffle. The position of ABRI Chief of Staff was also abolished.
By this stage, the expectation that Nasution would do something was now gone as army officers and student movements alike rallied behind Suharto. Nevertheless, he continued to be a respected figure as many Army Officers visited him in the days leading up to the handing of Supersemar. In fact, when Suharto was about to go the Kostrad Headquarters to wait for the delivery of Supersemar, he called Nasution and asked him for his blessing. Mrs. Nasution gave the blessing on behalf of Nasution who was not present.
Nasution's political senses seemed to have returned after Suharto received Supersemar. It was perhaps he who first realized that Supersemar did not only give Suharto emergency powers but also gave him executive control. On 12 March 1966, after Suharto had PKI banned, Nasution suggested to Suharto that he form an emergency Cabinet. Suharto, still cautious about what he can and cannot do with his new powers replied that making a Cabinet was the President's duty. Nasution encouraged Suharto, promising him full support but Suharto did not respond and the conversation ended abruptly.
With his new powers, Suharto began purging the Government of what he perceived to be Communist influence. After the arrest of 15 Cabinet Ministers on 18 March 1966, Suharto went after the MPRS, removing members thought to be Communist sympathizers and replacing them with members more sympathetic to the Army's cause. During the purge, the MPRS also lost its Chairman, Chaerul Saleh and there was a need to fill in the vacant position.
Nasution was an overwhelmingly popular choice as all of the factions in the MPRS nominated him for the position of MPRS Chairman. However, Nasution waited until Suharto supported his nomination before accepting the nomination.
On 20 June, the MPRS General Session for 1966 began holding its assemblies. Nasution set Supersemar as the first agenda on the list by walking into the Assembly Hall with the actual document. The next day, on 21 June, the MPRS ratified Supersemar, making it illegal for Sukarno to withdraw it. On 22 June, Sukarno delivered a speech entitled Nawaksara (Nine Points) in front of the Assembly. Nasution and the other MPRS members, which had hoped for Sukarno's account of G30S were disappointed. Nothing about the G30S was mentioned. Instead, Sukarno seemed to give an account about his appointment to the Life Presidency, his plan of work as President, and how the constitution works in practice. This MPRS would refuse to ratify this speech.
Over the next two weeks, Nasution presided over a busy MPRS General Session. Under his Chairmanship, the MPRS took measures such as banning Marxism-Leninism, cancelling Sukarno's appointment to the Life Presidency, and ordering for a Legislative Election to be held by July 1968. The MPRS General Session also increased Suharto's power by officially ordering him to formulate a new Cabinet. A constitutional amendment was also made which stated that if the President is unable to replace his duties, he will now be replaced by the Holder of Supersemar instead of the Vice President.
As 1966 wore on, Sukarno was increasingly on the back foot and his popularity was at an all time low. Suharto, who knew that his political victory was near, took to playing the role of the polite Javanese by constantly giving Sukarno reassuring words and defending him from the protests. Other generals such as Nasution were not as merciful, as the year drew to a close, Nasution claimed that Sukarno should be held responsible for the dire situation which his Government left Indonesia in. Nasution also called for Sukarno be taken to trial.
On 10 January 1967, Nasution and the MPRS assembled again as Sukarno submitted his report (he did not deliver it in person as a speech) which was hoped to finally address the issue of G30S. Dubbed the Nawaksara Supplementary, the report spoke about Sukarno's insistence of calling G30S the 1st October Movement (Gestok). On G30S, Sukarno said that PKI made a big mistake on the morning of 1 October but also added that this was due to the cunning of the neo-colonialists. In a subtle jab towards Nasution, Sukarno added that if he was going to be blamed for the G30S, the Minister of Defense and Security at the time should also be blamed for not seeing G30S coming and stopping it before it happened. The report was once again rejected by the MPRS.
In February 1967, the DPR called for an MPRS Special Session in March to dismiss Sukarno as President with Suharto. Sukarno seemed resigned to his faith, officially handling day to day control of the Government to Suharto on 22 February 1967 and requiring him only to report if necessary. Finally on March 12, 1967, Sukarno was officially removed from power by the MPRS. Nasution then swore Suharto into office as the Acting President.
A year later on March 27, 1968, Nasution presided over Suharto's election and inauguration as full President.
Despite the assistance that Nasution gave him in his rise to power, Suharto viewed Nasution as a rival and immediately began working to remove him from power. In 1969, Nasution was barred from speaking at Seskoad and the Military Academy.[19] In 1971, Nasution was suddenly discharged from military service, aged 53 and two years before the designated retirement age of 55. Nasution was finally removed in 1972 as the new batch of MPR members (elected during the 1971 Legislative Elections) came in and elected Idham Chalid to replace him as MPR Chairman.
Nasution's drastic fall earned him the nickname of Gelandangan Politik (Political Bum).
Once he fell out of power, Nasution developed into a political opponent of the New Order Regime.
By the late 70's Suharto's regime had turned from popular to authoritarian and corrupt. At this time many voices began to openly speak out and criticize the regime. After the 1977 Legislative Elections, in which there was alleged electoral fraud by Suharto's Golkar Party, Nasution said that there was a crisis in leadership in the New Order.
In July 1978, together with former Vice President Hatta, Nasution set up the Institute for Constitutional Awareness Foundation (YLKB) . Suharto's Government moved quickly and did not allow YLKB to conduct its first meeting in January 1979. Nasution and the YLKB did not give up. In August 1979 managed to hold a meeting in which DPR members included. Perhaps significantly, ABRI members attended the meeting. During the meeting, Nasution criticized the New Order for not fully implementing Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution.
Suharto did not take the criticism lightly. On 27 March 1980, at an ABRI Meeting, Suharto in a speech said that ABRI members should be ready to defend their seats in DPR and that they should align themselves with forces that are for Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution such as Golkar. Suharto followed this up with another speech on 16 April 1980, on the occasion of Kopassus' anniversary. In the speech, Suharto denied allegations of corruption and claimed that if he has to, he will kidnap MPR members if it will prevent the MPR from having the 2/3 majority required to change the constitution.
Nasution then decided that the oppositions of the regime should make a big statement. He gathered ABRI members who were disgruntled with the Suharto regime such as former Governor of Jakarta Ali Sadikin, former Chief of Police Hugeng Imam Santoso, and former Deputy Army Chief of Staff Yasin. Former Prime Ministers Mohammed Natsir and Burhanuddin Harahap as well as PDRI Chairman Syarifuddin Prawiranegara joined in. Together with many other big name critics of the Government, they signed a petition which would become known as Petisi 50 (Petition of Fifty), so-called because there were 50 signatories.
The petition was signed on 5 May 1980 and delivered to the DPR on 13 May 1980. It called for Suharto to stop interpreting Pancasila to suit his own ends and for ABRI to be neutral in politics instead of favoring Golkar. The DPR, especially members of the United Development Party (PPP) and the Indonesian Democratic Party took the petition seriously and asked Suharto to respond on the issue. Suharto replied that his speeches on 27 March 1980 and 16 April 1980 was a sufficient enough response. Suharto added if there was any problem, the DPR can motion for a special investigation. Here the PPP and PDI members stopped, knowing that their motion will be beaten by Golkar's dominance.
For signatories to the petition such as Nasution, Suharto imposed travel bans and made business dealings difficult so that the petition signatories would have a hard time making a living.
By the beginning of the 1990s, Suharto was beginning to adopt a policy of political openness and enforcement of Petition of 50 Signatories' punishment was loosened. In June 1993, when he was in hospital because of illness, he was visited by the Army's top brass. Nasution then received a visit from BJ Habibie, Suharto's Minister of Technology. Habibie then invited Nasution and the other signatories to visit his shipyard and the aircraft factory which had been put under his jurisdiction. The Government also began claiming that although there was a travel ban for the Petition of 50 Signatories, the ban does not apply to Nasution. For his part, Nasution denied criticizing the Government, preferring to call it a "difference in opinion".
Finally, in July 1993, Suharto invited Nasution to the Presidential Palace for a meeting. This was followed by another meeting on 18 August 1993, after the Independence Day celebrations.[21] Nothing political was talked about, but it was clear that both men were keen to reconcile their differences. In an interview in 1995, Nasution encouraged Indonesia to go through a reconciliation process so that the Nation can be united under the leadership of Suharto.
On 5 October 1997, on the occasion of ABRI's anniversary, Nasution was given the honorary rank Jenderal Besar. A rank that he shared with Suharto and Sudirman.
Nasution died on 5 September 2000 after suffering a stroke and going into a coma.
Nasution was married to Johanna Sunarti, with whom he had two daughters.
Umar Wirahadikusumah served as Nasution's adjutant from 1946–1947
Abdul Haris Nasution see Nasution, Abdul Haris
On 13 January 1965, a delegation of officers representing Nasution and Yani met in an attempt to reconcile the differences between the two officers. The meeting was unsuccessful in attempting to get Yani to distance himself from Sukarno. But they agreed to hold seminars where officers could talk about the current political climate and the role of the Army in politics.
As the year went on, a curious document was found. Dubbed the Gilchrist Document, the document spoke about "our local army friends" and suspicion was immediately cast on the Army wanting to launch a coup. Although Yani was quick to deny the allegations, the PKI began running a smear campaign, claiming that a Council of Generals were planning to overthrow the President. As the most senior officers in the Army, Nasution and Yani were implicated to be part of this Council.
On the morning of 1 October 1965, troops calling themselves the 30th September Movement (G30S) made their move to kidnap 7 anti-Communist Army officers including Nasution.
That morning, Nasution's wife heard the doors in the house being forced open. Curious to see what it was, Mrs. Nasution got out of bed to check. Opening the door, she saw a soldier with his gun raised ready to shoot. Mrs. Nasution quickly closed the door and told Nasution to get away. Nasution wanted to take a look himself and when he opened the door, the soldier shot at him. Nasution narrowly avoided the shot and closed the door as Mrs. Nasution pushed him out of the bedroom window to escape. Nasution escaped to the house of the Iraqi ambassador, who happened to be his neighbor and hid in the garden.
The Nasution household was in chaos as the G30S troops began looking all over the house for Nasution. In the confusion that ensued, Nasution's daughter and sister were shot by a soldier. Nasution's sister would recover while his daughter, Ade Irma Suryani was fatally wounded. At the end, the soldiers left only after detaining First Lieutenant Pierre Tendean who was Nasution's adjutant. Tendean had been mistaken for Nasution in the darkness and was kidnapped.
Nasution continued hiding in the garden of his neighbor until 6 AM when he returned to his house with a broken ankle. Nasution then asked his adjutants to be taken to the Ministry of Defense and Security because he thought it would be safer there. He was then taken in a car, with Nasution crouching on the floor of the car to the Ministry. Nasution then sent a message to Suharto at the Kostrad headquarters, telling him that he was alive and safe. After knowing that Suharto was taking Command of the Army, Nasution then ordered him to take measures such as finding out information on the whereabouts of the President, contacting Navy Commander RE Martadinata, Marine Corps Commander Hartono as well as the Chief of Police Sucipto Judodiharjo, and secure Jakarta by closing off all roads leading up to it. The Air Force was excluded because its Commander Omar Dhani was suspected of being a G30S Sympathizer. Suharto immediately integrated these orders into his plan to secure the city.
At around 2 PM, after the G30S Movement announced the formation of a Revolutionary Council, Nasution sent another order to Suharto, Martadinata and Judodiharjo. In the order, Nasution said that he was convinced that Sukarno had been kidnapped and taken to the G30S headquarters in Halim. He therefore ordered ABRI to free the President, restore security to Jakarta, and most importantly, appointed Suharto to head the operations. Just as Suharto began working however, a message came from Sukarno at Halim. Sukarno had decided to appoint Major General Pranoto Reksosamudra to the position of Army Commander and now wanted Pranoto to come see him. Suharto did not allow Pranoto to go but he knew that Sukarno would not give up in trying to summon Pranoto. To strengthen his bargaining position, Suharto asked Nasution to come to the Kostrad Headquarters.
Nasution arrived at the Kostrad headquarters at around 6 PM, just as Suharto began sending Sarwo Edhie Wibowo's troops to began securing Jakarta from the G30S Movement. There, Nasution finally received first aid for his broken ankle. Once Jakarta was safely secured, Martadinata came to the Kostrad headquarters with a copy of the Presidential Decree which appointed Pranoto his position. After seeing the Decree, Suharto invited Martadinata and Nasution into a room to discuss the situation.
Nasution asked Martadinata how the President came to appoint Pranoto. Martadinata replied that during the afternoon he, Judodiharjo, and Dhani had attended a meeting with Sukarno at Halim to decide who should become the Army Commander now that Yani had died. The meeting had decided that Pranoto should become Army Commander. Nasution said that Sukarno's appointment could not be accepted as the appointment came when Suharto had begun with the operations. Nasution also added that he will be backing Suharto's decision to not let Pranoto go to Halim. Nasution and Suharto then invited Pranoto in and convinced him to delay accepting his appointment as Army Commander until after Suharto finished putting down the attempted coup d'état.
With Sarwo Edhie's troops, Jakarta was quickly secured. Suharto then turned his attention to Halim and began making preparations to attack the Air Base. To assist him, Nasution ordered the Navy and the Police to assist Suharto in putting down the G30S Movement. To the Air Force, Nasution issued an order saying that they will not be charged with insubordination if they refuse to obey Dhani's orders. By 6 AM on 2 October, Halim was overtaken and the G30S Movement was officially put down.
Although Suharto had been the man of the hour on 1 October, many of the other Army officers still turned to Nasution for leadership and had expected him to take more decisive control of the situation. However, Nasution seemed indecisive and slowly but surely the support began to swing away from him. Perhaps this reason was because he was still rightfully griefing over his daughter, Ade Irma, who died on 6 October.
In the first few weeks after G30S, Nasution was the one who constantly lobbied Sukarno to have Suharto appointed Army Commander. Sukarno, who after 1 October wanted to keep Pranoto had originally only made Suharto the Commander of Kopkamtib but with Nasution's constant lobbying, Sukarno was finally persuaded and on 14 October 1965, appointed Suharto as the Army Commander.
A golden opportunity came to Nasution in December 1965 when there was talk of getting him appointed as Vice President to assist Sukarno in the times of uncertainty. Nasution did not capitalize on this and chose to do nothing. Suharto, whose political momentum was growing took the initiative in early 1966 by issuing a statement saying that there was no need to fill in the vacant Vice Presidency.
On February 24, 1966, Nasution was removed from his position as Minister of Defense and Security in a Cabinet Reshuffle. The position of ABRI Chief of Staff was also abolished.
By this stage, the expectation that Nasution would do something was now gone as army officers and student movements alike rallied behind Suharto. Nevertheless, he continued to be a respected figure as many Army Officers visited him in the days leading up to the handing of Supersemar. In fact, when Suharto was about to go the Kostrad Headquarters to wait for the delivery of Supersemar, he called Nasution and asked him for his blessing. Mrs. Nasution gave the blessing on behalf of Nasution who was not present.
Nasution's political senses seemed to have returned after Suharto received Supersemar. It was perhaps he who first realized that Supersemar did not only give Suharto emergency powers but also gave him executive control. On 12 March 1966, after Suharto had PKI banned, Nasution suggested to Suharto that he form an emergency Cabinet. Suharto, still cautious about what he can and cannot do with his new powers replied that making a Cabinet was the President's duty. Nasution encouraged Suharto, promising him full support but Suharto did not respond and the conversation ended abruptly.
With his new powers, Suharto began purging the Government of what he perceived to be Communist influence. After the arrest of 15 Cabinet Ministers on 18 March 1966, Suharto went after the MPRS, removing members thought to be Communist sympathizers and replacing them with members more sympathetic to the Army's cause. During the purge, the MPRS also lost its Chairman, Chaerul Saleh and there was a need to fill in the vacant position.
Nasution was an overwhelmingly popular choice as all of the factions in the MPRS nominated him for the position of MPRS Chairman. However, Nasution waited until Suharto supported his nomination before accepting the nomination.
On 20 June, the MPRS General Session for 1966 began holding its assemblies. Nasution set Supersemar as the first agenda on the list by walking into the Assembly Hall with the actual document. The next day, on 21 June, the MPRS ratified Supersemar, making it illegal for Sukarno to withdraw it. On 22 June, Sukarno delivered a speech entitled Nawaksara (Nine Points) in front of the Assembly. Nasution and the other MPRS members, which had hoped for Sukarno's account of G30S were disappointed. Nothing about the G30S was mentioned. Instead, Sukarno seemed to give an account about his appointment to the Life Presidency, his plan of work as President, and how the constitution works in practice. This MPRS would refuse to ratify this speech.
Over the next two weeks, Nasution presided over a busy MPRS General Session. Under his Chairmanship, the MPRS took measures such as banning Marxism-Leninism, cancelling Sukarno's appointment to the Life Presidency, and ordering for a Legislative Election to be held by July 1968. The MPRS General Session also increased Suharto's power by officially ordering him to formulate a new Cabinet. A constitutional amendment was also made which stated that if the President is unable to replace his duties, he will now be replaced by the Holder of Supersemar instead of the Vice President.
As 1966 wore on, Sukarno was increasingly on the back foot and his popularity was at an all time low. Suharto, who knew that his political victory was near, took to playing the role of the polite Javanese by constantly giving Sukarno reassuring words and defending him from the protests. Other generals such as Nasution were not as merciful, as the year drew to a close, Nasution claimed that Sukarno should be held responsible for the dire situation which his Government left Indonesia in. Nasution also called for Sukarno be taken to trial.
On 10 January 1967, Nasution and the MPRS assembled again as Sukarno submitted his report (he did not deliver it in person as a speech) which was hoped to finally address the issue of G30S. Dubbed the Nawaksara Supplementary, the report spoke about Sukarno's insistence of calling G30S the 1st October Movement (Gestok). On G30S, Sukarno said that PKI made a big mistake on the morning of 1 October but also added that this was due to the cunning of the neo-colonialists. In a subtle jab towards Nasution, Sukarno added that if he was going to be blamed for the G30S, the Minister of Defense and Security at the time should also be blamed for not seeing G30S coming and stopping it before it happened. The report was once again rejected by the MPRS.
In February 1967, the DPR called for an MPRS Special Session in March to dismiss Sukarno as President with Suharto. Sukarno seemed resigned to his faith, officially handling day to day control of the Government to Suharto on 22 February 1967 and requiring him only to report if necessary. Finally on March 12, 1967, Sukarno was officially removed from power by the MPRS. Nasution then swore Suharto into office as the Acting President.
A year later on March 27, 1968, Nasution presided over Suharto's election and inauguration as full President.
Despite the assistance that Nasution gave him in his rise to power, Suharto viewed Nasution as a rival and immediately began working to remove him from power. In 1969, Nasution was barred from speaking at Seskoad and the Military Academy.[19] In 1971, Nasution was suddenly discharged from military service, aged 53 and two years before the designated retirement age of 55. Nasution was finally removed in 1972 as the new batch of MPR members (elected during the 1971 Legislative Elections) came in and elected Idham Chalid to replace him as MPR Chairman.
Nasution's drastic fall earned him the nickname of Gelandangan Politik (Political Bum).
Once he fell out of power, Nasution developed into a political opponent of the New Order Regime.
By the late 70's Suharto's regime had turned from popular to authoritarian and corrupt. At this time many voices began to openly speak out and criticize the regime. After the 1977 Legislative Elections, in which there was alleged electoral fraud by Suharto's Golkar Party, Nasution said that there was a crisis in leadership in the New Order.
In July 1978, together with former Vice President Hatta, Nasution set up the Institute for Constitutional Awareness Foundation (YLKB) . Suharto's Government moved quickly and did not allow YLKB to conduct its first meeting in January 1979. Nasution and the YLKB did not give up. In August 1979 managed to hold a meeting in which DPR members included. Perhaps significantly, ABRI members attended the meeting. During the meeting, Nasution criticized the New Order for not fully implementing Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution.
Suharto did not take the criticism lightly. On 27 March 1980, at an ABRI Meeting, Suharto in a speech said that ABRI members should be ready to defend their seats in DPR and that they should align themselves with forces that are for Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution such as Golkar. Suharto followed this up with another speech on 16 April 1980, on the occasion of Kopassus' anniversary. In the speech, Suharto denied allegations of corruption and claimed that if he has to, he will kidnap MPR members if it will prevent the MPR from having the 2/3 majority required to change the constitution.
Nasution then decided that the oppositions of the regime should make a big statement. He gathered ABRI members who were disgruntled with the Suharto regime such as former Governor of Jakarta Ali Sadikin, former Chief of Police Hugeng Imam Santoso, and former Deputy Army Chief of Staff Yasin. Former Prime Ministers Mohammed Natsir and Burhanuddin Harahap as well as PDRI Chairman Syarifuddin Prawiranegara joined in. Together with many other big name critics of the Government, they signed a petition which would become known as Petisi 50 (Petition of Fifty), so-called because there were 50 signatories.
The petition was signed on 5 May 1980 and delivered to the DPR on 13 May 1980. It called for Suharto to stop interpreting Pancasila to suit his own ends and for ABRI to be neutral in politics instead of favoring Golkar. The DPR, especially members of the United Development Party (PPP) and the Indonesian Democratic Party took the petition seriously and asked Suharto to respond on the issue. Suharto replied that his speeches on 27 March 1980 and 16 April 1980 was a sufficient enough response. Suharto added if there was any problem, the DPR can motion for a special investigation. Here the PPP and PDI members stopped, knowing that their motion will be beaten by Golkar's dominance.
For signatories to the petition such as Nasution, Suharto imposed travel bans and made business dealings difficult so that the petition signatories would have a hard time making a living.
By the beginning of the 1990s, Suharto was beginning to adopt a policy of political openness and enforcement of Petition of 50 Signatories' punishment was loosened. In June 1993, when he was in hospital because of illness, he was visited by the Army's top brass. Nasution then received a visit from BJ Habibie, Suharto's Minister of Technology. Habibie then invited Nasution and the other signatories to visit his shipyard and the aircraft factory which had been put under his jurisdiction. The Government also began claiming that although there was a travel ban for the Petition of 50 Signatories, the ban does not apply to Nasution. For his part, Nasution denied criticizing the Government, preferring to call it a "difference in opinion".
Finally, in July 1993, Suharto invited Nasution to the Presidential Palace for a meeting. This was followed by another meeting on 18 August 1993, after the Independence Day celebrations.[21] Nothing political was talked about, but it was clear that both men were keen to reconcile their differences. In an interview in 1995, Nasution encouraged Indonesia to go through a reconciliation process so that the Nation can be united under the leadership of Suharto.
On 5 October 1997, on the occasion of ABRI's anniversary, Nasution was given the honorary rank Jenderal Besar. A rank that he shared with Suharto and Sudirman.
Nasution died on 5 September 2000 after suffering a stroke and going into a coma.
Nasution was married to Johanna Sunarti, with whom he had two daughters.
Umar Wirahadikusumah served as Nasution's adjutant from 1946–1947
Abdul Haris Nasution see Nasution, Abdul Haris
Nation of Islam
Nation of Islam (The Black Muslims). African American movement and organization, founded in 1930 and known for its teachings combining elements of traditional Islam with black nationalist ideas. The Nation also promotes racial unity and self-help and maintains a strict code of discipline among members.
Islam was brought to the United States by African Muslim slaves, and it retained a real if minuscule presence in the country throughout the 19th century. It re-emerged at the beginning of the 20th century as a result of the efforts of the Aḥmadīyah movement, an unorthodox sect founded in India by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad (c. 1839–1908), and of Shaikh Ahmed Faisal (1891–1980), the Moroccan-born leader of an independent Black Muslim movement. Muslim teachings were tied to black nationalism by Noble Drew Ali, originally Timothy Drew (1886–1929), who founded the Moorish Science Temple of America in Newark, New Jersey, in 1913. He produced a new sacred text, The Holy Koran, that bears little resemblance to its namesake and was based on his limited knowledge of Islam and on spiritualist teachings.
Among those associated with the Moorish Science Temple was a peddler named Wallace D. Fard (or Wali Fard Muhammad). In 1930, claiming that he was Noble Drew Ali reincarnated, Fard founded the Nation of Islam in Detroit, Michigan, and designated his able assistant, Elijah Muhammad, originally Elijah Poole, to establish the Nation’s second center in Chicago. When problems erupted in the Detroit headquarters in 1934, Elijah Muhammad stepped in and took control. While Fard retired into obscurity, Elijah taught that Fard was a Prophet (in the Muslim sense) and a Savior (in the Christian sense) and the very presence of Allah. Muhammad provided what Fard lacked—strong leadership and a coherent theology. His teachings included many of the basic tenets of Islam, including monotheism, submission to Allah, and a strong family life, and these tenets were promoted in the Nation’ parochial schools. Elijah also borrowed from traditional Islamic behavioral practices, including the refusal to eat pork or to use tobacco, alcohol, or illicit drugs. He tied these beliefs and practices to a myth designed especially to appeal to African Americans.
Elijah Muhammad believed that the white race was created by Yakub, a black scientist, and that Allah had allowed this devilish race to hold power for 6,000 years. Their time was up in 1914, and the 20th century was to be the time for black people to assert themselves. This myth supported a program of economic self-sufficiency, the development of black-owned businesses, and a demand for the creation of a separate black nation to be carved out of the states of Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi. Elijah also encouraged his followers to drop their “slave” names in favor of Muslim names or, in most cases, an “X,” signifying that they had lost their identities in slavery and did not know their true names.
Suppressed during World War II for advocating that its followers refuse military service, the Nation rebounded in the 1950s after a young charismatic leader, Malcolm Little, better known as Malcolm X, took over the New York Temple. Malcolm X brought many into the movement but later became an embarrassment when he asserted that the assassination of President John F. Kennedy was a “case of chickens coming home to roost.” Expelled from the Nation, he accepted orthodox Islam after going on the hajj, the pilgrimage to Mecca. Before he could fully articulate his new views, however, several members of the Nation killed him in 1965.
In the remaining decade of Elijah Muhammad’ life, the movement was increasingly plagued by violence between members and former members. In 1973, for example, Nation members invaded the Hanafi Muslim Center in Washington, D.C., founded by Hammas Abdul Khaalis, a former Nation leader, and attacked his family, killing his children and leaving his wife paralyzed.
Elijah Muhammad left the movement to his son Wallace, who assumed leadership of the Nation upon Elijah’s death in 1975 and later took the name Warith Deen Mohammed. Wallace, who had been deeply influenced by Malcolm X and orthodox Islam, soon initiated a transformation of the Nation, changing its name to World Community of al-Islam in the West and again in 1978 to the American Muslim Mission and gradually dropping its racial and nationalist doctrines as well as its belief in Fard as Allah. The changes culminated in 1985 with his formal resignation as head of the American Muslim Mission and his dissolution of the organization. The majority of former members followed him into the larger Muslim community, where he remained a widely respected leader.
The move toward orthodoxy was rejected by some former members, including Elijah Muhammad’s brother, John Muhammad, and national leader Silis Muhammad. They formed two new organizations, both called the Nation of Islam, that continued the teachings of Elijah Muhammad. Of even greater significance were the actions of Louis Farrakhan (originally Louis Eugene Wolcott), the successor of Malcolm X as leader of the New York Temple and the Nation’s most prominent spokesman at the time of Elijah Muhammad’s death. Although given a national post by Warith Mohammed, Farrakhan disagreed with Mohammed’s changes, and in 1978 he left to found a third Nation of Islam.
A talented orator, Farrakhan began his organization with only a few thousand adherents but soon re-established a national movement. He published Elijah Muhammad’s books; started a periodical, The Final Call; and eventually purchased Elijah Muhammad’s former mosque in Chicago and refurbished it as the new headquarters of the Nation of Islam. He also expanded the movement internationally, opening centers in England and Ghana. He gained notice outside the African American community in 1984 when he aligned himself with the United States presidential campaign of Jesse Jackson, though he was criticized for anti-Semitic remarks that included an attack on antebellum Jewish slaveholders. Farrakhan steadily gained nationwide support for his encouragement of African American business and his efforts to reduce drug abuse and poverty. By the 1990s he had emerged as a prominent African American leader, as demonstrated by the success in 1995 of the Million Man March in Washington, D.C., which he helped to organize. Farrakhan toned down his racial rhetoric and moved the group toward orthodox Islam after a bout with prostate cancer in 2000.
The Black Muslims see Nation of Islam
Nation of Islam (The Black Muslims). African American movement and organization, founded in 1930 and known for its teachings combining elements of traditional Islam with black nationalist ideas. The Nation also promotes racial unity and self-help and maintains a strict code of discipline among members.
Islam was brought to the United States by African Muslim slaves, and it retained a real if minuscule presence in the country throughout the 19th century. It re-emerged at the beginning of the 20th century as a result of the efforts of the Aḥmadīyah movement, an unorthodox sect founded in India by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad (c. 1839–1908), and of Shaikh Ahmed Faisal (1891–1980), the Moroccan-born leader of an independent Black Muslim movement. Muslim teachings were tied to black nationalism by Noble Drew Ali, originally Timothy Drew (1886–1929), who founded the Moorish Science Temple of America in Newark, New Jersey, in 1913. He produced a new sacred text, The Holy Koran, that bears little resemblance to its namesake and was based on his limited knowledge of Islam and on spiritualist teachings.
Among those associated with the Moorish Science Temple was a peddler named Wallace D. Fard (or Wali Fard Muhammad). In 1930, claiming that he was Noble Drew Ali reincarnated, Fard founded the Nation of Islam in Detroit, Michigan, and designated his able assistant, Elijah Muhammad, originally Elijah Poole, to establish the Nation’s second center in Chicago. When problems erupted in the Detroit headquarters in 1934, Elijah Muhammad stepped in and took control. While Fard retired into obscurity, Elijah taught that Fard was a Prophet (in the Muslim sense) and a Savior (in the Christian sense) and the very presence of Allah. Muhammad provided what Fard lacked—strong leadership and a coherent theology. His teachings included many of the basic tenets of Islam, including monotheism, submission to Allah, and a strong family life, and these tenets were promoted in the Nation’ parochial schools. Elijah also borrowed from traditional Islamic behavioral practices, including the refusal to eat pork or to use tobacco, alcohol, or illicit drugs. He tied these beliefs and practices to a myth designed especially to appeal to African Americans.
Elijah Muhammad believed that the white race was created by Yakub, a black scientist, and that Allah had allowed this devilish race to hold power for 6,000 years. Their time was up in 1914, and the 20th century was to be the time for black people to assert themselves. This myth supported a program of economic self-sufficiency, the development of black-owned businesses, and a demand for the creation of a separate black nation to be carved out of the states of Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi. Elijah also encouraged his followers to drop their “slave” names in favor of Muslim names or, in most cases, an “X,” signifying that they had lost their identities in slavery and did not know their true names.
Suppressed during World War II for advocating that its followers refuse military service, the Nation rebounded in the 1950s after a young charismatic leader, Malcolm Little, better known as Malcolm X, took over the New York Temple. Malcolm X brought many into the movement but later became an embarrassment when he asserted that the assassination of President John F. Kennedy was a “case of chickens coming home to roost.” Expelled from the Nation, he accepted orthodox Islam after going on the hajj, the pilgrimage to Mecca. Before he could fully articulate his new views, however, several members of the Nation killed him in 1965.
In the remaining decade of Elijah Muhammad’ life, the movement was increasingly plagued by violence between members and former members. In 1973, for example, Nation members invaded the Hanafi Muslim Center in Washington, D.C., founded by Hammas Abdul Khaalis, a former Nation leader, and attacked his family, killing his children and leaving his wife paralyzed.
Elijah Muhammad left the movement to his son Wallace, who assumed leadership of the Nation upon Elijah’s death in 1975 and later took the name Warith Deen Mohammed. Wallace, who had been deeply influenced by Malcolm X and orthodox Islam, soon initiated a transformation of the Nation, changing its name to World Community of al-Islam in the West and again in 1978 to the American Muslim Mission and gradually dropping its racial and nationalist doctrines as well as its belief in Fard as Allah. The changes culminated in 1985 with his formal resignation as head of the American Muslim Mission and his dissolution of the organization. The majority of former members followed him into the larger Muslim community, where he remained a widely respected leader.
The move toward orthodoxy was rejected by some former members, including Elijah Muhammad’s brother, John Muhammad, and national leader Silis Muhammad. They formed two new organizations, both called the Nation of Islam, that continued the teachings of Elijah Muhammad. Of even greater significance were the actions of Louis Farrakhan (originally Louis Eugene Wolcott), the successor of Malcolm X as leader of the New York Temple and the Nation’s most prominent spokesman at the time of Elijah Muhammad’s death. Although given a national post by Warith Mohammed, Farrakhan disagreed with Mohammed’s changes, and in 1978 he left to found a third Nation of Islam.
A talented orator, Farrakhan began his organization with only a few thousand adherents but soon re-established a national movement. He published Elijah Muhammad’s books; started a periodical, The Final Call; and eventually purchased Elijah Muhammad’s former mosque in Chicago and refurbished it as the new headquarters of the Nation of Islam. He also expanded the movement internationally, opening centers in England and Ghana. He gained notice outside the African American community in 1984 when he aligned himself with the United States presidential campaign of Jesse Jackson, though he was criticized for anti-Semitic remarks that included an attack on antebellum Jewish slaveholders. Farrakhan steadily gained nationwide support for his encouragement of African American business and his efforts to reduce drug abuse and poverty. By the 1990s he had emerged as a prominent African American leader, as demonstrated by the success in 1995 of the Million Man March in Washington, D.C., which he helped to organize. Farrakhan toned down his racial rhetoric and moved the group toward orthodox Islam after a bout with prostate cancer in 2000.
The Black Muslims see Nation of Islam
Natsir, Mohammad
Natsir, Mohammad (Mohammad Natsir) (July 17, 1908 – March 14, 1993). Western educated, Minangkabau, modernist Muslim intellectual and politician. Mohammad Natsir opposed secular Indonesian nationalism in the 1930s in favor of a more purely Islamic vision for any post-colonial Indonesian state. During the Indonesian revolution (1945-1949) he emerged as a cabinet minister representing Masjumi, an Islamic political party in which, for a time, modernists and those of more traditional leanings collaborated. He was Indonesia’s first post-revolution premier (1950-1951) and in 1958 became vice-premier of an unsuccessful secessionist government known as Permesta. Released from five years of detention in 1966, he resumed his role as a leading figure among the modernists, chairing the Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah Indonesia (Indonesian Council for the Propagation of Islam) and serving as vice president of the World Muslim Congress.
Natsir was an Indonesian intellectual, journalist, and politician. Natsir was among the first Indonesians to receive a modern European education. He attended Dutch primary and secondary schools where he acquired a solid grounding in European philosophy as well as fluency in Dutch and English. Like most educated Indonesians of his generation, Natsir was a fervent nationalist. He was also a Muslim idealist. Like the Egyptian reformer Muhammad ‘Abduh, Natsir held that a return to the intellectual and scriptural traditions of classical Islam is essential for the modernization of Muslim societies.
Natsir was affiliated with Persatuan Islam, an exclusivist organization that combined modern education with Islamic fundamentalism and maintained cordial relationships with fundamentalist organizations in Saudi Arabia and Pakistan. He was a prolific author, writing more than ninety books and hundreds of articles. The tension between modernism and fundamentalism is apparent in many of Natsir’s works as well as in his political career.
Natsir understood the nation-state as a tool for constructing an Islamic society. He emphasized the relationship between a just society and the rewards of heaven, arguing that the use of the Qur’an and the sunnah of the prophet Muhammad as a sociological model was the means through which both could be attained. Unlike naive fundamentalists, Natsir explicitly rejected the notion that the Qur’an provides the basis for an administrative system. He played an active part in Indonesian politics from the 1920s until the dissolution of his political party (Masjumi) in 1958. From 1958 to 1961, he was affiliated with a Muslim-led insurrection centered in Sumatra. He was imprisoned between 1962 and 1966.
Following his release Natsir founded Yayasan Dewan Da‘wah, a missionary organization and publisher of books and periodicals promoting his theological and social agendas. Natsir devoted the remainder of his life to writing, preaching, and facilitating the construction of mosques and schools. He remained active in international Islamic organizations until his death in 1993.
Indonesians often distinguish between the young Natsir of the period before 1958 and the older Natsir of the post-1966 era. The young Natsir is revered for his devotion to Indonesian nationalism and development and his struggle to establsih a more explicitly Islamic social system. Even those who hold vastly different theological views, including Nurcholish Madjid, recognize Natsir’s enormous contributions to Indonesian Islam.
The older Natsir was the most outspoken and articulate proponent of fundamentalism in contemporary Indonesia. His theological rigidity limited his ability to respond creatively to the social and political realities of the modern Indonesia he had done so much to create. In his later years Natsir became increasingly anti-Christian, blaming Indonesia’s Christian community for the establishment of Indonesia as a secular rather than an Islamic state. While Muslim fundamentalists continued to revere him as “the light of the Muslim community,” many Muslim intellectuals felt that he had become too intransigent to contribute further to the struggle for an Islamic society. Yet however much younger intellectuals may criticize Natsir’s theological and political programs, few would question his personal integrity or his devotion to Islam and Indonesia.
Natsir, Mohammad (Mohammad Natsir) (July 17, 1908 – March 14, 1993). Western educated, Minangkabau, modernist Muslim intellectual and politician. Mohammad Natsir opposed secular Indonesian nationalism in the 1930s in favor of a more purely Islamic vision for any post-colonial Indonesian state. During the Indonesian revolution (1945-1949) he emerged as a cabinet minister representing Masjumi, an Islamic political party in which, for a time, modernists and those of more traditional leanings collaborated. He was Indonesia’s first post-revolution premier (1950-1951) and in 1958 became vice-premier of an unsuccessful secessionist government known as Permesta. Released from five years of detention in 1966, he resumed his role as a leading figure among the modernists, chairing the Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah Indonesia (Indonesian Council for the Propagation of Islam) and serving as vice president of the World Muslim Congress.
Natsir was an Indonesian intellectual, journalist, and politician. Natsir was among the first Indonesians to receive a modern European education. He attended Dutch primary and secondary schools where he acquired a solid grounding in European philosophy as well as fluency in Dutch and English. Like most educated Indonesians of his generation, Natsir was a fervent nationalist. He was also a Muslim idealist. Like the Egyptian reformer Muhammad ‘Abduh, Natsir held that a return to the intellectual and scriptural traditions of classical Islam is essential for the modernization of Muslim societies.
Natsir was affiliated with Persatuan Islam, an exclusivist organization that combined modern education with Islamic fundamentalism and maintained cordial relationships with fundamentalist organizations in Saudi Arabia and Pakistan. He was a prolific author, writing more than ninety books and hundreds of articles. The tension between modernism and fundamentalism is apparent in many of Natsir’s works as well as in his political career.
Natsir understood the nation-state as a tool for constructing an Islamic society. He emphasized the relationship between a just society and the rewards of heaven, arguing that the use of the Qur’an and the sunnah of the prophet Muhammad as a sociological model was the means through which both could be attained. Unlike naive fundamentalists, Natsir explicitly rejected the notion that the Qur’an provides the basis for an administrative system. He played an active part in Indonesian politics from the 1920s until the dissolution of his political party (Masjumi) in 1958. From 1958 to 1961, he was affiliated with a Muslim-led insurrection centered in Sumatra. He was imprisoned between 1962 and 1966.
Following his release Natsir founded Yayasan Dewan Da‘wah, a missionary organization and publisher of books and periodicals promoting his theological and social agendas. Natsir devoted the remainder of his life to writing, preaching, and facilitating the construction of mosques and schools. He remained active in international Islamic organizations until his death in 1993.
Indonesians often distinguish between the young Natsir of the period before 1958 and the older Natsir of the post-1966 era. The young Natsir is revered for his devotion to Indonesian nationalism and development and his struggle to establsih a more explicitly Islamic social system. Even those who hold vastly different theological views, including Nurcholish Madjid, recognize Natsir’s enormous contributions to Indonesian Islam.
The older Natsir was the most outspoken and articulate proponent of fundamentalism in contemporary Indonesia. His theological rigidity limited his ability to respond creatively to the social and political realities of the modern Indonesia he had done so much to create. In his later years Natsir became increasingly anti-Christian, blaming Indonesia’s Christian community for the establishment of Indonesia as a secular rather than an Islamic state. While Muslim fundamentalists continued to revere him as “the light of the Muslim community,” many Muslim intellectuals felt that he had become too intransigent to contribute further to the struggle for an Islamic society. Yet however much younger intellectuals may criticize Natsir’s theological and political programs, few would question his personal integrity or his devotion to Islam and Indonesia.
Nawaf Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah
Nawaf Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah (Nawwaf al-ʾAḥmad al-Jabir as-Sabah; b. June 25, 1937, Kuwait City, Kuwait – d. December 16, 2023) was the Emir of Kuwait from September 29, 2020, until his death in 2023.
Nawaf was Minister of Interior (1978–1988, 2003–2006), Minister of Defense (1988–1991) and Deputy Prime Minister (2020–2023). Nawaf was nominated as crown prince on February 7, 2006, during the reign of his half-brother Sabah al-Ahmad al-Jaber al-Sabah. During his three-year rule as Emir, he grappled with internal political disputes.
Nawaf Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah was born on June 25, 1937. He was a son of the tenth ruler of Kuwait, Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah. He studied at various schools in Kuwait, among them Hamada, Sharq, Al-Naqra, Eastern and Mubarakiya.
Nawaf became one of the most senior members of the House of Sabah over the course of his life. He was appointed governor of Hawalli on February 21, 1962, and held the post until March 19, 1978. He was Minister of Interior from 1978 to January 26, 1988, when he was appointed Minister of Defense. Following the liberation of Kuwait in the Gulf War, Nawaf was appointed the acting minister of labor and social affairs on April 20, 1991, and held the post until October 17, 1992. Following his appointment to the cabinet in 1991, a group of senior military officers sent a letter to Jaber al-Ahmad, the Emir at the time, demanding that Nawaf, the minister of defense during the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, and Salem al-Sabah, the minister of interior during the invasion, be dismissed from the government and investigated for Kuwait's lack of military preparedness on the day of the invasion. As a result, Nawaf was not appointed to a cabinet-level position until 2003.
On October 16, 1994, Nawaf was appointed deputy chief of the Kuwait National Guard and held that post until 2003. The same year, he reassumed the post of minister of the interior until an Amiri Decree was issued on October 16, 2003, making him first Deputy Prime Minister of Kuwait and Minister of Interior. Nawaf played a role in supporting programs that support national unity among the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf and Arab countries.
With the ascendance of Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah to the leadership of Kuwait on January 29, 2006, an Amiri Decree was issued on February 7, 2006, officially designating Nawaf the Crown Prince. This was contrary to the tradition of the Al-Sabah family, according to which the offices of Emir and Crown Prince are supposed to alternate between the Al-Jaber and Al-Salem branches.
Sabah died on September 29, 2020, and Nawaf was announced as the Emir of Kuwait during a meeting of the National Assembly.
On November 29, 2023, Nawaf was admitted to hospital following an emergency health issue. He died on December 16, 2023.
Nawaf married Sharifa Sulaiman Al-Jasem Al-Ghanim, daughter of Sulaiman Al-Jasem Al-Ghanim by his wife, Ruqayyah bint Abdullah Al-Abd Al-Razzaq. They had four sons and a daughter.
Nawa’i
Nawa’i (Neva'i) (Nizam al-Din Ali Shir) (Mir 'Ali Shir) (1441-1501). Poetical nom-de-plume of Mir ‘Ali Shir, the greatest poet of classical eastern Turkish (“Chaghatay”) literature.
Nawa’i was born of an aristocratic family at Herat. After studying at Mashhad and spending some years, perhaps in exile, at Samarkand, Nawa’i returned to Herat in 1469 when his old school fellow Sultan Husayn Bayqara made himself master of the town, to establish there a brilliant and profligate court. With a short intermission from 1487 to 1494, when he was out of favor with the court, Nawa’i lived in Herat as the Sultan’s honored friend and adviser, a patron of learning and literature (among his proteges were the historians Mirkhond and Khwandemir and the artist Bihzad) and a founder of charitable institutions.
Nawa’i composed a mass of occasional verse, finally arranged in one volume of Persian and four volumes of Turkish poetry. Between 1483 and 1485, Nawa’i wrote a set of five romantic epics, modelled in subject matter and meter on the Khamsa of Nizami, but written in Turkish, and a Lisan al-tayr, “The Language of the Birds,” inspired by the Mantiq al-Tayr of ‘Attar. Nawa’i translated, with additions, under the title Nasa’im al-Mahabba, the Nafahat al-Uns of Jami, who had initiated him into the Naqshbandi dervish-order.
Nawa’i’s Mahbub al-Qulub (“The Hearts’ Beloved”), in rhyming prose, reminiscent in style to Jami’s Baharistan, contains a satirical description of contemporary society. Nawa’i’s Majalis al-Nafa’is is a collection of biographies of contemporary writers and his Khamsat al-Mutahayyirin, a memoir of his friendship with Jami. Nawa’i’s short prose Muhakamat al-Lughatayn (“Contention of the Two Languages”) is a landmark in literature, a comparison as literary languages of Persian, the classic language for belles-lettres, and Turkish, becoming accepted as a literary language only in Nawa’i’s day, and largely thanks to his skillful use of it.
Mir 'Ali Shir see Nawa’i
Neva'i see Nawa’i
Nizam al-Din Ali Shir see Nawa’i
Nawa’i (Neva'i) (Nizam al-Din Ali Shir) (Mir 'Ali Shir) (1441-1501). Poetical nom-de-plume of Mir ‘Ali Shir, the greatest poet of classical eastern Turkish (“Chaghatay”) literature.
Nawa’i was born of an aristocratic family at Herat. After studying at Mashhad and spending some years, perhaps in exile, at Samarkand, Nawa’i returned to Herat in 1469 when his old school fellow Sultan Husayn Bayqara made himself master of the town, to establish there a brilliant and profligate court. With a short intermission from 1487 to 1494, when he was out of favor with the court, Nawa’i lived in Herat as the Sultan’s honored friend and adviser, a patron of learning and literature (among his proteges were the historians Mirkhond and Khwandemir and the artist Bihzad) and a founder of charitable institutions.
Nawa’i composed a mass of occasional verse, finally arranged in one volume of Persian and four volumes of Turkish poetry. Between 1483 and 1485, Nawa’i wrote a set of five romantic epics, modelled in subject matter and meter on the Khamsa of Nizami, but written in Turkish, and a Lisan al-tayr, “The Language of the Birds,” inspired by the Mantiq al-Tayr of ‘Attar. Nawa’i translated, with additions, under the title Nasa’im al-Mahabba, the Nafahat al-Uns of Jami, who had initiated him into the Naqshbandi dervish-order.
Nawa’i’s Mahbub al-Qulub (“The Hearts’ Beloved”), in rhyming prose, reminiscent in style to Jami’s Baharistan, contains a satirical description of contemporary society. Nawa’i’s Majalis al-Nafa’is is a collection of biographies of contemporary writers and his Khamsat al-Mutahayyirin, a memoir of his friendship with Jami. Nawa’i’s short prose Muhakamat al-Lughatayn (“Contention of the Two Languages”) is a landmark in literature, a comparison as literary languages of Persian, the classic language for belles-lettres, and Turkish, becoming accepted as a literary language only in Nawa’i’s day, and largely thanks to his skillful use of it.
Mir 'Ali Shir see Nawa’i
Neva'i see Nawa’i
Nizam al-Din Ali Shir see Nawa’i
Nawaji, Shams al-Din al-
Nawaji, Shams al-Din al- (Shams al-Din al-Nawaji) (1386-1455). Arab scholar, poet and man of letters from Cairo. His works are considered to be typically representative of the literature of the post-classical period. His best-known work is an encyclopedia of wine whose title refers to the poets who vie with one another in their descriptions of wine. In spite of vigorous attacks on it, the work has always been very popular.
Shams al-Din al-Nawaji see Nawaji, Shams al-Din al-
Nawaji, Shams al-Din al- (Shams al-Din al-Nawaji) (1386-1455). Arab scholar, poet and man of letters from Cairo. His works are considered to be typically representative of the literature of the post-classical period. His best-known work is an encyclopedia of wine whose title refers to the poets who vie with one another in their descriptions of wine. In spite of vigorous attacks on it, the work has always been very popular.
Shams al-Din al-Nawaji see Nawaji, Shams al-Din al-
Nawal El Moutawakel
Nawal El Moutawakel (Nawal El Moutawakel-Bennis) (b. April 15, 1962, in Casablanca). Moroccan runner who won the gold medal in the 400 meter hurdles at the 1984 Olympic Games in Los Angeles. In winning the gold medal, Nawal El Moutawakel became the first Arab woman, the first African woman and the first Moroccan woman to capture an Olympic gold medal. Nawal’s gold medal performance earned her wide recognition in her home country of Morocco. The king of Morocco decreed that all girls born on the date of her performance were to be named in her honor. Additionally, the intra-Casablanca train system was named the “Nawal” in tribute to the Moroccan trailblazer.
Nawal El Moutawakel is a Moroccan hurdler, who won the inaugural women's 400 meter hurdles event at the 1984 Summer Olympics, thereby becoming the first female Muslim born on the continent of Africa to become an Olympic champion. In 2007, El Moutawakel was named the Minister of Sports in the cabinet of Morocco.
Although she had been a quite accomplished runner, the victory of El Moutawakel, who studied at Iowa State University at the time, was a surprise. The King of Morocco telephoned El Moutawakel to give his congratulations, and he declared that all girls born the day of her victory were to be named in her honor. Her medal also meant the breakthrough for sporting women in Morocco and other mostly Muslim countries.
El Moutawakel was a pioneer for Muslim and Arabic athletes in that she confounded long-held beliefs that women of such backgrounds could not succeed in athletics.
In 1995, El Moutawakel became a council member of the International Amateur Athletic Federation (IAAF), and in 1998 she became a member of the International Olympic Committee (IOC).
El Moutawakel is a member of the International Olympic Committee, and she was the president of evaluation commissions for the selection of the host city for the 2012 and 2016 Summer Olympic Games.
In 2006, El Moutawakel was one of the eight bearers of the Olympic flag at the 2006 Winter Olympics Opening Ceremony in Turin, Italy.
Nawal El Moutawakel-Bennis see Nawal El Moutawakel
Bennis, Nawal El Moutawakel see Nawal El Moutawakel
Moutawakel, Nawal El see Nawal El Moutawakel
Nawal El Moutawakel (Nawal El Moutawakel-Bennis) (b. April 15, 1962, in Casablanca). Moroccan runner who won the gold medal in the 400 meter hurdles at the 1984 Olympic Games in Los Angeles. In winning the gold medal, Nawal El Moutawakel became the first Arab woman, the first African woman and the first Moroccan woman to capture an Olympic gold medal. Nawal’s gold medal performance earned her wide recognition in her home country of Morocco. The king of Morocco decreed that all girls born on the date of her performance were to be named in her honor. Additionally, the intra-Casablanca train system was named the “Nawal” in tribute to the Moroccan trailblazer.
Nawal El Moutawakel is a Moroccan hurdler, who won the inaugural women's 400 meter hurdles event at the 1984 Summer Olympics, thereby becoming the first female Muslim born on the continent of Africa to become an Olympic champion. In 2007, El Moutawakel was named the Minister of Sports in the cabinet of Morocco.
Although she had been a quite accomplished runner, the victory of El Moutawakel, who studied at Iowa State University at the time, was a surprise. The King of Morocco telephoned El Moutawakel to give his congratulations, and he declared that all girls born the day of her victory were to be named in her honor. Her medal also meant the breakthrough for sporting women in Morocco and other mostly Muslim countries.
El Moutawakel was a pioneer for Muslim and Arabic athletes in that she confounded long-held beliefs that women of such backgrounds could not succeed in athletics.
In 1995, El Moutawakel became a council member of the International Amateur Athletic Federation (IAAF), and in 1998 she became a member of the International Olympic Committee (IOC).
El Moutawakel is a member of the International Olympic Committee, and she was the president of evaluation commissions for the selection of the host city for the 2012 and 2016 Summer Olympic Games.
In 2006, El Moutawakel was one of the eight bearers of the Olympic flag at the 2006 Winter Olympics Opening Ceremony in Turin, Italy.
Nawal El Moutawakel-Bennis see Nawal El Moutawakel
Bennis, Nawal El Moutawakel see Nawal El Moutawakel
Moutawakel, Nawal El see Nawal El Moutawakel
Nawawi
Abū Zakariyyā Yaḥyā ibn Sharaf al-Nawawī (b. Muharram 631 AH [October 1233 CC], Nawa, Ayyubid Sultanate – d. 24 Rajab 676 AH [December 21, 1277 CC], Nawa, Mamluk Sultanate), popularly known as al-Nawawī or Imam Nawawī, was a Sunni Shafi'ite jurist and hadith scholar. He authored numerous and lengthy works ranging from hadith, to theology, biography, and jurisprudence. Al-Nawawi never married.
Al-Nawawi was born at Nawa near Damascus, Syria. As with Arabic and other Semitic languages, the las part of his full name -- "Al-Nawawi" -- refers to his hometown -- "Nawa".
Yasin bin Yusuf Marakashi, says: "I saw Imam Nawawi at Nawa when he was a youth of ten years of age. Other boys of his age used to force him to play with them, but Imam Nawawi would always avoid the play and would remain busy with the recitation of the Noble Qur'an. When they tried to domineer and insisted on his joining their games, he bewailed and expressed his no concern over their foolish action. On observing his sagacity and profundity, a special love and affection developed in my heart for young Nawawi. I approached his teacher and urged him to take exceptional care of this lad as he was to become a great religious scholar. His teacher asked whether I was a soothsayer or an astrologer. I told him I am neither soothsayer nor an astrologer but Allah caused me to utter these words." His teacher conveyed this incident to Imam's father and in keeping with the learning quest of his son, Nawawi's father decided to dedicate the life of his son for the service and promotion of the cause of Islam.
Al-Nawawi had no academic or scholarly atmosphere and there were no religious academies or institutes where one could earn excellence in religious learning, so his father took al-Nawawi to Damascus, which was considered the center of learning and scholarship. Students from far and wide gathered in Damascus for schooling. During that period, there were more than three hundred institutes, colleges and universities in Damascus.
Imam Nawawi joined Madrasah Rawahiyah which was affiliated with the Ummvi University. The founder and patron of this Madrasah was a trader named Zakiuddin Abul-Qassim who was known as Ibn Rawahah. The Damascus Madrasah was named after him.
Noted and eminent teachers of the period taught in that Madrasah Rawahiyah. Imam Nawawi remarked, "I studied in this institution for two years. During my stay in Madrasah Rawahiyah, I never had complete rest and lived on the limited food supplied by the institution." As a routine, he used to sleep very little at night. When it became irresistible as a human being, he would lean and slumber for a while against the support of books. After a short duration he would again be hard at his scholastic pursuits.
He studied in Damascus from the age of 18 and after making the pilgrimage in 1253, he settled there as a private scholar.
During his stay in Damascus, al-Nawawi studied from more than twenty teachers who were regarded as masters of their subject field and disciplines. Al-Nawawi studied Hadith and Islamic Jurisprudence, its principles, syntax and etymology.
Al-Nawawi drew the ire of Mamluk Sultan Rukn al-Din Baybars, when he petitioned on behalf of residents of Damascus who sought relief from heavy tax burdens during a drought that lasted many years. This prompted Baybars to threaten to expel al-Nawawi from Damascus. To this, he responded:
Al-Nawawi died at Nawa at the relatively young age of 44.
An-Nawawi's lasting legacy is his contribution to hadith literature through his momentous works: Forty Hadiths and Riyadh as-Saaliheen. This made him respected in all madhabs, despite his being a proponent of Shafi'i jurisprudence.
In 2015, during the Syrian Civil War, al-Nawawi's tomb was demolished by rebels linked to Al Nusra.
During his life, al-Nawawi wrote at least fifty books on Islamic studies and other topics. These include:
- Al Minhaj bi Sharh Sahih Muslim, one of the best commentaries on Sahih Muslim
- Riyadh as-Saaliheen, a collection of hadith on ethics, manners, conduct, popular in the Muslim world
- Al-Majmu' sharh al-Muhadhab, a comprehensive manual of Islamic law according to the Shafi'i school
- Minhaj al-Talibin, a classical manual on Islamic Law according to Shafi'i fiqh
- Tahdhib al-Asma wa'l-Luqhat (edited as the Biographical Dictionary of Illustrious Men chiefly at the Beginning of Islam by F. Wustenfeld (Göttingen, 1842–1847)
- Taqrib al-Taisir, an introduction to the study of hadith
- al-Arbaʿīn al-Nawawiyya (Forty Hadiths), a collection of forty-two fundamental traditions, frequently published along with numerous commentaries
Nawawi, Muhammad ibn ‘Umar al-Jawi al-
Nawawi, Muhammad ibn ‘Umar al-Jawi al- (Muhammad ibn ‘Umar al-Jawi al-Nawawi). Nineteenth century Arabic writer of Malay origin. He wrote a large number of commentaries on popular textbooks.
Muhammad ibn ‘Umar al-Jawi al-Nawawi see Nawawi, Muhammad ibn ‘Umar al-Jawi al-
Nawawi, Muhammad ibn ‘Umar al-Jawi al- (Muhammad ibn ‘Umar al-Jawi al-Nawawi). Nineteenth century Arabic writer of Malay origin. He wrote a large number of commentaries on popular textbooks.
Muhammad ibn ‘Umar al-Jawi al-Nawawi see Nawawi, Muhammad ibn ‘Umar al-Jawi al-
Nazim al-Haqqani
Nazim al-Haqqani or Mehmet Nâzım Adil (Arabic: محمد ناظم الحقاني , April 21, 1922 / Sha'ban 23, 1340 AH – May 7, 2014), formally referred to as Muhammad Nazim Adil al-Qubrusi al-Haqqani (Turkish: Nazım Kıbrısi), often called Shaykh (or Sheikh) Nazim, was a Turkish Cypriot Sufi Sheikh and leader of the Naqshbandi-Haqqani Order.
Nazmi, Mehmed
Nazmi, Mehmed (Mehmed Nazmi) (d. 1555). Ottoman poet of Edirne. He collected a vast anthology of Ottoman poems. He is also an exponent of the more simple style of Turkish poetry, which harked back to the earlier stages of Turkish literature.
Mehmed Nazmi see Nazmi, Mehmed
Nazmi, Mehmed (Mehmed Nazmi) (d. 1555). Ottoman poet of Edirne. He collected a vast anthology of Ottoman poems. He is also an exponent of the more simple style of Turkish poetry, which harked back to the earlier stages of Turkish literature.
Mehmed Nazmi see Nazmi, Mehmed
Nazzam, Ibrahim ibn Sayyar al-
Nazzam, Ibrahim ibn Sayyar al- (Ibrahim ibn Sayyar al-Nazzam) (d.c.840). Mu‘tazili theologian of the school of Basra, poet, philologist and dialectician. His theology was dominated by zeal for the strictest monotheism and for the Qur’an, but his dogmatic extravagances brought down upon him the condemnation of almost the whole of the Sunni Muslim community and even of the Mu‘tazila.
Ibrahim ibn Sayyar al-Nazzam see Nazzam, Ibrahim ibn Sayyar al-
Nazzam, Ibrahim ibn Sayyar al- (Ibrahim ibn Sayyar al-Nazzam) (d.c.840). Mu‘tazili theologian of the school of Basra, poet, philologist and dialectician. His theology was dominated by zeal for the strictest monotheism and for the Qur’an, but his dogmatic extravagances brought down upon him the condemnation of almost the whole of the Sunni Muslim community and even of the Mu‘tazila.
Ibrahim ibn Sayyar al-Nazzam see Nazzam, Ibrahim ibn Sayyar al-
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