Traore, Falaba
Falaba Issa Traore (b. 1930, Bougouni, Mali – d. August 8, 2003, Rabat, Morocco) was a Malian writer, comedian, playwright, and theater and film director.
Born in Bougouni, Mali, Traore directed an amateur theater troupe before taking over direction of the regional troupe of Bamako between 1962 and 1968. From 1969 to 1973, he created and directed the Yankadi troupe for folklore and the dramatic arts.
In 1973, Traore traveled to Germany to study cinema direction. On returning to Mali in 1976, he directed the cinema division of the Ministry of Sports, Arts, and Culture.
As a comedian, Traore played notable roles in the films of Kalifa Dienta (A Banna), of Cheick Oumar Sissoko (Nidiougou Guimba), and of Boubacar Sidibe (Le pacte social, Sanoudié, and N'Tronkélé). He worked also as a director, making his first film, Juguifolo (First Gleam of Hope), in 1979, and his last, Bamunan (The Sacred Pagne) in 1990.
Falaba Issa Traore is the author -- the librettist -- of the operas Soundiata ou l'épopée mandingue and Dah Monzon ou l'épopée Bambara.
In 1972, Traore won the prix Afrique de Poesie de la Francophonie -- the African Prize for Poetry in French.
Falaba Issa Traore died in Rabat, Morocco, on August 8, 2003.
Traore, Moussa
Traore, Moussa (Moussa Traore) (b. September 25, 1936). President of Mali. Born in the Kayes region, Traore became a French army officer and studied at a French military college before returning to Mali in 1960. In November 1968, he led a group of fourteen army officers in a coup against Mali’s popular leftist president, Modibo Keita, largely in reaction to the unrestrained activities of the country’s militant youth movement, which the army considered a threat to its own power. Traore became president the following month. He immediately took measures to deal with Mali’s weak economy by encouraging private participation in industry and improving strained relations with France, a major trading partner and contributor of aid. However, the five-year drought that began in 1968 served to worsen economic conditions.
Keita’s continuing popularity throughout the country made stability elusive. A number of coup plots and attempts beginning in 1969 caused Traore to imprison his political rivals, including Captain Yoro Diakite, with whom he had shared power after the 1968 coup. Diakite died in prison in 1973. In 1974, Traore successfully promoted a referendum on a new constitution that was to take effect five years later. Keita died in detention in 1977, and his followers were largely prohibited from participating in the 1979 elections, which confirmed Traore’s rule. Student demonstrations followed and Traore’s government responded by arresting the leader of the student union, who also died in detention.
In the early 1980s, Traore made significant progress in improving Mali’s strained relations with its neighbors, with the exception of Burkina Faso, with which a long-standing boundary dispute led to border skirmishes. In 1982, Traore and Guinea’s President Sekou Toure agreed on a plan to ultimately unify the two countries. Mali’s economic problems seemed to defy resolution, and the re-emergence of draught conditions in the mid-1980s forced a heavy dependency on foreign aid for famine relief. Nevertheless, Traore appeared to have either co-opted or crushed all opposition, and in 1985 he was re-elected to a five-year term with a reported 99 percent of the vote.
As a Lieutenant, Traore led the military ouster of President Modibo Keita in 1968. Thereafter he served as Head of State (by various titles) from 1968-1979, and President of Mali from 1979 to 1991, when he was overthrown by popular protests and a military coup. He was twice condemned to death in the 1990s but eventually pardoned on both occasions and freed in 2002. He then retired from political life.
Born in Kayes Region, he studied at Kita and at the military academy in Fréjus, France. He returned to Mali in 1960, after its 1959 independence. He became a second lieutenant in 1961, and a lieutenant in 1963. He went to Tanganyika (now Tanzania) as military instructor to its liberation movements. He then became instructor at the École militaire interarmes in Kati.
On November 19, 1968, Traore took part in the coup d'état which deposed President Modibo Keïta. He became president of the Comité militaire de libération nationale, which made him effective Head of State of the Republic of Mali. All political activity was banned. A police state was run by Captain Tiécoro Bagayoko. Informers monitored academics and teachers, mostly hostile to the military rule. The socialist economic policies of Modibo Keïta were partially dropped. In 1972-1973, a major drought hit Mali. International aid money was corruptly appropriated. In 1974, he issued a changed constitution for a Malian Second Republic, which was inaugurated in 1978, and was proported to move Mali toward civilian rule. However, the military leaders remained in power. In September 1976, a new political party was established, the Democratic Union of the Malian People (UDPM), based on the concept of non-ideological democratic centralism. Single-party presidential and legislative elections were held in June 1979, and General Moussa Traore received 99% of the votes.
In 1977 ex-president Modibo Keïta died in detention, under suspicious circumstances. His funeral was well attended. The regime reacted strongly and made violent arrests. On February 28, 1978, Moussa Traoré arrested both Tiécoro Bagayoko and Kissima Doukara, defense and security minister, on accusations of plotting a coup. In trying to move to more open politics, he appointed the historian Alpha Oumar Konaré as arts minister. In 1979, he created the UDPM (Union Démocratique du Peuple Malien), a single permitted political party; also the Union Nationale des Femmes du Mali and Union Nationale des Jeunes du Mali, compulsory organizations for women and young people. In 1980, student demonstrations were broken up, and their leader Abdoul Karim Camara ("Cabral") died from torture. In 1982, he was made commander-in-chief. Traoré was chairman of the Organization of African Unity from May 1988 to July 1989. The UDPM-controlled legislature amended the constitution in 1985 to remove limits on the length of time a president could hold office--effectively making Traoré president for life.
The political situation stabilized during 1981 and 1982, and remained generally calm throughout the 1980s. The UDPM began attracting additional members as it demonstrated that it could counter an effective voice against the excesses of local administrative authorities. Shifting its attention to Mali's economic difficulties, the government approved plans for cereal marketing liberalization, reform in the state enterprise system, new incentives to private enterprise, and an agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). However, by 1990, there was growing dissatisfaction with the demands for austerity imposed by the IMF's economic reform programs and the perception that the president and his close associates were not themselves adhering to those demands. As in other African countries, demands for multi-party democracy increased. The Traore Government allowed some opening of the system, including the establishment of an independent press and independent political associations, but insisted that Mali was not ready for democracy.
In 1990, the National Congress for Democratic Initiative (Congrès National d’Initiative démocratique, CNID) was set up by the lawyer Mountaga Tall, and the Alliance for Democracy in Mali (Alliance pour la démocratie au Mali, ADEMA) by Abdramane Baba and historian Alpha Oumar Konaré. These with the Association des élèves et étudiants du Mali (AEEM) and the Association Malienne des Droits de l'Homme (AMDH) aimed to contest Moussa Traoré's rule. Under the old constitution, all labor unions had to belong to one confederation, the National Union of Malian Workers (UNTM). When the leadership of the UNTM broke from the government in 1990, the opposition grew. In part this was a reaction to the stalling of Traoré's "Multiparisme" program, announced in October 1989 but then shelved. In part, these groups were driven by paycuts and layoffs in the government sector, and the Malian government acceding to pressure from international donors to privatize large swathes of the economy that had remained in public hands even after the overthrow of the socialist government in 1968. Students, even children, played an increasing role in Bamako's protest marches, and homes and businesses of those associated with the regime were ransacked by crowds. On March 22, 1991 a huge protest march in central Bamako was put down violently, with estimates of those killed reaching 300. Four days later a military coup deposed Traoré. The Comité de Transition pour le Salut du Peuple was set up, headed by General Amadou Toumani Touré.
In 1993, Traoré was condemned to death for "political crimes", largely focused on the killing of around 300 pro-democracy demonstrators in Bamako, but his sentence was later commuted. In 1999, he was once more condemned to death with his wife Mariam Traoré, for "economic crimes": the embezzling of the equivalent of USD $350,000 during his rule. President Alpha Oumar Konaré commuted these sentences to life imprisonment. Shortly before leaving office, on May 29, 2002, he further pardoned the couple, for the sake of national reconciliation, a stance which incoming president Amadou Toumani Touré championed.
Traoré's once reviled legacy has been somewhat softened under President Amadou Toumani, with the former dictator recognized at least informally as a former head of state and many former supporters now rallying around Chogel Maiga's Patriotic Movement for Renewal party (Mouvement Patriotique pour le Renouveau, MPR).
Traore, Moussa (Moussa Traore) (b. September 25, 1936). President of Mali. Born in the Kayes region, Traore became a French army officer and studied at a French military college before returning to Mali in 1960. In November 1968, he led a group of fourteen army officers in a coup against Mali’s popular leftist president, Modibo Keita, largely in reaction to the unrestrained activities of the country’s militant youth movement, which the army considered a threat to its own power. Traore became president the following month. He immediately took measures to deal with Mali’s weak economy by encouraging private participation in industry and improving strained relations with France, a major trading partner and contributor of aid. However, the five-year drought that began in 1968 served to worsen economic conditions.
Keita’s continuing popularity throughout the country made stability elusive. A number of coup plots and attempts beginning in 1969 caused Traore to imprison his political rivals, including Captain Yoro Diakite, with whom he had shared power after the 1968 coup. Diakite died in prison in 1973. In 1974, Traore successfully promoted a referendum on a new constitution that was to take effect five years later. Keita died in detention in 1977, and his followers were largely prohibited from participating in the 1979 elections, which confirmed Traore’s rule. Student demonstrations followed and Traore’s government responded by arresting the leader of the student union, who also died in detention.
In the early 1980s, Traore made significant progress in improving Mali’s strained relations with its neighbors, with the exception of Burkina Faso, with which a long-standing boundary dispute led to border skirmishes. In 1982, Traore and Guinea’s President Sekou Toure agreed on a plan to ultimately unify the two countries. Mali’s economic problems seemed to defy resolution, and the re-emergence of draught conditions in the mid-1980s forced a heavy dependency on foreign aid for famine relief. Nevertheless, Traore appeared to have either co-opted or crushed all opposition, and in 1985 he was re-elected to a five-year term with a reported 99 percent of the vote.
As a Lieutenant, Traore led the military ouster of President Modibo Keita in 1968. Thereafter he served as Head of State (by various titles) from 1968-1979, and President of Mali from 1979 to 1991, when he was overthrown by popular protests and a military coup. He was twice condemned to death in the 1990s but eventually pardoned on both occasions and freed in 2002. He then retired from political life.
Born in Kayes Region, he studied at Kita and at the military academy in Fréjus, France. He returned to Mali in 1960, after its 1959 independence. He became a second lieutenant in 1961, and a lieutenant in 1963. He went to Tanganyika (now Tanzania) as military instructor to its liberation movements. He then became instructor at the École militaire interarmes in Kati.
On November 19, 1968, Traore took part in the coup d'état which deposed President Modibo Keïta. He became president of the Comité militaire de libération nationale, which made him effective Head of State of the Republic of Mali. All political activity was banned. A police state was run by Captain Tiécoro Bagayoko. Informers monitored academics and teachers, mostly hostile to the military rule. The socialist economic policies of Modibo Keïta were partially dropped. In 1972-1973, a major drought hit Mali. International aid money was corruptly appropriated. In 1974, he issued a changed constitution for a Malian Second Republic, which was inaugurated in 1978, and was proported to move Mali toward civilian rule. However, the military leaders remained in power. In September 1976, a new political party was established, the Democratic Union of the Malian People (UDPM), based on the concept of non-ideological democratic centralism. Single-party presidential and legislative elections were held in June 1979, and General Moussa Traore received 99% of the votes.
In 1977 ex-president Modibo Keïta died in detention, under suspicious circumstances. His funeral was well attended. The regime reacted strongly and made violent arrests. On February 28, 1978, Moussa Traoré arrested both Tiécoro Bagayoko and Kissima Doukara, defense and security minister, on accusations of plotting a coup. In trying to move to more open politics, he appointed the historian Alpha Oumar Konaré as arts minister. In 1979, he created the UDPM (Union Démocratique du Peuple Malien), a single permitted political party; also the Union Nationale des Femmes du Mali and Union Nationale des Jeunes du Mali, compulsory organizations for women and young people. In 1980, student demonstrations were broken up, and their leader Abdoul Karim Camara ("Cabral") died from torture. In 1982, he was made commander-in-chief. Traoré was chairman of the Organization of African Unity from May 1988 to July 1989. The UDPM-controlled legislature amended the constitution in 1985 to remove limits on the length of time a president could hold office--effectively making Traoré president for life.
The political situation stabilized during 1981 and 1982, and remained generally calm throughout the 1980s. The UDPM began attracting additional members as it demonstrated that it could counter an effective voice against the excesses of local administrative authorities. Shifting its attention to Mali's economic difficulties, the government approved plans for cereal marketing liberalization, reform in the state enterprise system, new incentives to private enterprise, and an agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). However, by 1990, there was growing dissatisfaction with the demands for austerity imposed by the IMF's economic reform programs and the perception that the president and his close associates were not themselves adhering to those demands. As in other African countries, demands for multi-party democracy increased. The Traore Government allowed some opening of the system, including the establishment of an independent press and independent political associations, but insisted that Mali was not ready for democracy.
In 1990, the National Congress for Democratic Initiative (Congrès National d’Initiative démocratique, CNID) was set up by the lawyer Mountaga Tall, and the Alliance for Democracy in Mali (Alliance pour la démocratie au Mali, ADEMA) by Abdramane Baba and historian Alpha Oumar Konaré. These with the Association des élèves et étudiants du Mali (AEEM) and the Association Malienne des Droits de l'Homme (AMDH) aimed to contest Moussa Traoré's rule. Under the old constitution, all labor unions had to belong to one confederation, the National Union of Malian Workers (UNTM). When the leadership of the UNTM broke from the government in 1990, the opposition grew. In part this was a reaction to the stalling of Traoré's "Multiparisme" program, announced in October 1989 but then shelved. In part, these groups were driven by paycuts and layoffs in the government sector, and the Malian government acceding to pressure from international donors to privatize large swathes of the economy that had remained in public hands even after the overthrow of the socialist government in 1968. Students, even children, played an increasing role in Bamako's protest marches, and homes and businesses of those associated with the regime were ransacked by crowds. On March 22, 1991 a huge protest march in central Bamako was put down violently, with estimates of those killed reaching 300. Four days later a military coup deposed Traoré. The Comité de Transition pour le Salut du Peuple was set up, headed by General Amadou Toumani Touré.
In 1993, Traoré was condemned to death for "political crimes", largely focused on the killing of around 300 pro-democracy demonstrators in Bamako, but his sentence was later commuted. In 1999, he was once more condemned to death with his wife Mariam Traoré, for "economic crimes": the embezzling of the equivalent of USD $350,000 during his rule. President Alpha Oumar Konaré commuted these sentences to life imprisonment. Shortly before leaving office, on May 29, 2002, he further pardoned the couple, for the sake of national reconciliation, a stance which incoming president Amadou Toumani Touré championed.
Traoré's once reviled legacy has been somewhat softened under President Amadou Toumani, with the former dictator recognized at least informally as a former head of state and many former supporters now rallying around Chogel Maiga's Patriotic Movement for Renewal party (Mouvement Patriotique pour le Renouveau, MPR).
Imprisoned in Markala local Prison, in February 1993, Traoré was condemned to death for "political crimes", largely focused on the killing of around 300 pro-democracy demonstrators in Bamako,[10] but his sentence was later commuted. In 1999 he was once more condemned to death with his wife Mariam Traoré, for "economic crimes": the embezzling of the equivalent of US$350,000 during his rule. President Alpha Oumar Konaré commuted these sentences to life imprisonment. Shortly before leaving office, on 29 May 2002, he further pardoned the couple, for the sake of national reconciliation, a stance which incoming president Amadou Toumani Touré championed.[11][12]
Traoré's once reviled legacy somewhat softened under Touré, with the former dictator recognised at least informally as a former head of state and many former supporters now rallying around Chogel Maiga's Patriotic Movement for Renewal party (Mouvement Patriotique pour le Renouveau, MPR). Both Traoré and his wife retired from public life, in part due to ill health.[13]
Death
[edit]Traoré died on 15 September 2020 in Bamako, just ten days before his 84th birthday.[14] He was given a state funeral, which was attended by members of the ruling National Committee for the Salvation of the People.[15]
Moussa Traore see Traore, Moussa
Tribe
Tribe. Group of people (often nomadic) sharing real or fictitious descent from a common ancestor, as well as common traditions, customs, and leaders.
In anthropology, a tribe is a notional form of human social organization based on a set of smaller groups (known as bands), having temporary or permanent political integration, and defined by traditions of common descent, language, culture, and ideology.
The term originated in ancient Rome, where the word tribus denoted a division within the state. It later came into use as a way to describe the cultures encountered through European exploration. By the mid-19th century, many anthropologists and other scholars were using the term, as well as band, chiefdom, and state, to denote particular stages in unilineal cultural evolution.
Although unilineal cultural evolution is no longer a credible theory, these terms continue to be used as a sort of technical shorthand in college courses, documentaries, and popular reference works. In such contexts, members of a tribe are typically said to share a self-name and a contiguous territory; to work together in such joint endeavours as trade, agriculture, house construction, warfare, and ceremonial activities; and to be composed of a number of smaller local communities such as bands or villages. In addition, they may be aggregated into higher-order clusters, such as nations.
As an anthropological term, the word tribe fell out of favor in the latter part of the 20th century. Some anthropologists rejected the term itself, on the grounds that it could not be precisely defined. Others objected to the negative connotations that the word acquired in the colonial context. Scholars of Africa, in particular, felt that it was pejorative as well as inaccurate. Thus, many anthropologists replaced it with the designation ethnic group, usually defined as a group of people with a common ancestry and language, a shared cultural and historical tradition, and an identifiable territory. Ethnic group is a particularly appropriate term within the discussion of modernizing countries, where one’s identity and claims to landownership may depend less on extended kinship ties than on one’s natal village or region of origin.
Tribe. Group of people (often nomadic) sharing real or fictitious descent from a common ancestor, as well as common traditions, customs, and leaders.
In anthropology, a tribe is a notional form of human social organization based on a set of smaller groups (known as bands), having temporary or permanent political integration, and defined by traditions of common descent, language, culture, and ideology.
The term originated in ancient Rome, where the word tribus denoted a division within the state. It later came into use as a way to describe the cultures encountered through European exploration. By the mid-19th century, many anthropologists and other scholars were using the term, as well as band, chiefdom, and state, to denote particular stages in unilineal cultural evolution.
Although unilineal cultural evolution is no longer a credible theory, these terms continue to be used as a sort of technical shorthand in college courses, documentaries, and popular reference works. In such contexts, members of a tribe are typically said to share a self-name and a contiguous territory; to work together in such joint endeavours as trade, agriculture, house construction, warfare, and ceremonial activities; and to be composed of a number of smaller local communities such as bands or villages. In addition, they may be aggregated into higher-order clusters, such as nations.
As an anthropological term, the word tribe fell out of favor in the latter part of the 20th century. Some anthropologists rejected the term itself, on the grounds that it could not be precisely defined. Others objected to the negative connotations that the word acquired in the colonial context. Scholars of Africa, in particular, felt that it was pejorative as well as inaccurate. Thus, many anthropologists replaced it with the designation ethnic group, usually defined as a group of people with a common ancestry and language, a shared cultural and historical tradition, and an identifiable territory. Ethnic group is a particularly appropriate term within the discussion of modernizing countries, where one’s identity and claims to landownership may depend less on extended kinship ties than on one’s natal village or region of origin.
Tuareg (Touareg) (Twareg). Nomadic Berber people living in the parts of the Sahara that covers Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso. The Tuaregs speak a Berber language called Tamershak, to which there is a proper alphabet.
In earlier times, their three of their principal sources of income were taxation of caravan routs crossing Sahara, plundering settled neighboring peoples and pastoral activities. These activities have been strongly reduced due to stronger state structures, border control, and the need for control over citizens in the modern state. Hence a large part of today’s Tuaregs have now moved into cities.
Tuaregs have long since converted to Islam, but their beliefs have a higher component of traditional religious elements than in many other Muslim communities.
Women in Tuareg societies have a strong and free position. Men, not women, wear veils in public but this has more to do with practical needs than with moral attitudes since men move around more in the desert than women, they have more need for covering and protecting their face.
However, women play so strong a role in the society that social status depends on matrilineal descent.
The society is strongly hierarchic, divided into nobles, vassals, and serfs (descendants of slaves that have faced problems breaking free from their inherited social status).
The Tuareg are Berber-speaking pastoralists who inhabit an area in North and West Africa ranging from Touat, Algeria, and Ghudāmis, Libya, to northern Nigeria and from Fezzan, Libya, to Timbuktu, Mali. Their political organizations extend across national boundaries. In the late 20th century there were estimated to be 900,000 Tuareg.
The northern Tuareg live mainly in true desert country, whereas the southerners live primarily in steppe and savanna. The Tuareg consist of confederations including the Ahaggar (Hoggar) and Azjer (Ajjer) in the north and the Asben (Aïr Tuareg), Ifora, Itesen (Kel Geres), Aulliminden, and Kel Tademaket in the south. The southerners breed zebu cattle and camels, some of which are sold to the northern Tuareg. Raiding of caravans and travelers was important in pre-European times, as was caravan trading, which declined with the introduction of motor vehicles. Droughts across southern Mauritania, Senegal, Niger, Burkina Faso (Upper Volta), and Chad in the 1970s and ’80s both reduced the numbers of the southern Tuareg and eroded their traditional pastoral way of life.
Tuareg society is traditionally feudal, ranging from nobles, through clergy, vassals, and artisans, to laborers (once slaves). The conventional Tuareg dwelling is a tent of red-dyed skin (sometimes replaced in the later 20th century with plastic). Traditional weapons include two-edged swords, sheathed daggers, iron lances, and leather shields. Adult males wear a blue veil in the presence of women, strangers, and in-laws, but that practice began to be abandoned with urbanization. They have preserved a peculiar script (tifinagh) related to that used by ancient Libyans.
One special cultural note of interest, the Tuareg are the antagonists of the French Foreign Legion in Percival Christopher Wren's 1924 adventure novel Beau Geste and the films that were based on it.
Touareg see Tuareg
Twareg see Tuareg
In earlier times, their three of their principal sources of income were taxation of caravan routs crossing Sahara, plundering settled neighboring peoples and pastoral activities. These activities have been strongly reduced due to stronger state structures, border control, and the need for control over citizens in the modern state. Hence a large part of today’s Tuaregs have now moved into cities.
Tuaregs have long since converted to Islam, but their beliefs have a higher component of traditional religious elements than in many other Muslim communities.
Women in Tuareg societies have a strong and free position. Men, not women, wear veils in public but this has more to do with practical needs than with moral attitudes since men move around more in the desert than women, they have more need for covering and protecting their face.
However, women play so strong a role in the society that social status depends on matrilineal descent.
The society is strongly hierarchic, divided into nobles, vassals, and serfs (descendants of slaves that have faced problems breaking free from their inherited social status).
The Tuareg are Berber-speaking pastoralists who inhabit an area in North and West Africa ranging from Touat, Algeria, and Ghudāmis, Libya, to northern Nigeria and from Fezzan, Libya, to Timbuktu, Mali. Their political organizations extend across national boundaries. In the late 20th century there were estimated to be 900,000 Tuareg.
The northern Tuareg live mainly in true desert country, whereas the southerners live primarily in steppe and savanna. The Tuareg consist of confederations including the Ahaggar (Hoggar) and Azjer (Ajjer) in the north and the Asben (Aïr Tuareg), Ifora, Itesen (Kel Geres), Aulliminden, and Kel Tademaket in the south. The southerners breed zebu cattle and camels, some of which are sold to the northern Tuareg. Raiding of caravans and travelers was important in pre-European times, as was caravan trading, which declined with the introduction of motor vehicles. Droughts across southern Mauritania, Senegal, Niger, Burkina Faso (Upper Volta), and Chad in the 1970s and ’80s both reduced the numbers of the southern Tuareg and eroded their traditional pastoral way of life.
Tuareg society is traditionally feudal, ranging from nobles, through clergy, vassals, and artisans, to laborers (once slaves). The conventional Tuareg dwelling is a tent of red-dyed skin (sometimes replaced in the later 20th century with plastic). Traditional weapons include two-edged swords, sheathed daggers, iron lances, and leather shields. Adult males wear a blue veil in the presence of women, strangers, and in-laws, but that practice began to be abandoned with urbanization. They have preserved a peculiar script (tifinagh) related to that used by ancient Libyans.
One special cultural note of interest, the Tuareg are the antagonists of the French Foreign Legion in Percival Christopher Wren's 1924 adventure novel Beau Geste and the films that were based on it.
Touareg see Tuareg
Twareg see Tuareg
Tudeh
Tudeh (Hezb-e Tudeh-ye Iran) ("Party of the Iranian Masses"). Pro-Communist Worker’s Party of Iran.
The Tudeh Party was formed in 1941 in Iran by members of the famous Fifty-three, who had been arrested in 1937 but were released immediately on the British-Soviet occupation of Iran during World War II. The Fifty-three were predominantly young, university-educated Marxist intellectuals from middle-class and Persian-speaking families. The Tudeh Party quickly grew to become the organization of the masses in reality as well as in name. It did so in part because its labor unions mobilized a significant portion of the wage-earning population; in part because it attracted many civil servants, professionals, and intellectuals; and in part because it successfully portrayed itself as the champion of patriotism and constitutional liberties against foreign imperialism and the threat of royal dictatorship. By 1945, the list of Tudeh sympathizers read like a Who's Who of Iran's intelligentsia.
After 1945, however, the Tudeh suffered a series of setbacks. Its patriotic credentials were undermined when it supported the Soviet-sponsored revolt in Azerbaijan, echoed the demands of the Soviet Union's Josef Stalin for an oil concession, and failed to give full backing to Mohammad Mossadegh's campaign to nationalize the petroleum industry. Its constitutional and democratic credentials were brought into question once it declared itself a Marxist-Leninist party and became a formal member of the Soviet-led Communist movement. Moreover, its ability to function was drastically curtailed - first in 1949, when the party was banned after an attempt was made on the life of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi; and second after the 1953 coup, when SAVAK, the secret police, helped by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, vigorously unearthed its underground network. Over forty Tudeh members were executed in the 1950s.
The Tudeh was further weakened by two major internal disputes. In the aftermath of the Azerbaijan revolt, a number of intellectuals left the party and in later years joined Mosaddegh's National Front (Jebhe-ye Melli). In the 1960s, at the height of the Sino-Soviet dispute, a number of younger activists, denouncing the Tudeh leadership as reformist and revisionist, formed their own pro-Chinese Sazman-e Engelab-e Hezb-e Tudeh-ye Iran (Revolutionary Organization of the Tudeh Party of Iran).
By the time of the Iranian Revolution (1979), little remained of the Tudeh within Iran. Despite this, the party tried a comeback. It instructed its cadres to return and elected as its first secretary Nur al-Din Kianuri, the proponent of an alliance with Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. The previous first secretary, Iraj Iskandari, had favored the secular liberals, especially the National Front. From 1978 until 1983, the Tudeh supported the Islamic Republic of Iran, even when much of the left denounced the regime as a medieval theocracy.
This support ended abruptly in 1983, in the midst of the Iran - Iraq War, after Khomeini ordered Iranian troops to cross the border into Iraq. As soon as the Tudeh criticized this action, most of the party's leaders and cadres were arrested and tortured into confessing that they were spies and traitors plotting to overthrow the Islamic Republic. The most extensive recantation came from Ehsan Tabari, a member of the Fifty-three and the most important intellectual in the Tudeh leadership. Tabari died in prison from heart failure, but 163 of his colleagues were killed - some under torture, others by hanging. A few party leaders escaped to Western Europe, where they continued to be active. They published a biweekly, Nameh-ye Mardom (People's newsletter) and a periodical, Donya (The world), and ran a clandestine radio station. They held a party congress in 1998 in Germany and often sent delegates to international communist meetings.
Tudeh (Hezb-e Tudeh-ye Iran) ("Party of the Iranian Masses"). Pro-Communist Worker’s Party of Iran.
The Tudeh Party was formed in 1941 in Iran by members of the famous Fifty-three, who had been arrested in 1937 but were released immediately on the British-Soviet occupation of Iran during World War II. The Fifty-three were predominantly young, university-educated Marxist intellectuals from middle-class and Persian-speaking families. The Tudeh Party quickly grew to become the organization of the masses in reality as well as in name. It did so in part because its labor unions mobilized a significant portion of the wage-earning population; in part because it attracted many civil servants, professionals, and intellectuals; and in part because it successfully portrayed itself as the champion of patriotism and constitutional liberties against foreign imperialism and the threat of royal dictatorship. By 1945, the list of Tudeh sympathizers read like a Who's Who of Iran's intelligentsia.
After 1945, however, the Tudeh suffered a series of setbacks. Its patriotic credentials were undermined when it supported the Soviet-sponsored revolt in Azerbaijan, echoed the demands of the Soviet Union's Josef Stalin for an oil concession, and failed to give full backing to Mohammad Mossadegh's campaign to nationalize the petroleum industry. Its constitutional and democratic credentials were brought into question once it declared itself a Marxist-Leninist party and became a formal member of the Soviet-led Communist movement. Moreover, its ability to function was drastically curtailed - first in 1949, when the party was banned after an attempt was made on the life of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi; and second after the 1953 coup, when SAVAK, the secret police, helped by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, vigorously unearthed its underground network. Over forty Tudeh members were executed in the 1950s.
The Tudeh was further weakened by two major internal disputes. In the aftermath of the Azerbaijan revolt, a number of intellectuals left the party and in later years joined Mosaddegh's National Front (Jebhe-ye Melli). In the 1960s, at the height of the Sino-Soviet dispute, a number of younger activists, denouncing the Tudeh leadership as reformist and revisionist, formed their own pro-Chinese Sazman-e Engelab-e Hezb-e Tudeh-ye Iran (Revolutionary Organization of the Tudeh Party of Iran).
By the time of the Iranian Revolution (1979), little remained of the Tudeh within Iran. Despite this, the party tried a comeback. It instructed its cadres to return and elected as its first secretary Nur al-Din Kianuri, the proponent of an alliance with Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. The previous first secretary, Iraj Iskandari, had favored the secular liberals, especially the National Front. From 1978 until 1983, the Tudeh supported the Islamic Republic of Iran, even when much of the left denounced the regime as a medieval theocracy.
This support ended abruptly in 1983, in the midst of the Iran - Iraq War, after Khomeini ordered Iranian troops to cross the border into Iraq. As soon as the Tudeh criticized this action, most of the party's leaders and cadres were arrested and tortured into confessing that they were spies and traitors plotting to overthrow the Islamic Republic. The most extensive recantation came from Ehsan Tabari, a member of the Fifty-three and the most important intellectual in the Tudeh leadership. Tabari died in prison from heart failure, but 163 of his colleagues were killed - some under torture, others by hanging. A few party leaders escaped to Western Europe, where they continued to be active. They published a biweekly, Nameh-ye Mardom (People's newsletter) and a periodical, Donya (The world), and ran a clandestine radio station. They held a party congress in 1998 in Germany and often sent delegates to international communist meetings.
Tughluqs
Tughluqs. Dynasty of the Delhi sultanate (r.1320- 1414). Sultan Ghiyas ud-Din Tughluq (Ghiyath al-Din Tughluq Shah I) (r.1320-1325), Muhammad bin Tughluq (r.1325-1351), and Firuz Shah Tughluq (r. 1351-1388) were the most outstanding among its eleven sultans.
The Tughluq sultans made a deep impact on the political, social, and economic developments of the period. Although Ghiyas ud-Din and Muhammad bin Tughluq were greater imperialists than Ala ud-Din Khalji, they softened the militaristic aspect of the state and initiated many measures of public welfare. Ghiyas ud-Din Tughluq brought about reform in agrarian administration. Muhammad bin Tughluq formulated a code for agricultural development and established a department for that purpose. Firuz provided irrigational facilities on an extensive scale.
Muhammad bin Tughluq attempted to achieve the political and administrative unity of India and undertook the Qarachil expedition, seeking to complete fortification of vulnerable areas connecting India with China. He established diplomatic relations with West Asian, Central Asian, and even Southeast Asian countries. The empire of Delhi having grown in dimensions during his time, Muhammad bin Tughluq created a second administrative city in the South and named it Daulatabad. Muslim elite administrators, scholars, and mystics were forced to leave Delhi and settle there. The sultan made an experiment in token currency and introduced copper coin in place of silver. Under the influence of Ibn Taimiya, the renowned fundamentalist scholar of Damascus, Muhammad bin Tughluq punished some of the mystics who did not fall in line with his policies. However, he was extremely liberal in his dealings with the Hindus whose festivals he celebrated, and gave endowments to shelters for cows.
Firuz Shah was interested in the preservation of old buildings and the founding of new cities. According to the accounts of Arab travelers, there were one thousand colleges and two thousand mystic centers in Delhi during the time of Muhammad bin Tughluq. The Firuzi College founded by Firuz was an impressive building where free food was given to the students and both teachers and students were required to wear uniforms.
During the later years of Firuz Shah, the empire of Delhi began to decline. After Firuz, Tughluq power began to disintegrate, and centrifugal tendencies appeared. The invasion of Timur in 1398 destroyed the empire’s economic prosperity. The later Tughluqs were unable to cope with the situation and the Tughluq dynasty was replaced by the Sayyids.
The Tughluq rulers were:
1 Ghiyas ud din Tughluq Shah I (Ghiyath al-Din Tughluq) 1321 – 1325
2 Muhammad Shah II (Muhammad bin Tughluq) 1325 – March 20, 1351
2 Mahmud ibn Muhammad March 20, 1351 – March 23, 1351
4 Firuz Shah Tughluq March 23, 1351 – 1388
5 Ghiyas-ud-Din Tughluq II 1388 - February 18, 1389
6 Abu Bakr Shah February 19, 1389 - August 31, 1390
7 Nasir ud din Muhammad Shah III August 31, 1390 - January 20, 1394
8 Ala-ud-Din Sikandar Shah I January 22, 1394 - March 8, 1394
9 Nasir-ud-Din Mahmud Shah Tughluq (Sultan Mahmud II) March 8, 1394 - 1412 (or February, 1413)
Nusrat Shah, grandson of Firuz Shah Tughlaq, controlled the western part of the sultanate from Firozabad and Nasir-ud-Din Mahmud Tughluq, youngest son of Nasir-ud-Din Muhammad, controlled the eastern part of the sultanate from Delhi from 1394–1398.
9A Nusrat Shah Tughluq 1394-1398
Tughluqs. Dynasty of the Delhi sultanate (r.1320- 1414). Sultan Ghiyas ud-Din Tughluq (Ghiyath al-Din Tughluq Shah I) (r.1320-1325), Muhammad bin Tughluq (r.1325-1351), and Firuz Shah Tughluq (r. 1351-1388) were the most outstanding among its eleven sultans.
The Tughluq sultans made a deep impact on the political, social, and economic developments of the period. Although Ghiyas ud-Din and Muhammad bin Tughluq were greater imperialists than Ala ud-Din Khalji, they softened the militaristic aspect of the state and initiated many measures of public welfare. Ghiyas ud-Din Tughluq brought about reform in agrarian administration. Muhammad bin Tughluq formulated a code for agricultural development and established a department for that purpose. Firuz provided irrigational facilities on an extensive scale.
Muhammad bin Tughluq attempted to achieve the political and administrative unity of India and undertook the Qarachil expedition, seeking to complete fortification of vulnerable areas connecting India with China. He established diplomatic relations with West Asian, Central Asian, and even Southeast Asian countries. The empire of Delhi having grown in dimensions during his time, Muhammad bin Tughluq created a second administrative city in the South and named it Daulatabad. Muslim elite administrators, scholars, and mystics were forced to leave Delhi and settle there. The sultan made an experiment in token currency and introduced copper coin in place of silver. Under the influence of Ibn Taimiya, the renowned fundamentalist scholar of Damascus, Muhammad bin Tughluq punished some of the mystics who did not fall in line with his policies. However, he was extremely liberal in his dealings with the Hindus whose festivals he celebrated, and gave endowments to shelters for cows.
Firuz Shah was interested in the preservation of old buildings and the founding of new cities. According to the accounts of Arab travelers, there were one thousand colleges and two thousand mystic centers in Delhi during the time of Muhammad bin Tughluq. The Firuzi College founded by Firuz was an impressive building where free food was given to the students and both teachers and students were required to wear uniforms.
During the later years of Firuz Shah, the empire of Delhi began to decline. After Firuz, Tughluq power began to disintegrate, and centrifugal tendencies appeared. The invasion of Timur in 1398 destroyed the empire’s economic prosperity. The later Tughluqs were unable to cope with the situation and the Tughluq dynasty was replaced by the Sayyids.
The Tughluq rulers were:
1 Ghiyas ud din Tughluq Shah I (Ghiyath al-Din Tughluq) 1321 – 1325
2 Muhammad Shah II (Muhammad bin Tughluq) 1325 – March 20, 1351
2 Mahmud ibn Muhammad March 20, 1351 – March 23, 1351
4 Firuz Shah Tughluq March 23, 1351 – 1388
5 Ghiyas-ud-Din Tughluq II 1388 - February 18, 1389
6 Abu Bakr Shah February 19, 1389 - August 31, 1390
7 Nasir ud din Muhammad Shah III August 31, 1390 - January 20, 1394
8 Ala-ud-Din Sikandar Shah I January 22, 1394 - March 8, 1394
9 Nasir-ud-Din Mahmud Shah Tughluq (Sultan Mahmud II) March 8, 1394 - 1412 (or February, 1413)
Nusrat Shah, grandson of Firuz Shah Tughlaq, controlled the western part of the sultanate from Firozabad and Nasir-ud-Din Mahmud Tughluq, youngest son of Nasir-ud-Din Muhammad, controlled the eastern part of the sultanate from Delhi from 1394–1398.
9A Nusrat Shah Tughluq 1394-1398
Tughra’i, Mu’ayyid al-Din al-
Tughra’i, Mu’ayyid al-Din al- (Mu’ayyid al-Din al-Tughra’i) (1061-c.1121). Arab poet, calligrapher and alchemist from Isfahan. He is known for a poem in which he complains about the evil times in which he lived. It was perhaps the earliest specimen of Arabic poetry accessible to wider circles in Europe.
Mu'ayyad al-Din al-Tughra'i, was born in Isfahan. He was an important alchemist, poet, and administrative secretary (therefore the name Tughra'i'). He ultimately became the second most senior official (after the vizier) in the civil administration of the Seljuk empire. He was, however, executed, unjustifiably according to most historians, in the year 1121 after a Seljuk power struggle.
Al-Tughra'i is best known for his large compendium titled Mafatih al-rahmah wa-masabih al-hikmah, which incorporated extensive extracts from earlier Arabic alchemical writings, as well as Arabic translations from Zosimos of Panopolis, -- old alchemy treatises written in Greek, which were until 1995 erroneously attributed to unknown alchemists.
In 1112, he also composed Kitab Haqa'iq al-istishhad, a rebuttal of a refutation of alchemy written by Ibn Sina (Avicenna).
Mu'ayyid al-Din al-Tughra'i see Tughra’i, Mu’ayyid al-Din al-
Tughra’i, Mu’ayyid al-Din al- (Mu’ayyid al-Din al-Tughra’i) (1061-c.1121). Arab poet, calligrapher and alchemist from Isfahan. He is known for a poem in which he complains about the evil times in which he lived. It was perhaps the earliest specimen of Arabic poetry accessible to wider circles in Europe.
Mu'ayyad al-Din al-Tughra'i, was born in Isfahan. He was an important alchemist, poet, and administrative secretary (therefore the name Tughra'i'). He ultimately became the second most senior official (after the vizier) in the civil administration of the Seljuk empire. He was, however, executed, unjustifiably according to most historians, in the year 1121 after a Seljuk power struggle.
Al-Tughra'i is best known for his large compendium titled Mafatih al-rahmah wa-masabih al-hikmah, which incorporated extensive extracts from earlier Arabic alchemical writings, as well as Arabic translations from Zosimos of Panopolis, -- old alchemy treatises written in Greek, which were until 1995 erroneously attributed to unknown alchemists.
In 1112, he also composed Kitab Haqa'iq al-istishhad, a rebuttal of a refutation of alchemy written by Ibn Sina (Avicenna).
Mu'ayyid al-Din al-Tughra'i see Tughra’i, Mu’ayyid al-Din al-
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